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French mischief: a foxy map of new Holland.

One of the most mischievous maps ever made is Melchisedech Thevenot's map of New Holland (Fig. 1). The French polymath included the map in his popular book of travellers' tales--Relations de Divers Voyages Curieux (1)--first published in Paris in 1663 and re-issued in constantly augmented editions over the next 30 years. The initial mischief-making was Thevenot's tampering with a Dutch map in order to promote French commerce in the Indian Ocean; then his work was appropriated by British interests and further embellished to lure British merchants to the Pacific Ocean. Ultimately, his map paved the way for the most audacious land-grab in history to go largely unchallenged.

Thevenot's beautiful map is one of the earliest devoted entirely to Australia and the first to reach a wide European audience. It is an impressive reminder of just how much of the Australian coast had been mapped by the Dutch 126 years before Captain Cook visited the continent in 1770. The map is fairly accurate geographically, but it contains four significant errors or ambiguities which have lead to centuries of confusion. These are:

--the date of European discovery;

--the source of the map;

--the demarcation line; and

--the twin names of the continent.

In the course of the book's complex publishing history, at least six different states of the map were printed, each with minor modifications. However, none of these changes bears upon the four matters discussed here.


Thevenot is wrong in stating that the continent was discovered in 1644. The first recorded discovery of Australia occurred in February 1606 when the Dutch navigator, Captain Willem Janszoon, sailed from the Spice Island of Banda in the Duyfken and stepped ashore on Cape York Peninsula in the Gulf of Carpentaria. However, like Christopher Columbus 114 years earlier, Janszoon did not realize that he had discovered a new continent. Having missed Torres Strait, he assumed that this coast was a continuation of New Guinea. But within a few decades, the extent of Janszoon's discovery was revealed.


The next landing was made on the continent's west coast by another Dutchman, Captain Dirk Hartog, in 1616. He named this new coast Eendrachtland (Concord Land), after his ship Eendracht, meaning 'concord'. More Dutch ships followed and, within a few years, most of Eendrachtland's west coast, and half of its south coast, had been mapped. These pre-Tasman surveys are portrayed on a map brought to light in 1986 by the eminent cartobibliographer, Dorothy Prescott (2) (Fig. 2).

Then in 1642, the enterprising Dutch governor in Batavia, Anthony van Diemen, sent Captain Abel Tasman on a discovery expedition to the Southern Ocean far below Eendrachtland. When Tasman returned to Java ten months later, he reported that he had discovered Van Diemen's Land (now Tasmania), New Zealand and several Pacific Islands. Of equal importance was the fact that he had completed the first circumnavigation of Australia--albeit at a distance--giving the first limitations to the south and east coasts. Tasman's anticlockwise track proved once and for all that, whatever its final size and shape, the small island-continent of Eendrachtland was not joined to any vast Southern Continent or Terra Australis Incognita. He suggested, however, that New Zealand might be that mythical continent.

Tasman's voyage not only circumscribed Australia; it also substantially reduced the imagined size of a Spanish discovery once called Austrialia del Espiritu Santo and now known as the Republic of Vanuatu. Ultimately, this piece of the Australian jigsaw puzzle turned out to be a red herring, but nonetheless it influenced cartographic thinking for more than a century.

In 1606, while Janszoon was sailing east towards Australia, a small Spanish squadron was sailing west from the Peruvian port of Callao. This was the last of the three exploratory voyages that Spain ever made to the south west Pacific. The first two expeditions had not ventured far from the equator, but this third mission, commanded by Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, was instructed to go further south in search of the legendary Southern Continent. Quiros thought he had reached his goal when he saw the hills and valleys of a verdant land rising above the southern horizon. In fact, he was looking at the small archipelago of Vanuatu just west of Fiji, where the beautiful volcanic islands overlap each other to give the impression of a continuous and extensive coastline.


Quiros knew nothing of Janszoon or the three-month-old continent of Australia away to the west. He imagined that he had found the northwest tip of a giant triangle stretching up from the Magellan Straits to Vanuatu and then plunging down to the South Pole. He conducted a ceremony on 14 May 1606--the Day of Pentecost--when his six Franciscan friars celebrated the descent of the Holy Spirit. Quiros proclaimed:
   I take possession ... of all this region of the south as far as the
   Pole, which from this time shall be called Austrialia del Espiritu
   Santo ... in the name of the King, Don Philip, third of that name
   King of Spain. (3)

Comparing himself to Columbus, Quiros had no doubt about the identity of his "Southland of the Holy Spirit":
   The greatness of the land newly discovered, judging from what I saw
   ... is well established. Its length is as much as all Europe and
   Asia Minor as far as the Caspian and Persia, with all the islands
   of the Mediterranean and ... the two islands of England and
   Ireland. (4)

Alas, 37 years later Tasman proved Quiros wrong when he carved his circular track through the southwest Pacific. Quiros' discovery lay inside Tasman's circle and could not, therefore, stretch to either the South Pole or South America. Nonetheless, Quiros had reported seeing a large land mass and so it was not long before several of Europe's armchair cartographers suggested that Austrialia del Espiritu Santo formed part of the east coast of New Holland [as seen in Fig. 7]. Their error was eventually corrected in 1768 when the French navigator, Louis de Bougainville, sailed through the Coral Sea which separates Vanuatu from Queensland.

Another postscript to Quiros' voyage was the onward journey of his second-in-command, Luis Vaz de Torres. When Quiros left Vanuatu in June 1606 to return to Mexico, Torres took one of the expedition's ships and continued westward to the Philippines via a new route south of New Guinea. In so doing, he discovered the Coral Sea and also the Strait which now bears his name. However, Torres' discoveries lay hidden in the Spanish archives for over 150 years and so it was left to other navigators to confirm Australia's detachment from Vanuatu and New Guinea. During this run, Torres must have seen the Australian mainland, but he left no record of it. In any event, Janszoon had beaten him to the new continent by seven months, assuring Dutch priority.

A few months after his return to Java, Tasman set out on a second voyage in 1644 when he charted the whole of Australia's north coast from Cape York to Exmouth Gulf. Now, with two thirds of its coastline surveyed--as shown on Thevenot's map--the proud Dutch navigators changed the name of the continent to 'New Holland'. This name persisted for more than two centuries, with the scientist Charles Darwin and others continuing to use the term well into the 1850s. It was not finally supplanted in colloquial parlance by the new-fangled 'Australia' until the late nineteenth century.


In his introduction to his map of New Holland, Thevenot wrote:
   Quoy qu'il en soit, presque toutes les costes de ce Pay-la ont este
   decouuertes & la Carte que l'on en a mise icy, tire sa premiere
   origine de celle que l'on fait tailler de pieces rapportees, sur le
   paue de la nouuelle Maison-de-Ville d'Amsterdam. (5)

A literal translation reads:
   Be that as it may, almost all the coasts of that Country there have
   been discovered and the Chart of them that has been drawn here took
   its first origin from that made from pieces fitted together, cut
   into the paving of the new Town Hall of Amsterdam. (6)

Amsterdam was the wealthiest city in the world in 1648 when the city fathers requisitioned a grand Town Hall. On the floor of its huge reception room, a world map was laid out in two hemispheres, using tiles. It was a memorial to Dutch power in the East and the results of Tasman's recent voyages were displayed in the southern quadrant of the eastern hemisphere. Here the new continent was shown with the label 'Hollandia Nova' spread across it, but there was little room for more detail.

Unfortunately, the magnificent mosaic map was worn away by visitors walking over it and, within a hundred years, the tiled floor was replaced. No true copy of the original map survived, but the architect's sketch gives some idea of what it looked like. (7) (Figs. 3a & 3b).



In his introduction above, Thevenot says merely that his map had its 'first origin' in the Town Hall map. He does not say that the mosaic map was his only source, or that his work is an exact copy. Clearly it is not. For one thing, his finely etched map contains many more placenames and decorations than could be squeezed into the mosaic map. Thevenot took additional material from other Dutch maps, notably those of Joan Blaeu, chief cartographer for the Dutch East India Company. (8)

Nonetheless, Thevenot's statement has been interpreted as saying that every aspect of his map, including the demarcation line, appeared also on the Town Hall map and was, therefore, authorized by the Dutch government.

Sir Joseph Banks adopted this interpretation in 1811 when drafting his introduction to Matthew Flinders' book Voyage to Terra Australis, which he then sent to Downing Street for approval:
   ... It was not until after Tasman's second voyage, in 1644, that
   the general name Terra Australis, or Great South Land, was made to
   give place to the new term of New Holland; and it was then applied
   only to the parts lying westward of a meridian line, passing
   through Arnhem's Land on the north, and near the Isles St Peter and
   St Francis on the south: All to the eastward, including the shores
   of the Gulph of Carpentaria, still remained Terra Australis. This
   appears from a chart by Thevenot in 1663, which he says "was
   originally taken from that done in inlaid work upon the pavement of
   the new Stadt-House at Amsterdam"...

   In dividing New Holland from New South Wales, we have been guided
   by the British patent to the first Governor of the new Colony at
   Port Jackson. In this patent a meridian nearly corresponding to the
   ancient line of separation between New Holland and Terra Australis
   has been made the western limit of New South Wales, and is fixed at
   the longitude of 135[degrees] east from the meridian of Greenwich.
   From hence the British Territory extends eastward to the islands of
   the Pacific, or Great Equinoxial Ocean. Its northern limit is at
   Cape York, and the extremity of the Southern Van Diemen's Land is
   its opposite boundary.

   In placing the western limit of New South Wales at 135[degrees] we
   suppose His Majesty's Ministers to have had in view the Dutch line
   of demarcation ... (9)

The Minister for War and the Colonies, Lord Liverpool, rejected most of Banks' draft, as one nineteenth century commentator noted:
   Pencil strokes dashed in here and there, savagely crossed on
   particularly objectionable passages, such as that beginning -"In
   placing the western limit of New South Wales at 135[degrees]," and
   that other which speaks of the possibility of Holland asserting her
   right of colonization.... The Minister advises the omission of all
   reference to the Dutch or of any boundaries whatever to the Colony.
   He evidently foresaw the British Australasia, and did not wish to
   run any risk of future conflict about it. (10)

Moreover, Banks is mistaken on several counts. Prior to 1644, the continent had been named Eendrachtland for more than a quarter of a century. Further, the new name of 'New Holland' applied to the whole continent, not just half of it.

So what was this 'ancient line of separation' or 'Dutch line of demarcation'?


Thevenot's line does not look like a meridian of longitude--there are none on his map--nor does it purport to be an international border. It is simply a latitudinal grid which is usually, though not always, placed at the side of a map. The question is whether Thevenot's positioning of this cartographic device--at approximately 136[degrees]E--was random or deliberate.

The only relevant "ancient line of separation" was that created by the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, when the two superpowers of the day, Spain and Portugal, divided the undiscovered world between them. The dividing line was drawn down the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, 370 Castilian leagues from the Cape Verde Islands. All discoveries west of the line were to go to Spain; everything east, to Portugal. The antemeridian of this line passes through the Australian town of Alice Springs, although no-one knew it at the time. In an age when longitude was impossible to determine, the disputes between Spanish and Portuguese cosmographers over the partitioning meridian--and its antemeridian--began immediately and have barely been resolved today.

Strictly speaking, the Treaty bound only its two signatories and not other Europeans such as the English, Dutch or French. But so long as the superpowers remained masters of the sea, other nations showed a prudential reluctance to trespass on their allocated spheres. Eventually, though, Iberian dominion waned and those other countries gleefully intruded first into the Indian Ocean and then into the Pacific, which ceased to be regarded as a Spanish Lake. (11)

The Treaty of Tordesillas would have applied to New Holland if one of its signatories had discovered its coast and claimed possession. Lawyers and surveyors would have followed, with the Spanish seeking to push the antemeridian westwards, while the Portuguese pushed east, as happened in the Moluccas or Spice Islands a few miles north of Darwin. Indeed, it may be true that a Spanish or Portuguese navigator found Australia's shores, but there is no record of any such claim.

When Joan Blaeu made his famous wall map Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis Tabula in 1648, he dedicated it to the Spanish Ambassador at the Peace Conference of Westphalia, Caspar de Bracamonte. (12) The map shows Hollandia Nova, Zeelandia Nova and Antoni Van Diemen's Landt all fixed in the Spanish hemisphere, washed by the waters of the Spanish Lake. Yet there is no record of Bracamonte objecting to Blaeu's map. These Dutch discoveries had nothing to do with the old Iberian treaty.

Nonetheless, Thevenot was driven by French national interest to invoke the Treaty of Tordesillas and superimpose a Portuguese-determined antemeridian on his map of the Dutch discovery! If Portugal was not going to claim New Holland, then he would do it on Portugal's behalf.

Thevenot came from a family of court officials and had himself served as ambassador to Genoa and Rome. He was writing his travel book in 1663, just as Louis XIV, the twenty-five year old Sun King, began ruling France in his own right and the nation was on the cusp of a golden age. The French East India Company was created the following year, hard on the heels of the Foreign Missions Society of Paris. (13)

In fact, Thevenot's book was a rallying cry to the merchants of France to seize the emerging opportunities in the Indian Ocean. Foreseeing conflict with the Dutch East India Company which now dominated Southeast Asia, Thevenot wanted to undermine the Dutch claim to New Holland, by asserting Portuguese priority as its first discovers. At the end of the chapter entitled Relation de l'estat present du Commerce des Hollandois & des Portugais dans les Indes Orientales, (14) Thevenot writes:
   The Dutch pretend to have a right to the southern land which they
   have discovered ... They maintain that the coasts were never known
   by the Portuguese or the other nations of Europe. It is to be
   noticed that all this extent of country falls within the line of
   demarcation of the Dutch East India Company, if we are to believe
   their maps, and that this motive of interest has perhaps made them
   give a false position to New Zealand, lest it should fall within
   the line of demarcation of the Dutch West India Company: for these
   two companies are as jealous of each other, as they are of other
   nations of Europe. It is to be observed, that although the
   Portuguese possess many places in the Indies, they are extremely
   weak by reason that their enemies are masters of the seas, and of
   the traffic which they themselves formerly possessed. (15)

Any Portuguese claim would fall within the provisions of the Treaty of Tordesillas, so Thevenot placed his vertical scale to indicate the ancient Iberian demarcation line on the Dutch map. This confined his Portuguese claim to the western half of the continent, though not necessarily the Dutch claim--as we shall see. Thevenot was focused on challenging the Dutch in the Indian Ocean, not in the Pacific.

Thevenot's line, at approximately 136[degrees]E, cuts Australia's north coast in three places. This geopolitical untidiness suggests that he did not tailor it for Australia. Instead, he adopted the calculation of the great Portuguese cartographer, Joao Teixeira. This is where Teixeira places the Tordesillas antemeridian in his Mapa de todo el Mundo (Fig. 4), and again in his 1643 chart of Asia, from Japan to New Guinea (16), which is in fact one of several Teixeira maps copied by Thevenot for inclusion in his book (Fig. 5). Here, Teixeira's line extends down to New Guinea; Australia is not shown. On Thevenot's map of New Holland, this same meridian is continued southwards through the continent.



Thevenot intended to invoke the Treaty of Tordesillas when he drew his latitudinal scale; but did he also intend to remove the name 'New Holland' from the eastern half of the continent, with the apparent effect of depriving the Dutch of their discoveries in the Gulf of Carpentaria? Possibly not.

According to a London reviewer in 1815, Thevenot added the second title 'Terre Australe decouuerte l'an 1644' merely to provide the colloquial French translation of the Latin 'Hollandia Nova detecta 1644' for his French readers:
   The oldest chart, as far as we know, in which the term 'Hollandia
   Nova' was applied to the Great South Land, was the Amsterdam
   Stadt-house map; which has long since disappeared, but of which a
   copy was preserved by Melchisedeck Thevenot, in his Collection of
   Voyages. In Thevenot's copy, the appellation 'Terre Australe' also
   occurs, placed in a manner which may be thought to imply that the
   name 'Hollandia Nova' was intended for the western part only ...
   The author of the "Chronological History of South Sea Discoveries"
   [James Burney, 1813] has conjectured that, as the insertion of the
   designation 'Terre Australe' in Thevenot's copy is in the French
   language, it was an explanatory addition introduced by Thevenot
   himself; which seems very probable, because we do not find that
   either P. Goos or Van Keulen have applied or joined the term 'Terra
   Australis' to their 'Hollandia Nova'. (17)

Indeed, none of the Dutch cartographers divided the continent in half or surrendered the Dutch discoveries in north Queensland. Why would they? And they were not alone: most other cartographers did likewise, including the Venetian monk, Vincenzo Coronelli. His monumental terrestrial globe, made for Louis XIV in 1683, has the Dutch name stretching from coast to coast (Fig. 6). Similarly, the French cartographer Robert de Vaugondy used only the Dutch name on his 1756 map (Fig. 7).



Thevenot's map was copied, without attribution, by the English cartographer Emanuel Bowen in 1744 (Fig. 8.). That was the year that George Anson returned to Portsmouth after a harrowing four-year circumnavigation in which he lost seven ships and 1,400 men. But all was forgiven when he unloaded a hoard of Spanish-American silver, looted from an Acapulco galleon as it crossed the Pacific bound for the Chinese trading ports.

Anson's voyage sparked renewed interest in the Pacific. The Scottish author, Dr. John Campbell, urged Britain's merchants to exploit the South Seas in his book A Complete Collection of Voyages (18) published later that year. It was a second edition of John Harris' 1705 Navigantium Atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, but Campbell's work is greatly expanded and bears little resemblance to the first.


Campbell believed that the southern hemisphere contained three known continents, namely South America, Africa and greater New Holland, plus a possible fourth unknown continent--Terra Australis Incognita--lying between New Zealand and Chile. This last could be left "to the Industry of future Ages to discover [while] we will now return to that great Southern Island, which Captain Tasman actually surrounded, and the Bounds of which are tolerably well known." (19)

Unlike Coronelli, Campbell thought that New Holland was joined to the three eastern outliers: New Guinea; Van Diemen's Land; and Quiros' Austrialia delEspiritu Santo. He called for the British colonization of this greater New Holland and proposed an initial investigation:
   ... to send a small Squadron on the Coast of Van Diemen's Land, and
   from thence round, in the same course taken by Captain Tasman, by
   the Coast of New Guiney; which might enable the Nations that
   attempt it, to come to an absolute Certainty with regard to its
   Commodities and Commerce..... By this means all the back Coast of
   New Holland, and New Guiney, might be roughly examined; and we
   might know as well, and as certainly, as the Dutch, how far a
   Colony settled there might answer our Expectations. (20)

Significantly, Campbell's text does not say that the continent is divided in half, nor does he cast doubt on its Dutch title, although he notes their failure to exploit it. However, Thevenot's old ambiguities re-appear in Emanuel Bowen's map, which accompanies Campbell's text (Fig. 8).


Bowen could have sourced his map from any number of modern Dutch maps. Instead, with Campbell's approval, he copied the eighty-year-old French map by Thevenot with its clear-cut partition. Not only did Bowen omit the Frenchman's name, but he boosted the map's "official" provenance by giving it a bogus Dutch certificate. His new title reads: A Complete Map of the Southern Continent. Surveyed by Capt. Abel Tasman & depicted by order of the East India Company in Holland in the Stadt House at Amsterdam.

Campbell added annotations to the map, including the upper legend which begins:
   This Map is very exactly Copied from the Original and therefore the
   Dutch Names have been preserved that if thereafter any Discoveries
   should ever by Attempted all the places mentioned may be readily
   found in the Dutch Charts which must be procured for such a
   Voyage ...

The lower legend says:
   It is impossible to conceive a Country that promises fairer from
   its Situation than this of Terra Australis; no longer incognita, as
   this Map demonstrates, but the Southern Continent Discovered.
   ... whoever perfectly discovers and settles it will become
   infallibly possessed of Territories as Rich, as fruitful, & as
   capable of Improvement, as any that have been hitherto found out,
   either in the East Indies, or the West.


Here, the now Latinized 'Terra Australis' can no longer be explained away as the colloquial translation of 'New Holland'. Bowen has gone much further that Thevenot in declassifying eastern New Holland and returning it to the 'unclaimed' box.

Still, the challenge for any new claimant to the eastern territory was to explain away the Dutch discoveries in the Gulf of Carpentaria--inconveniently stuck on the eastern side of the line. When Britain staked her claim half a century later, learned men rose to the challenge and, with a good measure of sophistry, they caused those Dutch discoveries to disappear.

The legal prerequisite for 'possession' was variable: ranging from a mere sighting of land, real or imagined, to full occupation. As the history of the Falkland Islands shows, it rather depended on who was claiming possession, and when. In reality, the shifting wealth, power and alliances of European politics mattered more than the finer points of European law.


Many still believe that Captain Cook stumbled upon an unknown, un-named and unclaimed land in 1770 when, in fact, his visit was a carefully planned investigation of the long-recorded continent of New Holland.

The basis of that erroneous belief undoubtedly lies with Thevenot's map and Bowen's copy of it, both of which were widely disseminated in best-selling travel books. The handsome maps with their authoritative lines of demarcation and the simple logic of different place names flanking it, made a lasting impression. The message was clear: whoever settled 'Terra Australis' would not be stepping on anyone's toes.

Yet initially, the Dutch were not so quickly dismissed. Cook may have named his narrow one-dimensional claim 'New South Wales', but only in a provincial sense. The continent was and remained New Holland, as shown in the title of his map: A Chart of New South Wales on the East Coast of New Holland. More telling is the final draft of his possession speech--not published in full for over 150 years--where he strives to minimize his encroachment onto Dutch territory:
   [We] may land no more upon this [begin strikethrough]Western[end
   strikethrough] Eastern coast of New Holland and on the Western side
   I can make no new discovery the honour of which belongs to the
   Dutch Navigators [begin strikethrough]and as such they may lay
   claim to it as their property[end strike through] but the Eastern
   Coast from the Latitude of 38[degrees]South down to this place I am
   confident was never seen or viseted by any European before us and
   [begin strikethrough]therefore by the same Rule belongs to great
   Brittan[end strike through] ... (21)

Sixteen years later, when the once rich and feared Dutch Republic was on the brink of civil war, a bolder British government jettisoned Cook's modest coastal strip and claimed instead half the continent plus Tasmania. The western limit of 135[degrees]E was a newly invented Anglo-Dutch border, unilaterally imposed. Its principal aim was to forestall the French on the south coast, at the point where the Dutch charts expired. It also gave Britain the whole of the Gulf of Carpentaria and any navigable channel which might cut through the continent from the Gulf southwards.

Despite the proximity to 136[degrees]E, William Pitt's government was perspicacious enough not to mention Thevenot's map. As Banks himself discerned, the new British border was "nearly corresponding to the ancient line", but was not actually the Tordesillas antemeridian. Any reliance on Thevenot's line would have raised the unwelcome suggestion that eastern Australia belonged to Spain.

Nonetheless, Pitt's government must have been grateful for the predisposing influence of Thevenot's widely recognized map--in circulation now for more than five generations. It undoubtedly played its part in muffling objections to one of the most audacious land-grabs in history.


Anon., 1815, The Monthly Review or Literary Journal, v.76, p.152.

--, 1886, The Brabourne Papers: (relating to the settlement and early history of the colony; purchased from Lord Brabourne by Sir Saul Samuel, Agent-General) a pamphlet containing a summary of the contents of these important papers, Govt. Printer, Sydney. Available online at dspace/bitstream/2440/41099/1/Brabourne%20Papers.pdf Reprinted 1897; and again in 1986 as The Sir Joseph Banks Papers (formerly the Brabourne Papers) relating to the settlement and early history of the Colony of New South Wales: a summary, 1886, Margaret Carnegie collection Reprint, No.6, Centre for Library Studies, Riverina-Murray Institute of Higher Education, [Wagga Wagga].

Banks, Sir Joseph, Papers, State Library of New South Wales. 'Letter received by Banks from Robert Peel, 30 November 1811 (Series 70.16)', enclosing 'Draft of proposed Introduction to Captn Flinders Voyages', frame numbers 434-437. Available online at:

Beaglehole, J.C. (ed.), 1999, The Journals of Captain James Cook, 5 vols., Boydell, Woodbridge.

Cook, James, Holograph Journal, 22 August 1770, Manuscript 1, National Library of Australia. Available online at

Harris, John, & Campbell, John, 1744, Navigantium atque itinerantium bibilotheca, or, A complete collection of voyages and travels, London.

Hart, Jonathan, 2001, Representing the New World: the English and French uses of the Example of Spain, Palgrave, New York.

Lach, Donald & Van Kley, Edwin, 1993, Asia in the Making of Europe, Vol. III, A Century of Advance, Book 2, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

Major, R.H., 1859, Early voyages to Terra Australis, now called Australia, Hakluyt Society, London. National Library of Australia, 2007, Australia in Maps: great maps in Australia's history from the

National Library's collection, Canberra.

Prescott, Dorothy, 2009, 'Chance Discovery Under the Southern Cross', The Globe, 63:21-41.

Quiros, Pedro FernAndes de, 1904, The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606, trans. & ed. by Sir Clements Markham, Hakluyt Society, London.

Schilder, Gunter, 1975, Australia Unveiled: the share of the Dutch navigators in the discovery of Australia, trans. by. Olaf Richter, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, Amsterdam.

Steele, Colin, 1975, English Interpreters of the Iberian New World from Purchas to Stevens: A Bibliographical Study 1603-1726, Dolphin Book Co., Oxford.

Suarez, Thomas, 1999, Early Mapping of Southeast Asia, Periplus Editions, Berkeley.

Thevenot, Melchisedech, 1663, Relations de divers voyages curieux qui n'ont point este publiees ..., Thomas Moette, Paris.


(1) Thevenot, Melchisedech, 1663, Relations de divers voyages curieux qui n 'ontpoint estepubliees Paris, Thomas Moette.

(2) Prescott, Dorothy, 2009, Chance Discovery Under the Southern Cross, The Globe, 63, pp.21-41.

(3) Quiros, Pedro Fernandes de, The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606, translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham, London, Hakluyt Society, 1904, vol.I, p.251.

(4) Quiros, Pedro Fernandes de, op.cit., vol.II, p.478.

(5) Quoted in Schilder, Gunter, 1975, Australia Unveiled: the share of the Dutch navigators in the discovery of Australia, (tr. Olaf Richter), Amsterdam, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, p.205, note 21.

(6) English translation supplied by Robert J. King.

(7) Schilder, Gunter, op. cit., p.374, Map 66.

(8) National Library of Australia, 2007, Australia in Maps: great maps in Australia's history from the National Library's collection, Canberra, p.32.

(9) State Library of New South Wales: The Papers of Sir Joseph Banks. Letter received by Banks from Robert Peel, 30 November 1811 (Series 70.16), enclosing 'Draft of proposed Introduction to Captn Flinders Voyages', frame numbers 434-437. Available online at:

(10) Anon, 1886, The Brabourne Papers: (relating to the settlement and early history of the colony; purchased from Lord Brabourne by Sir Saul Samuel, Agent-General) a pamphlet containing a summary of the contents of these important papers, Sydney, Govt. Printer, pp.24-25. Available online at au/dspace/bitstream/2440/41099/1/Brabourne%20Papers.pdf

(11) Steele, Colin, 1975, English Interpreters of the Iberian New World from Purchas to Stevens: A Bibliographical Study 1603-1726, Oxford, Dolphin Book Co., p.168.

(12) Schilder, Gunter, op. cit., p.370, Map 64.

(13) Lach, Donald and Van Kley, Edwin, 1993, Asia in the Making of Europe, Vol. III, A Century of Advance, Book 2, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, pp.408-411; Hart, Jonathan, 2001, Representing the New World: the English and French uses of the Example of Spain, New York, Palgrave, pp.261-263.

(14) Thevenot, Melchisedech, op.cit., v.1

(15) Major, R.H., 1859, Early voyages to Terra Australis, now called Australia, London, Hakluyt Society, pp.ciii-civ.

(16) Suarez, Thomas, 1999, Early Mapping of Southeast Asia, Berkeley, Periplus Editions, p.208.

(17) Anon., 1815, The Monthly Review or Literary Journal, v.76, p.152.

(18) Harris, John, & Campbell, John, 1744, Navigantium atque itinerantium bibilotheca, or, A complete collection of voyages and travels, London.

(19) Harris, John, & Campbell, John, op. cit., p.331.

(20) Harris, John, & Campbell, John, op. cit., p.332.

(21) Cook, James, Holograph Journal, Manuscript 1, 22 August 1770, National Library of Australia. Available online at See also The Journals of Captain James Cook, J.C. Beaglehole (ed.), Woodbridge, Boydell, 1999, v.1, p.387.

Margaret Cameron Ash [1]

[1] Margaret Cameron Ash is an independent researcher at the Mitchell Library in Sydney. She received an LLB from the University of Sydney and has practised law in Sydney and London. She is the author of Supreme and District Courts Practice (Law Book Co., 1982) and was a Visiting Fellow at the University of New South Wales, lecturing in Evidence. Her special interest is pre-settlement Australia in the politics of Europe. Contact:
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Author:Ash, Margaret Cameron
Publication:The Globe
Article Type:Report
Geographic Code:4EUFR
Date:Jul 1, 2011
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