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Forts on a sacred hill: Champaner-Pavagadh in Bujarat.

Hill forts have not received the attention they deserve in the architectural and landscape history of the Indian subcontinent--in part because of their inaccessibility and ruinous condition. Those that are nuclei of thriving cities and act as citadels, such as Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, and Jaipur, have scholarly attention focused on their sumptuous palaces rather than on the walls and bastions enclosing them. (1) Forts constitute a significant form of medieval architecture and deserve in-depth studies for many reasons. They are the visible, material remains of a way of life that we otherwise may have trouble reconstructing in our imagination. They are clues to the changing political landscape of the first half of the 2nd millennium, and unambiguously demonstrate ways in which landscape and architecture shape each other.

The literature on forts consists in large part of a travelogue kind of writing, taking the reader on a journey to the famed forts of Rajputana and the Deccan. (2) Descriptive vignettes, illustrated with panoramic views, include the exploits of legendary figures such as Shivaji and Rana Pratap, chronicles of heroic resistance against the Islamic invaders, protracted sieges, jauhars or mass satis, tales of treason, and episodic encounters between the conquerors and the vanquished that have assumed mythic proportions. The forts themselves are typically described in terms of features that contributed to their reputation as invincible strongholds--four to seven gateways controlling access, battlements and bastions, moats and drawbridges. While forts were distributed all over the subcontinent, their greatest concentration appears to have been where the topography could be exploited for building defensible structures at great heights nested within curtain walls descending on the slopes. The Aravalli hill range in western India and Sahyadri hills in the Deccan plateau provided an ideal landscape for this effort. (3) But topographic descriptions in these fort stories are limited to height of hills, their spurs, and their steep declension. What is missing is not only a feel for how life would have been lived within the walls in non-perilous times in the many buildings, palaces, and temples scattered within them, but also their relationship to the landscape and to each other. A thorough analysis of architectural forms and their location is necessary for an understanding of the myriad ways in which natural landscape and built form shape each other. This relationship of landscape and architecture was crucial to the survival of communities.


The forts themselves had lost their usefulness by the 19th century, a few were destroyed by the British, others simply abandoned. Of the hundreds spread across the Indian subcontinent, only a handful are protected, some are used by the defence services while others remain mute reminders of eras gone by. Hill forts situated on spectacular sites and representing human ingenuity in harnessing forces of nature, are worthy of conservation efforts, combining as they do both environmental and cultural heritage in ways that other forts and palaces did to a lesser degree.

Pavagadh and Champaner

Planning for landscape conservation of Champaner-Pavagadh, a World Heritage Site, provided us an opportunity to study its forts at close quarters. The fort structures have been measured and documented by Heritage Trust, Baroda, as part of the architectural heritage inventory of the site. (4) Other sources include court chronicles, accounts in Gujarat gazetteers, and archaeological reports. (5) These sources sketch the history of the forts, the two major sieges, and their decline. Pavagadh hill, the southern end of the Aravalli range of Rajputana in southeastern Gujarat, rising abruptly from the surrounding plains to a height of 830 metres, is a striking and isolated landmark in the landscape, visible from miles around. Its steep rise on all sides except the northeast gives it a natural defence, attractive first to the tribal Bhils and later the Rajputs. Whether the first Rajput settlement was of a scion of the Solanki-Chalukya rulers at Patan-Anhilvada in the 8th century cE or the Chauhans from Mewar retreating from the armies of Alau-ud-din Khalji around 1300 cE or even earlier in 1197 CE when Prithviraj Chauhan was defeated by Muhammad Ghori and the Rajputs entered the service of Bhimadeva II of the Vaghela dynasty, is not clear. For the Rajputs withdrawing from the area overrun by the Islamic forces, the hill was a natural fortress that they had made impregnable through ingenious building efforts and that had become their "seat and sanctuary" .6 The hill deity of the Bhils became their tutelary goddess--Kalika Mata, a manifestation of Devi or the Great Goddess, whose proximity was a source of strength to them, affording protection. Her temple was at the crest of the hill, an oddly shaped rocky formation that lent itself easily to imagination as Sati's Toe. Below on the natural terraces between the escarpments, the Rajputs built their forts as successive lines of defence and retreat--Atak below, Machi in the middle, and Mauliya at the top. Strongly fortified gateways controlled access, especially to Mauliya plateau that could be cut off easily by lifting a drawbridge over a natural moat. The forts strove for self-sufficiency in water by constructing elaborate macro- and micro-catchments for harvesting rainwater and catching run-offs. Food supplies were stored in granaries (kothars) situated near the gateways or the edge of cliffs. The size of the community that would have been supported could not have been very large, judging from the settlement remains on Atak plateau. If there was a Rajput settlement at the foot of the hill, it was obliterated or perhaps encompassed in the new city Mahmudabad/Champaner built by the Sultan of Gujarat.

The Muslim chronicles describe the siege of the Rajput forts by Mahmud Begarha in 1482-84 and his victory over Patai Rawal in some detail. (7) This was not the first time that the Rajputs were besieged--Sultan Ahmad Shah had tried conquering Champaner forts earlier and failed. Mahmud Begarha was looking for a pretext to make this impregnable hill-fortress his own and, in spite of repeated placating gestures by Patai Rawal, he was determined to put an end to infidel power. Elaborate trenches were dug; the fort was stormed by first breaching the west wall with a gun, and then escalading it to take the main gate. The Rajput women and children immolated themselves in jauhar and the men, throwing off all defensive armour, fought until death. Patai Rawal and his minister Dungarsingh were captured and beheaded when they refused to convert to Islam. Mahmud Begarha built his city at the foot of the hill and strengthened the upper forts. He chose to live for the greater part of the year in a fortified palace enclosure on the plain below as the city grew up around it enclosed by walls. (8)

Champaner had a short life as the capital of the Gujarati sultanate. The Mughal emperor Humayun laid siege to the fort for four months in 1535 until he learnt that a stretch of the western wall could be escaladed. (9) Using iron spikes to climb the sheer rock that rose to more than a hundred feet, he and his men attacked the garrison from within, with a simultaneous attack by his army at the main gateway. The city was abandoned and never regained its lost glory even though Champaner-Pavagadh continued as an outpost of Mughal governors, then the Marathas, and finally the British. Interestingly enough, in the last 200 years or so, although it waned as a defensive stronghold, its religious status as a shakti-pitha--seat of the Goddess--soared, bringing millions of

pilgrims annually to its temples and shrines.

Natural Topography and the Built Landscape

The remnants of fort walls, gateways, palaces, granaries, and water structures on the hill and at its foot are clues helpful in answering this question--how did topography determine the location, layout, and form of architecture and how did building activities and structures in turn transform the natural landscape and make it habitable and secure? The builders were of course following a long-standing tradition of fort architecture dating back a millennium in site selection, settlement planning, and building details. Hill forts or giri-durg were considered superior to other types of forts in their invincibility and the added advantage of prospect that they offered. The natural topography of a hilly configuration with steep slopes in all directions but one was ideal for a hill fort. Building activities followed a design prototype of a series of fortified structures one above the other, providing successive lines of retreat, and protected by curtain walls with battlements, bastions, and a number of gates with machicolations on the main access route. (10)


At Pavagadh, the natural terraces on the northeast provided a somewhat even surface, although limited in area, for building fortified structures. These were flanked by deep river valleys--Bhadrakali and Vishwamitri--on the north and east and protected by steep declines on the other sides. The fort walls conformed to the contours, hugging the edge of plateaus and merging into the scarped hillside. They were continuous, straggling across the two valleys connecting the upper and lower forts. An example is the Jahanpanah (Royal Enclosure) wall moving into Bavaman fort wall and then joining the Atak fort wall. The fort walls between plateaus as in Budhiya and Sadan Shah qilas provided a double line of defence between the Atak and Machi settlements. As many as seven qilas were built on the northeast at successively higher levels, thus completing the work of nature in creating an invulnerable fortress.

The successive plateaus provided outlook points for surveying not only the terraces below but also the larger landscape stretching to the horizon. The main palace of the Rajput rulers and mansions of nobility on Atak plateau were fortified by a 10-metre-high roughly circular fort wall and reinforced with 87 catapults (makaryantras) from where massive stones could be hurled at the enemy below (figures 2 and 3). Heavily guarded gateways controlled access on each line ofdefence and to the settlements within. Their location was strategic, coinciding with overlook points and natural barriers such as a narrow neck of land or a ravine. Patia Pul, guarded by Tarapur Darwaza was originally a wooden drawbridge that could be raised or lowered over a deep chasm to cut off Mauliya from Machi plateau. Makai Kothar Darwaza and Naqqarkhana Darwaza on the pilgrim path controlled access to Patai Rawal-no Mahal on Bhadrakali plateau and to the barracks and granaries on Mauliya plateau, respectively. Budhiya Darwaza served as an outlook point to guard the entire Bhadrakali valley while Vishwamitri valley was protected by Hindu Darwaza in the Ulan Jhulan qila. Sadan Shah and Budhiya Darwazas, each a complex of bastions, labyrinthine gates, guardrooms, and trapdoors, were designed to confuse and ensnare the enemy.


Buildings within the fortified enclosures were located not only for strategic reasons but also for symbolic needs. The Kalika Mata temple on the pinnacle of the toe-shaped hillcrest proclaimed her supremacy and her transcendence and served as a destination for pilgrims climbing the hill. (11) The Queen's pleasure palace on Mauliya plateau, Patai Rawal-no Mahal on Bhadrakali plateau (figure 4), Khapra Zaveri-no Mahal (figure 5), and Sat Kaman (figure 6), were deliberately sited to take advantage of spectacular views and perhaps be closer to sacred sites. Khapra Zaveri-no Mahal was directly in the line of sight of the spring Panch Kuva, source of Vishwamitri river, and the Kalika Mata temple would always be within sight from the palaces on both Mauliya and Bhadrakali plateaus. Built almost into the edge of the cliff they were naturally protected. Serving both utilitarian needs and those of pleasure they were rebuilt and reused in the Sultanate era--the Queen's pleasure palace became a granary, Naulakha Kothar (figure 1) and others were used for stationing the garrison.


The cultural landscape of the hill was shaped gradually through the very physical processes of scarping (see figure 1), excavation, and building. Scarping the hillside at Mauliya and Bhadrakali plateaus obviated the necessity of building walls on its south and west sides. At other locations scarping acted in tandem with building walls making escalading them a very difficult proposition. Natural topography was "improved", merging imperceptibly into built form. Buildings augmented natural forms--they accentuated heights, exaggerated curvature, and hollowed out indentations. For example, the walls of Sadan Shah Darwaza merge into the hillside (figure 7), three storeys of Khapra Zaveri-no Mahal were built into the hill, and seven arches of Sat Kaman extended the panoramic view naturally available.


Human and animal movement shaped the cultural landscape as well, beating the hilly slope into submission to make gradual or steep ascent possible. The pilgrim path may have had an archaic origin, trodden by humans and animals over the ages to reach the sacred summit from the gently ascending northeastern slope. Over time this ancient path was incorporated into a movement system linking the structures, punctuated by qilas, darwazas, and even a drawbridge. Its built form combined slope and steps, and stretches of the latter were rock-cut as in Budhiya Darwaza.

Major excavations in the flat terrain or naturally occurring depressions created water macro-catchments upon which the survival of the community depended. Each plateau has a local source of water--Medhi Talao (figure 8) and its adjoining tanks for the settlement in Atak fort, Annapurna and Teliya Talao on Machi, Moti Talao on Bhadrakali, and large macro-catchments that supplied water to Triveni Kund on Mauliya plateau. Channels were dug and surfaces sloped to drain water into the basins for efficient water management making the resident communities self-reliant, though entirely dependent on the rains.

Excavations made possible building efforts. Not only was the hill excavated for rubble that formed the core of walls, but it was also mined for its sandstone for wall facings, water channels, and retaining walls of tanks. The palace remains on Bhadrakali and Atak plateaus show evidence of local rhyolite stone in their construction. The magnificent palace in the vicinity of Moti/Zaver Talao on Bhadrakali plateau and buildings clustered around five tanks on Atak plateau would have very likely been built with excavated material.

The Islamic Champaner of Mahmud Begarha was the last of the fortified settlements that Pavagadh hill supported. Although it was established at the base of the hill rather than on its plateaus, topography continued to shape the settlement pattern, location of gateways and water bodies. The city's fan-shaped layout was the result of connecting the lowest plateau of Pavagadh with Saria-Vakaria Hill by an outer fort wall. The settlement was thus protected on its south and west sides by natural topography and on the north and east by fortifications that connected it to the upper forts. The centre--constituted by inner fort/royal enclosure and Jami Masjid--was linked with the nine city gateways on the periphery by a radiating pattern of streets that acted as boundaries of the residential neighbourhoods. The South Bhadra Gate of the Royal Enclosure is located opposite the beginning of the ascending pilgrim path, thus symbolically connecting it with the hill (figure 9). The narrow pass between Pavagadh and Saria-Vakaria hills was closed off by the city gateway on the west. Pavagadh hill is continuously in view in Champaner, whether from ramparts and balconies of the Royal Enclosure or the upper level of mosques and their minarets. Water bodies on the western and eastern edges of the city--Kasbin and Bada Talaos respectively--were supplied by run-offs on the hill's two watersheds. They appeared to serve utilitarian, religious, and aesthetic purposes, as sources of water and sites for mosque, mausoleum, pleasure pavilion, and gardens.

The Lived Landscape of Historic Champaner-Pavagadh

The paucity of sources makes it rather difficult to reconstruct what the lived experience of this landscape would have been in the 14th and 15th centuries. One can only speculate on the nature of its social and psychological meanings. Although the hilly plateaus and the forts they housed were discrete entities, they were linked by the pilgrim path that would have been also used for mundane purposes of access to each fort and movement back and forth on a regular basis. Its gateways would have controlled entry and movement but also on occasion served as thresholds for ritual passage from the material to the spiritual realm. The view of the larger landscape from the palaces on the higher plateaus would have been a source of continuing pleasure and affirmation of worldly power, yet not complete without an inner vision and darshan of the goddess. The talaos would have served daily needs and also as sites of ritual ablutions including the bath before jauhar and the final battle unto death. The sacred and the mundane meshed in ways perhaps too numerous for us to imagine today.

Champaner, the short-lived city at the foot of the hill, was typical of medieval urbanism. A compact settlement forged around the royal palace and Jami Masjid, it was not constrained by topography but by a need to be enclosed within the safety of walls and proximity to power. The neighbourhood mosques served as community centres for what must have been a predominantly Muslim population. Life within the garden courts of the Royal Enclosure would have been gracious and sumptuous while outside it was humbly lived in small one- or two-roomed dwellings fronted by shops. Rather than pilgrimage, the movements of the sultan and his family would have been processional in the landscape, commanding awe and reverence. Although Champaner was not immune to danger--having been besieged, destroyed, and finally abandoned--its defensive architecture of walls and gateways appeared more symbolic, the real business of defence being taken care of in the citadels on the hill housing the garrisons as they had in the Rajput era.


Conservation of Historic Forts

In the 460 years that have elapsed since Pavagadh-Champaner was abandoned, nature and human action have eroded fortifications (as they have other building structures) yet enough remains to be a discernible presence in the landscape. Although the Sultanate army destroyed the Kalika Temple, the passage of time has caused the hill to reclaim its sacred status as the abode of the Mother Goddess. The cultural landscape has evolved to reflect its perception as a shakti-pitha, with many shrines and ashrams built in the recent past, in the process adding another layer to the historic landscape. The resurgence of the sacred has not brought with it a determined concern for preserving the material remains from the past. In fact a few ruins are endangered from the large volume of human traffic, as is the case with the historic gateways that punctuate the pilgrim path (figure 10). Historic water bodies such as Dudhiya, Chassiya, Teliya, and Bada Talaos are in use by the resident communities and retain little of their past character (figure 11). However the majority of fortifications, because they are relatively inaccessible or not much visited sites, are at risk of damage from the ravages of nature rather than human encroachment.


Once forts were critical to human survival; now their purpose is no more than to serve as reminders of the past and objects of nostalgia. When compared with the popularity of the pilgrim path and its dutiful restoration by a rich and resourceful devotee, or the loving care and attention bestowed on the many shrines scattered on the hill and below it, historic structures seem to have an indifferent fate, unless protected by the Archaeological Survey of India. It is evident that intangible cultural heritage--pilgrimage and its associated rituals, reverence for oral traditions, the propensity to value site over building--is accorded far greater significance than any material remains from the past. The intangible cultural heritage in Champaner-Pavagadh (as at other pilgrim sites) appears to be self-sustaining and under no threat of being lost, while what we deem as tangible heritage is little valued by the community and needs institutional resources for protection. Intangible and tangible forms of heritage cannot be easily separated; indeed it is the manifest forms of the intangible that indicate its presence. Forts are a testimony to the human ingenuity and skill in harnessing the resources of nature and proof of traditional knowledge of the Arthashastra and Vastushastra put into practice for a thousand years and more. For that very reason alone, apart from their contribution to the aesthetics of landscape, forts should be the focus of scholarly and professional attention.

Fort remnants at visually commanding locations attract the curious and the intrepid but do not get the number of visitors they would have had, had there been interpretive trails and signage in place. (12) An archaeological trail that follows the fort walls would also take one to other heritage sites. It would afford an adventurous journey in the landscape, during which the discoveries of trapdoors, secret tunnels, water gates, and makaryantras would be akin to a treasure hunt. For those interested in hiking, Ulan Jhulan, Bhadrakali, and Pavagadh qilas are attractive destinations. We propose walkways shaded by Champa trees along the lower forts that will also outline the forts from higher viewpoints. Ramparts on the inner citadel of Champaner (Royal Enclosure) and Budhiya and Sadan Shah qilas afford an elevated experience of the landscape and should be restored, as should the steps leading up to them. Bastions and gateways offer a commanding view of the surroundings and are logical pauses in the fort trail. Not only should they be restored by removing vegetal growth and repairs but the landscape around them should be designed for arrival and viewing.

Even though Champaner-Pavagadh has dozens of trails attesting to human and animal movement over the ages, ranging from paved roads to dirt tracks, trailheads are typically weakly defined, significant sites are obscured by vegetation and new construction, and signage is perfunctory or nonexistent. Developing a complete cognitive image of the fortification system from the fragmented remains is a challenge. We recommend opening up overlooks along heritage trails, designing rest stops along natural curves in a trail, and placing directional signs at transition points. In addition, white stones or paving should guide the path of movement when the direction of the heritage trail is unclear. Directional signs, containing a logo, and indicating distance to the heritage site, should be set closer to the ground plane for those on foot, while informational signs displaying the location of the site on a map and its plan should have vertical prominence.


The forts of Champaner-Pavagadh are a good illustration of how landscape situates and shapes buildings with architectural forms exploiting the opportunities afforded by the terrain. Our perception that the forts protected the community and defended them from almost continuous onslaughts in medieval times needs to be qualified with a more thorough understanding of the role of landscape in this life-and-death struggle. Although Champaner is known for its exquisite mosques and mausoleums and Pavagadh is now a pilgrim landscape of Hindu and Jain temples, the two share an extraordinary heritage of forts that represents the epitome of medieval fortress architecture.

Scholarship on architectural history has drawn attention to the rupture caused by the Islamic invasions. What is often overlooked is the mutual exchange and continuity in building traditions that occurred at sites such as Champaner-Pavagadh. Here the fortification system ties the site together in a cohesive whole and overrides our perception of it as a divided cultural landscape. The forts present an opportunity to study continuity, instead of rupture caused by the destruction of Hindu and Join temples by the sultan's armies and the end to Rajput rule. This premise is of vital significance in the dilemmas faced in representing heritage in conservation efforts. Rather than privileging one kind of heritage over another--tangible over intangible, older over that which came later in point of time, or the more invidious favouring of one cultural tradition among the diverse that the site sustained --it makes much more sense to be inclusive, given how fraught the subject of heritage is with the dangers of identity politics. A synthesis of the kind the Gujarati craftsmen achieved in their work is possible in landscape design as well.


This paper is a result of many discussions I had with D. Fairchild Ruggles as we explored the forts together with Ghanshyam Joshi and later as we collaborated with James Wescoat Jr. and Gary Kesler in preparing a conservation plan for Champaner-Pavagadh. All illustrations are from the Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA collection.


(1.) G.H.R. Tillotson's comprehensive study The Rajput Palaces: The Development alan Architectural Style, 1450-1750 (Yale University Press, 1987) fails to explore the role of landscape in development of the palace complex beyond the cursory mention of "the garh palace" wherein the fortified palace is contained within a fortress or guarded by a separate fort.

(2.) Virginia Fass, The Forts of India (with text by Rita and Vijay Sharma and Christopher Tadgell, Collins, 1986) is an interesting account of 40 forts (including British forts) through the length and breadth of the country. Anecdotal text accompanies Fass's superb photography. For a more descriptive account of fort architecture see Sidney Toy, The Strongholds of India (William Heinemann Ltd, 1957).

(3.) The Deccan forts, many built by Shivaji himself, enabled the Marathas to mount significant resistance to the Mughals and have been described as the "cradle of liberty" by Ramesh Desai in Shivaji: The Last Great Fort Architect (Maharashtra Information Centre, 1987). Located on the flat-topped summits of natural scarps rising precipitously above the surrounding heavily forested slopes, they appeared inaccessible. For a description of forts on the Aravalli hills see I.P. Mathur, Forts and Strongholds of Rajasthan (Inter-India Publications, 1986). The forts of Chittorgarh, Ranthambore, Kumbalgarh, Bhainsrorgarh, and Mandalgarh situated on hilltops and surrounded by either rivers or dense forests were raided first by the sultans of Delhi and then by Akbar. As repositories of memories of protracted sieges and incredible Rajput valour they have a special place in medieval history. For a comprehensive account of hill forts in the Vindhya and Satpura ranges in central India--Gwalior, Mandu, Chanderi, Ajaigarh, Asirgarh, and Raisen--see A.P. Singh, Forts and Fortifications in India: With Special Reference to Central India (Agam Kala Prakashan, 1987).

(4.) Sumesh Modi, Impressions of a Forgotten City: Architectural Documentation of Champaner-Pavagadh (Heritage Trust and Archaeological Survey of India Publication, 2004); R.N. Mehta, Champaner: An Experiment in Medieval Archaeology (Ajanta, 1979).

(5.) The traditional folk songs of Gujarat refer to Pavagadh hill as the abode of the goddess and site of a kingdom lost by its ruler because of his immoral conduct. The Sanskrit play Gangadasa-Pratapavilasa-natakam by Gangadhara was composed in the court of Gangadasa, the Rajput ruler of Champaner in 1449 CE. Islamic historians--Khwajah Nizamuddin and Sikandar bin Manzhu--in their works, Tagkat-i-Akbari and Mirat-i-Sikandar respectively, give extensive accounts of the reigns of Gujarat sultans. The life of Mahmud Begarha, the builder of Islamic Champaner, is chronicled in detail. Other Persian sources of the 16th and 17th century include writings by Zauhar Aftabchi, Gulbadan Banu Begum, Mir Abu Turab Wall, and Sheikh Abul Fazal.

(6.) See Christopher Tadgell, "The Fort in India: Seat and Sanctuary", RIBA Journal, March 1989, pp. 54-58, for an overview of the key features of forts in India, and changes brought by the introduction of artillery.

(7.) Edward Clive Bayley, The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians: The Local Muhammadan Dynasties, Gujarat (W.H. Allen, 1886) and M.S. Commissariat, A History of Gujarat Including a Survey of Its Chief Architectural Monuments and Inscriptions, vol. 1 (Longman, Green, & Co. Ltd., 1938).

(8.) There is a parallel here with Devagiri/Daulatabad in the Deccan. Like the Pavagadh forts, Devagiri (Hill of the Gods) was first a Buddhist monastic settlement and then the capital of Hindu Yadavas who lost their kingdom to Qutb-ud-din Khalji, the Sultan of Delhi. In 1327 Muhammad Shah Tughluq decided to move his capital from Delhi to Devagiri that he renamed Daulatabad. Although as the capital it had a much shorter existence than the Champaner of Mahmud Begarha, it too was besieged and conquered by the Mughals. The hill fort was protected by three concentric fortified walls and a fourth wall enclosed the town below. For details see Stephen Markel, "Once the Capital of India: The Great Fort of Daulatabad", Orientations, February 1994, pp. 47-52.

(9.) J.W. Watson, "Historical Sketch of the Hill Fortress of Pawagadh in Gujarat", The Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, 1877, pp. 1-9.

(10.) Prabhakar Begde, Forts and Palaces of India (Sagar Publications, 1982) traces fort planning and architecture in the epics, puranas, and shilpashastras in Part I. Part II covers forts regionally, in Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, the Deccan, and southern India.

(11.) Amita Sinha, "Cultural Landscape of Pavagadh: The Abode of Mother Goddess Kalika", Journal of Cultural Geography, Spring/Summer 2006, Vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 89-103.

(12.) Champaner-Pavagadh was designated a World Heritage Site in 2004. Nalini Thakur compiled the first report Champaner: Draft Action Plan far Integrated Conservation, in 1987, and subsequently three reports on its landscape management plan have been prepared by the Department of Landscape Architecture, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, in 2001, 2003, and 2005.
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Author:Sinha, Amita
Publication:Marg, A Magazine of the Arts
Article Type:Critical essay
Geographic Code:9INDI
Date:Jun 1, 2008
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