For a democratic revolution: notes from the Universidad Nomada.
The crisis in Spain is situated within a process of dispossession that takes place at the intersection of three fundamental processes: the crisis of debt, the crisis' management, and the crisis of the European project itself. We posit that the crisis is not just economic but also affects the mechanisms of political representation and the organization of state democracy itself. In what we see as the disaffection of citizens toward representational politics, a new collective practice is emerging, contesting the traditional forms of organization (such as parties and unions) and reimagining political activism from scratch. In this space, we argue that a new constituent process for the creation of the common can emerge, affirming a new horizon for a political activism that aims to transform the current state of things.
This article was written collectively by authors belonging to different activist groups. It is based on collective discussions and elaborations upon previous texts that analyzed the forms of the global crisis in Spain and the transformations emerging from the public space occupations that took place after May 15, 2011. The first part of this article elaborates on Crisis y Revolucion en Europa (2011), in which the Observatorio Metropolitano de Madrid assessed the contemporary crisis and its development in the last few years, paying particular attention to its consequences in terms of the (im)possibility of refounding capitalism today. In the second part, we build upon the analysis and research undertaken by Democracia Real Ya and other political collectives with regard to the consequences of the crisis beyond the economic sphere, focusing in particular on the process of disarticulation between society and institutions that we are currently witnessing on a daily basis in Spanish society. Finally, the third part takes its cue from a collection of articles entitled Democracia Distribuida (2012), published by Universidad Nomada. These texts discuss the new political subjectivities emerging from the social movements against austerity in Spain and reflect upon the project Plan de Rescate Ciudadano, a network platform advancing a model for new forms of collective living in and beyond the crisis.
From the Crisis of Debt to the Adjustment
At the beginning of the crisis, many voices, not only on the Left, proposed the need to "refound capitalism" (one of the most important was surely the former French president Nicolas Sarkozy, who expressed this position on September 25, 2008). There were calls for increased control over the disorder provoked by the financial system and for renewed supremacy of productive capitalism. A few years later, not only have the reforms failed to follow this path, but financial powers have also taken advantage of the crisis to realize a profound reorganization of the system in their own interests. They are inflicting a deep deterioration of the material conditions of social life upon the majority of the population, making clear that, as European social movements insist, "This is not a crisis, it is a swindle!" Bailouts of creditors at the expense of local economies have imposed the costs of the crisis on society. The social and political rights that were gained over the last decades are under serious attack, and the European project itself is at risk.
Three issues can help us explain why the economic and political elites of Europe are managing the crisis in this way: the contemporary form of financial capitalism, the sovereign debt crisis, and the impact of the political prescriptions of the last four years on the equilibrium of the European Union (EU).
Financialization, or the Government of Finance
The systemic crisis of the 1970s led not only to new forms of industrial profitability through technological innovation and the dislocation of production, but also to a new mobility of capital toward the financial markets. Out of this process, an autonomous realization of capital through financial expansion has emerged in the last decade (Arrighi 1994).
This process of capital expansion into finance differed from previous cycles of accumulation because of the "penetrative character" of finance (Fumagalli and Mezzadra 2009). In this historical context, finance emerges as a cosubstantial element in the production of all commodities and as an invasive process in almost every aspect of social and economic life. Finance, in other words, is increasingly colonizing those spheres of human activity, from production to reproduction and consumption, once considered separate from it (Observatorio Metropolitano 2011).
The result of this profound, structural process of financialization (Marazzi 2010) is that profits from financial activities are nowadays greater than those emerging from the production of commodities and services. The amount of money involved in financial markets is estimated to be between three and seven times greater than it is in the productive economy (Observatorio Metropolitano 2011,17). However, the flows of financial capitalism are not speculations on private wealth led by the free choice of investors. Behind the financial stocks exchanged on global markets there is social wealth. Financialization is therefore an apparatus of government and extraction of the value produced through social cooperation, in common (Hardt and Negri 2009; Fumagalli and Mezzadra 2009).
Furthermore, financialization needs a continuous process of expansion to provide permanent monetary inflows. Finance extends its tentacles to open new territories of investment and new opportunities for business, translating the logic of speculation from the entrepreneurial field and the negotiation of state debt into new spheres of social life (Marazzi 2007). Social rights are encroached upon as new fields for colonization. Mortgages become a way to monetize housing rights (Fumagalli and Mezzadra 2009), and student debt and university profiling become ways to speculate on social cooperation in education. The health and pension systems become territories of conquest, and the role of the state is reduced to that of public guarantor of private risks (Observatorio Metropolitano 2011).
The selective privatization of social rights calls for the introduction of new masses of money to reactivate the economies of housing, education, and so on. Through credit, finance triggers and speculates on money circulation: "Families, untied by the state protection, [are forced to] convert themselves into small centers for investment and expenditure in order to obtain the same resources once guaranteed by a collective form of organization" (ibid., 22).
Furthermore, this new model of organization of social life implies a structural modification of the functioning of power, whereby political power is subjugated as never before to the economic power of capital. Finance does not only provide credit: through the processes of screening and monitoring it also controls the flows of social life and the mechanisms of social cooperation (Boutang 2010). As a result, finance allows a small elite to manage the economic dynamics that drive global markets, national political economies, and--as an aggregate--the countless micro-economies of families caught under the grip of debt.
The Crisis of Debt
The role of finance in the management of the crisis descends from this position of financial oligopoly. Financial companies were the first beneficiaries of the real estate bubbles of the early 2000s and they have been able to charge the financial bubble to the public purse, blackmailing the same states that rescued them. In 2008, a weak financial expansion--based on subprime mortgages and the issuing of bonds--triggered an economic crisis that affected the entire international financial system. In order to recuperate credit, the fundamental engine for the so-called productive economy, public debt was created or increased and crucial financial entities were rescued from the edge of bankruptcy.
Since 2008, priorities have changed. After being rescued, many financial entities started to lobby for the implementation of fiscal adjustments in critical countries. In 2009, policies aimed at stalling the crisis sought to reduce the public deficit and therefore public expenditures. The goal was not to incentivize growth, but rather to contain public debt through austerity measures that diminish the well-being and wealth of the population (Observatorio Metropolitano 2011; Hernandez and Lopez 2010).
A crucial factor in the analysis of EU policies towards debtor countries is the involvement of the national banks of the most powerful European nations as creditors of EU peripheral countries, associated with EU-imposed cuts and public expenditure limits. This management of the European dimension follows the neoliberal path implemented in Europe in the recent decades--through the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the euro convergence criteria, as well as the Stability and Growth Pact of 1997.
This articulation of public bailout, financial lobbying, and speculation on public debt is the basis for understanding the dynamics of the global crisis within the European context. Institutional support for the maintenance of the bubble of sovereign debt implies that the important banks will be rescued, amounting to the greatest nationalization of losses in European history. In recent years, because of the crisis banks have been able to request (cheap) credit from the European Central Bank (ECB), and they have used it to speculate on government bonds. In this process, the speculative activities of the financial sector increased even more, not only through the purchase of state bonds bearing an interest rate of 34 percent with money borrowed from the ECB at 1 percent, but also through the rise in the interest rate for government bonds. This was achieved by spreading concerns within the markets that peripheral European states would be unable to repay their debts. This speculation allowed the financial sector to determine the rhythms of expansion and contraction of public debt in EU peripheral countries--therefore determining the dynamics of their political economies (Observatorio Metropolitano 2010).
In this context, social movements in peripheral countries are declaring: "We don't owe, we won't pay, we won't sell." "We don't owe" indicates their refusal to recognize this illegitimate debt, produced by the private sector rather than public expenditure; "We won't pay" affirms that the people will not pay the bill of the financial crisis; finally, "we won't sell" refers to the repudiation of policies that exacerbate privatization and dispossession.
The Sale of the Welfare State and the Crisis of the European Project
Under the guise of budget and fiscal discipline, the subordination of EU policies to the interests of the financial elites has led to the biggest cuts in public expenditures and the strongest attacks on salaries in Europe in recent decades. This has meant the freezing of pensions, the reduction of salaries for public employees, and cutbacks in social services. Structural reforms of the labor market are further flexibilizing the conditions of precarious labor. Structural reforms of the pension system are at the same time raising the age of retirement and imposing a system of individual bank accounts in which social security contributions are deposited and capitalized. Finally, the privatization of health, education, and social rights is under way.
The same institutions that imposed economic discipline in Latin America, Africa, and South East Asia are now addressing the periphery of Europe. In order to protect creditors in the debt crisis, the "troika" (the International Monetary Fund, the European Commission, and the European Central Bank) is not only abiding by the Stability and Growth Pact of 1997, but is also introducing new elements through the Euro Plus Pact of 2011. According to Krugman (El Pais, January 31, 2012) and Stiglitz (El Pais, May 13, 2012), among others, the dismantling of the welfare state and the neoliberal policies of austerity are condemning the European population to economic stagnation, ultimately inducing a crisis of the European project altogether.
The Crisis of Representation
The enforcement of debt repayment and the imposition of the neoliberal project have diminished the sovereign power of the European countries most severely affected by the crisis. In this sense, the crisis is not only a financial, economic, and social process, but also a crisis of the political regime that sustained Western European democracy, and particularly a crisis of representation.
This loss of sovereignty is not new. It is the consequence of the neoliberal deregulation of the 1990s and of the exhaustion of the nation-state model forged during the eighteenth century (Foucault 2007). What emerges is a multilayered governmentality that reorganizes the structure of power on a continental level. The sovereign power of the nation-state has been increasingly absorbed in supranational and multilateral apparatuses that have reconfigured the concept and exercise of sovereignty (Sassen 2006). A double displacement is happening: upward, from the state to supranational institutions, and outward, from the state to the market.
In Spain, this double displacement has revealed the exhaustion of the liberal-democratic model and the inefficacy of the party system as a mechanism of representation of people's sovereignty. Over the last decade, the two main political parties, the Partido Popular (PP) and the Partido Socialista Obrero de Espana (PSOE), have been responsible for the development of an evermore homogeneous form of governance. This commonality of positions has been perceived by many as an erosion of the difference between the principal parties, to the extent that the term "PPSOE" (PP+PSOE) is now commonly used to describe the monopoly of power maintained by the two parties. This monopoly excludes the rest of the parliamentary forces from taking any political responsibility and exacerbates the tensions between institutions and forms of democratic participation. Data gathered by the Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas demonstrate the level of disaffection of the Spanish people with institutional politics and the crisis of the political parties. People's negative perception of parliamentary representatives focuses especially on the structural corruption of political institutions and on the separation between the political elite and the rest of society.
In recent years the representatives of the principal parties have been embroiled in a series of scandals such as fiscal offenses, embezzlement of funds, and interference in urban planning policies. These individual scandals highlighted the extent to which corruption is embedded in the political system and endemic to the functioning of the Spanish public economy. Looking at the companies included in the Ibex 35 indicators] former political figures (both from the Left and the Right) sit on the boards of directors of 26 out of 35 companies and represent roughly 10 percent of the directors of all these companies.
This interpenetration is explained by the links between such enterprises and the energy sector, which emerged out of a first wave of privatisations conducted between the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s under the PP and PSOE governments. Profits in this sector depend on forms of public monopoly regulation and on the international relations of the Spanish state. Another sector strongly connected to political decision-making is, of course, finance. (2)
Looking at the composition of the Spanish political class, we can see that 70 percent of Congress is composed of representatives that hold other elected positions, and 84 percent of those elected come from high-up positions in public administration. These professions not only enjoy relatively safe conditions in the labor market, but generally they also hold (and grant themselves) a wide set of privileges. This has recently been questioned by civil society in light of the omnipresence of austerity in the rhetoric of politicians.
As a consequence, a wide gap is opening up between this political caste and society, weakening the democratic legitimacy of political institutions and strengthening people's disaffection with institutional politics. This is demonstrated by the increase in blank and spoiled ballots and the rising rate of abstention during the recent local, communal, and general elections. (3) After the May 15 (15M) movement, the percentage of blank votes was 2.57 percent, the highest figure yet in Spanish history. (4)
Against all of this, the task that the 15M movement is pursuing is to contest the legitimacy of the political regime and the nature of political representation as a mechanism that imposes a fictitious homogeneity on the social body. The cries on the street are "Lo llaman democracia y no lo es, es una dictadura eso es" [They call it democracy, but it is a dictatorship] and "No nos representan" [They do not represent us]. Our argument is that the 15M affirms a whole new system based on direct, participative, horizontal, and absolute democracy: the radical democracy of the commons.
The emergence of the 15M movement questions not only the formal dimension of representational politics, but also the hegemonic dispositives of governmentality and the legitimacy of the existing political system as a whole. Through the symbolic production of disruptive practices and of a new reality, 15M affirms the reappropriation of politics as a radical collective act able to disrupt the interpretative frameworks established since the late 1970s by the Democratic Transition. This process--called Culture of the Democratic Transition (CDT) by Guillem Martinez (2012)--was implemented through a depoliticization of life and of critical thought. The aim was to generate social cohesion around the party system, guaranteeing the unquestionability of a neoliberal democracy supported by the dynamics of a free market. In other words, the CDT limited the possible paths to democracy that could be taken in the period of the democratic transition, imposing the fusion of representative democracy and the capitalist market as the only route to a post-dictatorship regime. The institutionalization of this system as a new social contract was achieved by the granting of universal access to social rights as a compensation for political consensus (Martinez 2012). Through their monopoly on language, memory, and eventually the symbolic construction of reality, representative democracy and the free market became a priori limits in the imagination of Spanish society, marking everything beyond this framework as impossible.
The eruption of 15M as a nonpartisan and nonunionist movement claiming a real democracy delegitimizes the narrative of the party system and resituates politics outside the interpretative framework of the CDT. In the slogan "We are neither right-wing nor left-wing," the movement affirms a post-ideological stance whereby political conflict is represented not in the parliamentary distribution of parties, but in a different polarization along the axis of inside/outside. Out of a social body inhibited by forty years of dictatorship and thirty years of CDT, a new common imaginary is emerging that is a form of social recomposition.
A Distributed Democracy
In this section we provide an analysis of this recomposition of the social body. First, we look at the social reorganization configured by the new modes of production emerging in post-Fordist economies, wherein the network emerges as an ontology of politics for a new generation. Second, we look at the transformations produced by the 15M movement in those who participated in it. Finally, we look at the possibilities that spread from the movement as a horizon for the formulation of new rights.
The Insurrection of the Body Machine
The emergence of the 15M movement finds its roots in five antecedent events: first, the call for social mobilization after the terrorist attack of 2004 on Atocha Station. The PP attributed the responsibility for the attack to Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), trying to cover up the link between the war in Iraq and the al Qaeda attack in Madrid. Second, in 2006 the housing rights movement Vde Vivienda (5) forced the public debate surrounding local elections to focus on housing rights, through a wide occupation of public spaces. Third, the images and memes of the Arab Spring not only spurred debates on the forms of democratization along the southern Mediterranean shores, but they also directly questioned the forms of democratic participation in Europe. Fourth, Democracia Real Ya (DRY) started preparing the protest on the Internet, involving a broad spectrum of the population. Finally, the decision of about forty activists to occupy Plaza del Sol following the demonstration of May 15, 2011, triggered a massive occupation of squares all over Spain.
Indignacion (outrage) was the first engine of this process: a social anger that transversally affected the people meeting with others in the squares. Mutual listening led to a questioning of the individual dimensions of the experience of crisis. Fragility and guilt emerged as dynamics imposed from the above to singularize the experience of precarity and to fragment the social body.
"We are not commodities at the bankers' and politicians' disposal": This was the statement that launched the mobilization, providing a virtual and concrete common ground both on the web and in the squares. This coming together broke up the solitude of suffering and generated a new empathy--a "feeling into the other" (Sanchez Cedillo 2012; cf. Berardi 2009).
These renovated social feelings provided a basis to imagine possibilities and organize practices. The 15M filled a space between hate and love--the former being the destructive feelings toward those trying to pursue their own privileges and accumulate wealth out of the crisis, and the latter being the desire to build new worlds in common, where wealth is at the service of social well-being (Sanchez Cedillo 2012).
The 15M movement questioned at a collective level the machinic slavery, that is, the individual subordination of workers to the cognitive capitalistic machine, challenging the permanent social mobilization operated by capital to capture and exploit living labor (Toret 2012). Through a displacement of signs, images, and affects, 15M temporarily broke the regime of exploitation, making possible a social exodus. The body machine moved from the individual discipline imposed by the constituted order toward a collective creativity aimed at the invention of a constituent process. "This is not a crisis, but a lie!" became a refrain, an uncontrollable ethical and political virus able to bring together different subjectivities in a common project of deconstruction and resignification of the crisis.
The organizational configuration of this insurrection can be thought of as a network system. The cartography of 15M as a distributed democracy (cf. Toret 2012; Monterde 2012) can help us to visualize different nodes through which collective and singular subjects operate a nonhierarchical, polycentric, and meritocratic process of distributed influence. These nodes are fundamental in the multiplication of the cooperative and productive interconnections. They create mutual trust and ensure participation, commitment, and the possibility of mobilizations in both urban and virtual spaces. This web is able to "swarm its enemies" by organizing a multiplicity of actors, focusing the force of the network, and attacking its target (Hardt and Negri 2005,91-93; Virno 2003). The defense in the face of eviction at Puerta del Sol in Madrid, Plaqa Catalunya in Barcelona, and other squares all around the country affirmed the plazas as symbolic beehives of this social swarm.
In this sense, the refusal of slavery--of the body as machine--produces a reappropriation of the collective function of social pollination (Boutang 2010), in a process of inversed pollination able to self-organize a mass of brains and bodies and to draw lines of escape from capitalistic capture. This is a chaosmotic process (Guattari 1995) of contagious affects in which particles, atoms, and social compositions can be recombined; in which we, in the first place, recombine ourselves in order to constitute new spaces of creative resistance and production.
The aim of this pollination is to disarticulate the social fear surrounding political mobilizations and to affirm the legitimacy of disobedience in the face of the troika's austerity; the point is also to build mutual trust among the particles of the swarm and to affirm the possibility of autonomous management of social rights through democratic and participative boards to run schools and hospitals.
Following Sanchez Cedillo (2012), we propose to translate the concept of stigmergy as "a mechanism of indirect coordination between agents or actions"6 to analyze the functioning of the movement (cf. Bauwens 2009; Leach 2009; Martinez-Romo et al. 2005). Stigmergy is a practice of self-organization that can generate complex and intelligent structures without the need for planning or control: "As such it supports efficient collaboration between extremely simple agents, who lack [...] even individual awareness of each other." (7) An example of this would be the mareas, the waves of social organization that are spontaneously rising in education and health, in which singular individuals are joining together and sharing their memories and experiences as workers, users, and citizens to compose a common space where goals, strategies, and campaigns can emerge.
As activists, we witnessed a process that was able to generate non-ideological (or not only ideological) spaces--spaces that were not aimed at producing ideas for a society to come. What emerged were spaces that defined ways of doing (techniques) for the present. The material (both physical and virtual) production of the society to come seems to us one of the most relevant traits of the 15M movement. Taking the squares, building virtual networks of organization, and generating statements are the signs of a new hacker-productivism that is able to produce new political territories in both the analogical and the digital dimensions. This techno-political potency--in the etymological sense of the word techno as potency able to produce an organization of ways of doing--breaks apart the opacity of the crisis, goes beyond a rigid ideological frame, and challenges social problems through expression and listening.
This regeneration of political and social practices is happening in different parts of the world, and in different ways. When the act of taking the square is repeated in another society--from Egypt to Iceland, Spain, or the United States--in the very act of reappearing it is already becoming something else. This proliferation ceaselessly produces difference (Malo and Perez 2012), since every repetition is accompanied by unpredictable metamorphoses. Such metamorphoses force us in new and sometimes uncomfortable positions. In our view, most of the institutional Left has been unable to commit to uncomfortable positions in the context of the crisis. By reproducing the modern discourse of economic rationality, the institutional Left has supported the technocratic regime of austerity and tried to avoid social conflict.
In Spain, in an effort to maintain the fragile power equilibrium within the European Union, the institutional Left is refusing to take risks and to help build new political spaces of radical democracy.
What does it mean to inhabit and navigate the subterranean streams that 15M has left us? First, it requires that we break apart our existing identities. We need to renounce the forms of doing that are enclosed in our bodies and believe in the possibility of generating processes of rupture and change within the collective body machine. Deep within the complexity of the movements that we are living, we must translate gestures, transfer images, and pose questions.
Various activist groups are doing precisely that. The experience of Puerta del Sol in Madrid spread to other Spanish cities, where neighborhood assemblies discuss how to prevent evictions from foreclosed homes or how to challenge cuts to health care and education. These forms of organization can produce a constant attack on the molecular development of the crisis. The local assemblies make it possible to scratch the opaque surface of the crisis, connecting different thematic platforms and bringing together people from various groups--for example, the Mortgaged People Associations (PAH), education workers and students (Marea Verde), and those who work in and use the health care system (PARS, Yo Si Sanidad Universal).
The Echo of the Common
According to Zygmunt Bauman (El Pals, October 17, 2011), 15M is an "emotional" movement, "unable to think"; a "liquid" movement born from the "turmoil" that can easily "evaporate." However, it seems to us that such a physical explanation should be replaced by a neurological analysis that can account for the ways in which the mechanisms of mirroring and contamination are at play. In the crisis of the welfare state, society is polarized and the only wealth left to the people is cooperation. Therefore, 15M is not a liquid space, but rather a neurological network that expands by trying to dismantle the existing system and to create new forms of social life and another way of distributing wealth. In other words, 15M is a process of biopolitical production composed of both defensive and offensive dimensions.
The defensive dimension of this new common works as a set of antibodies against capitalism's attacks. PAH's organized defense against evictions from foreclosed homes is perhaps the most significant example of this process. It is not necessary to be the evicted person, or even to be in a similar situation, to participate in the defense of a family that is facing eviction. It is a matter of feeling compassion and wanting to oppose the violence of financial dictatorship.
The offensive dimension involves identifying fraud and standing up to it. An example of this is #15mparato, a legal action recently directed against Rodrigo Rato (former director of the rescued Bankia) that was built upon the information and funds collected by a group of cooperating citizens, including Bankia workers.
Another example is the Plan de Rescate Ciudadano (PRC, plan for the bailout of the people) promoted by Redes-DRYs and involving various groups, one of which is Universidad Nomada. Following Deleuze (2003), we can understand institutions as means to satisfy collective desires. In this sense, the PRC constitutes an institution for the common that aims to concretely reformulate the mechanisms of democracy, not as a collection of demands upon the government but as a program of struggles from below. Through "Popular Audits of Debt," campaigns for fiscal reform and government transparency, and broader fights for social rights such as housing, health care, and education, the PRC posits itself as a collective declaration against the government of the crisis. Employing a set of coordinated practices of disobedience against the regime of austerity, the PRC uses social creativity for the production of the common.
The crisis we are living in is a lie: it is a process of exploitation and dispossession led by the morbid will to power of financial capitalism. Within this profound restructuring of contemporary capitalism, political institutions are trying to affirm a model of governance capable of controlling and disciplining the new modes of social production based on creativity and cooperation. In the face of this, recent social movements affirm a new kind of social insurrection, based on the power of a productive and nonhierarchical body as a desiring machine (Deleuze and Guattari 1987) that is inventing its own practices of organization and action based on networks, expression (and not representation), and active listening. In this context, we see militancy as a collective form of life that has to reinvent itself as part of a constituent process to institute the common as a new horizon for politics. Our task as political activists is to bring together the necessary social power to stop a dispossession that affects everyone.
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(1.) The IBEX 35, a contraction of Indice Bursatil Espanol (literally Spanish Exchange Index), is the benchmark index of the Bolsa de Madrid, Spain's principal stock exchange.
(2.) Various political figures from the private sector, especially the financial sector, occupy relevant positions in Rajoy's government.
(3.) Elections by the autonomous communities choose the regional representatives, and communal elections determine the local councils (municipal, insular, or provincial). The autonomous and communal elections took place on May 22, 2011; the general election took place on November 20, 2011.
(4.) Adding void and blank ballots, this would represent the fourth largest electoral force in the country, after PIE', PSOE, and Izquierda Unida (IU). If we factor in the abstention of more than 12 million electors (33 percent of the 35,655,630 citizens eligible to vote), the total would represent 36 percent of the population, a higher percentage than the one obtained by PP (24 percent) and PSOE (18 percent). Data from the Centre for Sociological Investigations, an independent research body (www.eis.es).
(5.) Vivienda stands for flat or apartment.
(6.) "The principle is that the trace left in the environment by an action stimulates the performance of a next action, by the same or by a different agent. In that way, subsequent actions tend to reinforce and build on each other, leading to the spontaneous emergence of coherent, apparently systematic activity." From Wikipedia, "Stigmergy," at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stigmergy.
(8.) See www.planderescateciudadano.net. Redes-DRY (DRY-networks) is an autonomous network emerged within Democracia Real Ya as part of the MI 5 movement.
Editors: Mauro Castro Coma, Joan M. Gual Bergas, Francesco Salvini, Aitor Tinoco i Girona *
* Universidad Nomada is an anticapitalist, antiracist, decolonized, and feminist network of researchers, academics, and social movement activists that was founded in Spain in 2001 as a tool of self-education, collective reflection, and postnational and post-European political intervention. Mauro Castro Coma, Phd candidate at the Institut de Govern i Polftiques Pfibliques (IGOP), is a researcher and a social activist. He participates in the Observatorio Metropolitano de Barcelona and Universidad Nomada. Joan M. Gual Bergas, Phd candidate at the Universitat Autbnoma de Barcelona, is a member of the Observatorio Metropolitano de Barcelona and Universidad Nomada. Franceseo Salvini, Phd candidate at the Queen Mary University of London, is a researcher and a social activist. He participates in Universidad Nomada and the Fundaci6n de los Comunes. Aitor Tinoco i Girona is a researcher and a social activist. He participates in the networks of the 15M, Universidad Nomada, and the Observatorio Metropolitano. The editors wish to acknowledge the help, advice, and work of Emma Dowling, Nicola Montagna, and Sue Mew.
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|Author:||Castro Coma, Mauro; Gual Bergas, Joan M.; Salvini, Francesco; Tinoco i. Girona, Aitor|
|Date:||Mar 22, 2012|
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