Ferdinand Dejean (1731-97): Surgeon of the Dutch East-India Company, Man of the Enlightenment, and Patron of Mozart.
The other day I went to dine at Wendling's, when he said to me: Our Indian friend (a Dutchman, who lives on his own means, and is an amateur of all fine arts, and a great friend and admirer of mine) is certainly a peculiar fellow. He will give [Mozart] two hundred florins to write for him three little easy short concertos and a couple of quattros for the flute. (1)
Mozart ran out of time, however, and, in a letter of 14 February 1778, he informed his father, that "Herr de Jean sets off tomorrow for Paris as well, and as I have only finished two concertos and three quartets for him, he sent me a mere 96 florins." (2) We may nonetheless thank Mozart's client for these concertos, now known as KV 313, KV 314, and KV 315, and the quattros KV 285, KV 285a, and KV 285b.
In his letters, Mozart calls his Dutch maecenas somewhat confusingly "de Jean," "De Jean," "de champs," "our Indian," "the Indian Dutchman," or "the rich Dutchman," but a generation ago Frank Lequin discovered his identity: It was Ferdinand Dejean. Born in Bonn in 1731, he served as a surgeon for the Dutch East-India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC), and after ten years in Asia, returned to Europe as a man of fortune; he then studied medicine and chemistry in Leiden, after which he lived the life of a man of arts, sciences, and letters, dying in Vienna in 1797. (3) Our recently published biography presents greater detail, both on Dejean's career in Asia and his life and scientific work in Europe. (4) This article intends to show to an English-language audience how Dejean's biography sheds light on the influence and diffusion of Enlightenment ideas and the history of medicine, imperialism, as well as on the patronage of musicians in the twilight of the Early Modern Age.
Dejean was born and baptized in Bonn, the capital of the Imperial Archdiocese of Cologne, on 9 October 1731. (5) His father, Antonius Dejean, was employed as a sommelier at the court of the Archbishop-Elector Clemens August (1700-61). (6) At least one of Dejean's parents was a Huguenot: Because of their (evidently) different religions, the couple received exemption from both the pope and the Elector to marry; later in his life, Ferdinand Dejean chose to worship in the Wallonian Protestant Church and thus identified as a Calvinist rather than a Catholic, although he likely saw his religion was no more than a personal matter. (7) Dejean attended a Latin school and was subsequently educated and licensed as a barber-surgeon, either in Bonn or Munster.
In the Early-Modern European world, medicine was practiced by a variety of experts, such as physicians (doctores medicinae), barber-surgeons, midwives, or pharmacists. Physicians studied at a university and concluded their studies with the defense of a thesis. They primarily concentrated on internal medicine, diagnosing illnesses by palpating the pulse, examining urine, and the like. Surgeons, who enjoyed a lesser status, were organized in guilds and trained, like midwives and pharmacists, in an apprenticeship system. (8) Surgeons' apprentices worked four-to-nine years under a master barber-surgeon and, after a successful master-proof, gained master distinction themselves. Different from the university-trained physicians, surgeons focused on external medicine, such as blood-letting, amputating and treating wounds, ulcers, hernias, or contusions. But the distinction in practice was not always clear-cut, especially in situations (as on ships, or in the military) where there were no physicians at hand.
Dejean's professional life was troubled at its outset. When he failed to acquire the position of surgeon at the Elector's court in Bonn, the already poor relationship with his father got worse. (9) In November 1756, Ferdinand traveled north to the garrison town of Munster to settle down as a surgeon there instead, but soon ran into financial problems. In February 1757, he wrote to his father that he had gone bankrupt and was staying in an Amsterdam hotel. (10) Thanks to the support of his family, he was able to travel back to Munster and pay his debts, but he lost further credit with his father as a result.
In a subsequent letter to his family, Dejean declared that it was his intention to join the Imperial Army, but this was likely disingenuous, for he headed for Amsterdam. (11) Instead, he joined the VOC, probably for a number of reasons: to build a new life, to acquire more medical knowledge and practice, for the adventure, and, perhaps most of all, to make his fortune. In March 1758, then, Dejean returned to Amsterdam, a town he adored, where he "ha[d] the luck to make a number of supportive friends," such as Dr. Johannes Schlosser. (12) Schlosser, a surgeon and physician by trade, was a scientist and a well-known collector of naturalia; he agreed to serve as Dejean's representative during the latter's presence abroad.
The VOC merged the Asian ventures of six Dutch cities, each of which had organized their own company trading with Asia. In 1602, the Dutch legislature, the Estates-General at The Hague, granted the VOC a monopoly over Dutch-Asian trade, and empowered it to build forts, maintain armies, and conclude treaties with Asian rulers. The company consisted of six chambers, those of Amsterdam, Zeeland (with its office in Middelburg), Hoorn, Enkhuizen, Delft, and Rotterdam. (13) Each chamber had an office, which was called the East-India House, a shipyard, and one or several warehouses. In the period from 1600 to 1794, at least 1,461 ships were built by the company, half of which were constructed on the Amsterdam wharves, one-fourth of those in Zeeland, and about 7 percent each in the shipyards of the other four ports. (14) Over 4,700 voyages from the Dutch Republic to Asia were undertaken between 1602 and 1795, with nearly one million people setting sail. (15) The VOC maintained in this period offices on the Arabian peninsula, in Iran, South-Asia, Thailand, Malaysia, the Indonesian Archipelago, Taiwan, and Japan. On more than 3,300 homeward voyages over the same period, only a third of that number of people set sail in Asia to return to Europe. In other words, even if a few Europeans working for the Company preferred staying in Asia, the death-toll of VOC employees was frightening. Dejean was aware of this risk, later admitting to his friend Foster: "I considered myself as expended, ... abandoned, [and] survival [as] pure luck." (16) Meanwhile, the VOC was by no means an enterprise merely staffed by denizens of the United Provinces (Dutch Republic): Especially the German-speaking natives of the Holy Roman Empire were an important source of VOC-personnel. A study of 48,000 outward-bound sailors in the period from 1623 to 1791 found 40 percent to have been born outside the Republic, most of whom were of German origin. (17) And among 3,000 Company surgeons in the eighteenth century, almost a quarter were of non-Dutch birth, with four out of five hailing, like Dejean, from Germany. (18)
In 1680, the Amsterdam chamber of the VOC ruled that all surgeons had to pass a VOC-examination for ship's surgeons in the East-India House. Deputy surgeons (tweede meesters) and vice-deputy surgeons (derde meesters) were to be examined as well. From the year 1783 onward, the medical conditions about which the candidates for chief surgeons were questioned are known: They needed to show their expertise regarding scurvy, wounds of the head and breast, jaundice, inflammation, pleurisy, gangrene, dysentery, limb fractures, dislocation of the shoulder, fevers, diarrhea, typhoid fever, bloodletting and its complications, and ulcers. As is clear, these questions covered internal medicine as well, because as a rule VOC-ships had no physicians on hoard. (14) Dejean was "first of those admitted among a great number of candidates to serve as first surgeon, at a monthly pay of 36 florins, on board of the East-Indiaman De Drie Papegayen [The Three Parrots]," a first-rate ship, which measured 150 feet in length and could carry 1,150 tons. (20) As was the custom, Dejean received three months of salary beforehand; he borrowed an additional 200 guilders to buy merchandise for profit in Batavia; VOC employees were permitted to engage in small-scale private trade, which seems to have been the purpose of this loan. (21)
Although during the eighteenth century medical knowledge was more than previously based on personal observations, especially with regards to anatomy and physiology, the classic humeral concept of disease, based on the works of Hippocrates (460-378 BC) and Galen (130-200 CE), still held sway in medical practice. (22) This theory proposed that disease resulted from imbalances among the four bodily fluids of black bile, yellow bile, phlegm, and blood. Accordingly, treatments that involved blood-letting, emetics, salivation, laxatives, diuretics, and perspiration were considered universal, as they all aimed at restoring the upset balance of a sick body. The eighteenth-century state of knowledge among qualified ships' surgeons can be more specifically charted in the work of Paulus de Wind (1714-71), a surgeon-physician and examiner of the VOC-chamber in Middelburg. In 1760, he published a Dutch translation of James Lind's book An essay on the most effectual means of preserving the health of Seamen, in the Royal Navy, adding his own chapter, "Eene verhandeling der voornaamste ziekten op de Oost-Indische schepen" ["A treatise on the most frequent diseases on the East Indiamen"]. (23) De Wind's descriptions display an understanding of various diseases, such as Krauagie (scabies), Spanish pox (third stage of syphilis), Angina or Benaauwde keel (acute pharyngitis), Dolor colicus ("obstruction of the intestinal tract," colic), Phrenitis (heat stroke), Febris biliosa (typhoid fever), Dysenteria (dysentery), Febris atrabilaria (yellow fever), Scorbutus (scurvy), and Febris maligna (typhus). (24) Writing long before the breakthrough findings regarding bacteria and germ theory by Robert Koch (1843-1910) and Louis Pasteur (1822-95), the true causes of infectious diseases were largely unknown to de Wind, who considered humidity, tropical environment, and a lack of fresh air responsible for them. The majority of his treatments can indeed be categorized as universal, that is still based on the classical humeral concept of disease. However, those treatments he prescribed for scabies (sulfur), obstruction of the intestinal tract (prune juice), scurvy (citrus fruit and sauerkraut), or malaria (quinine) were specific, and only effective in fighting those well-defined diseases. (25)
In the majority of cases, however, the cause of the disease remained unknown. For instance, bile fevers (febris biliosa), which afflict those who have contracted malaria, were considered to be caused by "bad air" (thus, mal-aria). Its specific cause was only discovered in the last decade of the nineteenth century: Plasmodium, transmitted by Anopheles mosquitos. (26) However, specific treatments might also cause unwanted reactions, as evident in the case of an Amsterdam burgomaster, who, because of complaints of excessive gastric acid, was treated with Lapides Cancrorum (prepared Crab's stones, which works as an anti-acid), and got much worse. (27) In his own medical writings, Dejean expressed surprise that this medicine, which was even given to children, could do so much harm, and commented how doctors were truly lucky that they did not cause more damage when giving medicine indiscriminately to so many individuals who showed symptoms specific to a particular disease. (28)
On 2 July 1758, De Drie Papegayen departed from the island of Texel, where East-India ships originating in Amsterdam gathered before they began their journey to Batavia. (29) On board were 311 people: 187 seamen, 115 soldiers, three craftsmen, and six passengers. The ship's surgeon had his own cabin of about three square meters on the quarterdeck. (30) In a letter to his father in Bonn (which arrived posthumously, as his father died in January 1761) from Batavia, dated 29 October 1763, Dejean reported about his arrival in Amsterdam, the journey to Batavia, his travels in Asia, and his stay in Batavia. (31) His typically critical observations are evident already, when he writes that
... it rained constantly and it was very cold, which caused many to be sick among the crew, which consists of rakes and of those whose misery forces them to choose this escape. [Most members of the crew appear to have no experience at all, for] apart from some officers and seamen, for all of us, this is the first time to meet such a crushing element as the sea.... Within fourteen days we had 70 diseased in their hammock, and although most of them were in great danger, I visited them three times a day. [Nevertheless, Dejean considers] the journey a pleasure trip with a well led table, good wine and passable company [although such favorable circumstances were limited to the officers on board]. (32)
Due to stormy weather, refuge was sought in Portsmouth's harbor, where the ship paused for a week. Dejean remarks that the town is very dirty, "like all English towns." (33) He is positive about the recently built Haslar hospital, which opened its doors for sick seamen in 1753. In two years' time, 5,743 patients were admitted there, of whom 2,174 suffered from high fevers, while 1,147 were diagnosed with scurvy and 350 with dysentery. (34) Luckily, after some storms in the Bay of Biscay, more favorable sailing conditions ensued until the ship stopped for provisions in the Bay of Praia at Santiago, the largest of the Cape Verdian Islands. This was not a happy visit, with Dejean calling the inhabitants "real criminals and scoundrels," because they "[lost] six seamen, who were murdered just for their miserable clothes." (35) Before they reached the Cape of Good Hope, the crew suffered from scurvy: "ut of 300 seamen and soldiers only 12 to 14 kept free of disease." (36) On 14 November 1756, after a voyage of 135 days, the ship anchored at the Cape. The mortality from Texel to the Cape had been 14.4 per cent, which was comparatively high. (37) According to Dejean, the Cape was a real Eden, because of "the fertility of the land, the diligence and work of the Dutch, [which] have shaped the Cape into a paradise, where [there] is an abundance of everything, delicious wine, excellent bread, meat and spices without match [,... making] the Cape in one word the promised land." (38) After a nineteen-day-stay, on 3 December 1758, the journey to Batavia was resumed. They survived a tremendous and dangerous storm, which made crewmembers fear for their lives, and even forced them to throw cannons, provisions, and merchandise overboard, but otherwise the trip across the Indian Ocean was uneventful. On 13 February 1759, the ship reached Batavia on the island Java (modern Jakarta), the capital of the VOC in Asia. The voyage from the Cape to Batavia had taken an additional 72 days. Its toll was much less heavy, for mortality amounted to 2.9 per cent.
Altogether, the mortality from Amsterdam to Batavia nonetheless reached 17.2 per cent, then, almost twice the contemporary average. (39) On arrival in Batavia, the
... ship's surgeons are met by the Castle's [of Batavia] chief surgeon, to whom they have to account for the treatment of their patients and the use of medicine during the voyage. He examines their logs and arranges transport to the hospital for patients on board. (40)
In Batavia, two hospitals were in existence for the Company's men: the Binnenhospitaal (Inner Hospital) and the Buitenbospitaal (Outer Hospital). In the period from 1739 to 1744, the death rate of new arrivals in the Binnenhospital was as high as 24 percent. (41)
Dejean was nonetheless quite impressed by the town of Batavia:
I set foot on a shore of a part of the world completely unknown to me. I spoke a little bit of Dutch to make myself understandable. I was bewildered to see, at the end of the world, a city so charming, through her buildings, streets, and environment, a city with grandeur. Here, I became a real merchant; I sold my barrels of beer, my wine and other merchandise, which I brought from Europe. I made a reasonable profit, but lost it again because of how expensive life is in this country. One sees here all kinds of nations, because Batavia is the center of the Indian trade. Apart from Europeans, there are Javanese, Malayan, Moors, Chinese, and pagans from the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel. (42)
In the Castle of Batavia decisions were rendered by Governor-General Jacob Mossel (1704-61) and the Raad van Indie (the Council of the Indies, the VOC's governing council in Asia) regarding the deployment of the surgeons: Dejean was assigned to serve the Dutch stations (factories) along their intra-Asiatic shipping routes. Subsequently, Dejean sailed on four VOC ships in Asian waters during the next three years. He visited Sumatra and Malacca, and the VOC stations in its Westerkwartier (western region), such as Ceylon, the Mughal territories in northern India, the Dutch settlements along south-east India's Coromandel Coast at Trinconimale, Tranquebar, Marsulipatam, and Bellasore, and along the south-western Indian Malabar Coast up to Surat; on the Ganges river, he once witnessed the river flooding, "taking the lives of over 2,000 people and a great amount of animals as well." (43) In Bengal (where the VOC had an office at Hooghly), he witnessed a suttee (sati): "a woman, who stepped into the fire to be burned alive, after the death of her husband." (44) In Calcutta, the capital of the English East India Company, he saw "a man in a chair, who did not move a muscle since thirty years, as a self sought penance, who was considered a holy man." (45) He noticed how some Asians consumed one ounce or even more of poppy-juice daily; using himself five-to-six "grains" daily, he felt very healthy and contented, concluding that "one may get used to foreign substances through regular exposure." (46) He considered how opium might give a sense of general relaxation, while blocking the nervous system at the locus of pain. In case of gout attacks (Dejean was himself a lifelong gout patient), he applied poppy-plasters with good result. He even prescribed opium in a case of trismus (lockjaw). (47) He encountered people with a hardened skin (scleroderma), which one could cut or even burn without pain; a condition often suffered by blacksmiths, who acquired a thick and calloused epidermis of their hands. (48)
Back in Batavia on 30 May 1762, Dejean applied for the vacant position of city-surgeon. Among his tasks were the care for the ill and poor among the non-VOC population, for sick prisoners, and to serve as doctor and forensic expert on behalf of the court of justice, treating those injured in brawls and performing autopsies. Appointed by the the VOC Raad and Governor-General P.A. van der Parra (1714-75) on 8 June 1762, he received a monthly pay of 50 guilders. (49) Only the city's surgeon and some independent free master surgeons were allowed to privately practice medicine for the citizens of Batavia or perform surgeries on them. (50) Without a doubt, Dejean did this eagerly and profitably. His life as a Company servant now entered a completely new phase, as he wrote his father: "So, I settled in Batavia, where I practice medicine and surgery. I have my own household: twenty slaves and a carriage." (51) He lived at the Tijgersgracht ("Tigers Canal"), the best place in town. (52) Only one commentary about his work by those he treated here has been traced in the sources. It was made in a letter dated December 1765: "In Batavia, already the most able doctors have treated her [the wife of the correspondent's] disease, and a certain De Jean seemed optimistic; however, because we left [the island of] Java, we thwarted his course of treatment." (53)
As we saw, Dejean performed autopsies in suspicious deaths. Among his findings were his observations about the bodies of some 60 Chinese-heritage men, who shared an anemic appearance, small external wounds, extended bellies, and massive hemorrhages in the abdominal cavity, from ruptures of the spleen. (54) According to Dejean, a long sojourn in the tropics might cause a weakening of the spleen. He concluded that it was fighting that caused these ruptures and ensuing death of the Chinese, since they were keen to aim a blow of their fists on the region of the spleen.
Dejean had now arrived in the higher social circles of Batavia, a status he underscored by speaking his languages: "Because all the voyages I made and my diligence, I speak now seven languages: German, Latin, French, Dutch, English, Malayan, Portuguese, and a little bit of Arabic"; he developed friendly relations with the Governor-General van der Parra and his deputy, the Director-General Jeremias van Riemsdijk (1712-77). (55) These gentlemen and other leading VOC officials in Batavia lived an unbelievably luxurious life, and took good care as well of others in their circles, such as Dejean. (56) Dejean began to look around as well for a profitable marriage, writing in his last letter to his father how "[he had] met a rich and lovely young lady, worth almost eighty thousand ecus [coin, equal to 1.2 guilders, an absolute fortune making her the equivalent of a millionaire today]," which adventure was not successful. (57) In the first half of 1767, Dejean met the widow Anna Maria Pack, who had lost her husband Wilhelmus Johannes Buschman (1732-67) in January of that year. In May 1754, Buschman, a native of the small town of Elburg in the Dutch Republic, had arrived in Asia; awarded rank of Company merchant, he was employed as VOC-administrator on the island Kharg (Kareek) in the Persian Gulf (1757-1765), and reassigned to Batavia in 1766. He had married Anna Maria Pack, of English origin, on 8 September 1755, in Bombay. They had two children, both boys; the first had died as an infant, while the second, Jacob, had been born in Batavia in 1766. (58)
After Dejean and Maria Pack married in 1767, they decided to travel to the Dutch Republic. They left Batavia on board the Ouderamstel, an East Indiaman of 1,100 ton, built in 1765 on the VOC wharves in Middelburg. (59) On board were 122 seamen, eleven soldiers, two craftsmen, one patient, and six passengers, among whom were Dejean, his wife, and her son Jacob; they were accompanied by a manumitted female slave, called Anna of Java, who probably had been given her "freedom" because slavery was outlawed in the Republic. During the voyage, Dejean retained his monthly salary of 50 guilders. The ship paused again at the Cape Colony, from 9 January until 5 March 1768. On 15 May, during the leg from the Cape to Texel, a remarkable event occurred, because Anna Maria Pack, undoubtedly assisted by her husband and the maid Anna, delivered a son, who was named George Ferdinand. In 1793, Dejean commented on this event when condemning the superstition of imagination in pregnant women, which believed that a pregnant woman, if shocked by a dog, would deliver a child with the likeness of a dog. (60) Dejean recalled how, "His wife had reasons enough for anxiety and agitation, and nevertheless delivered on the ship, between America and England, a well-shaped son, who is still alive and healthy today." (61)
The Ouderamstel arrived on 11 June 1768 at the island of Texel. As was the custom, a director of the Amsterdam chamber visited all of the arriving ships of the East-India fleet to dismiss both the crew and the passengers. Private luggage was transported to the East-India House in Amsterdam, where, after a thorough check, crew and passengers retrieved those belongings that passed this muster. Dejean, his wife, their two sons, and the maid rented an apartment at the Herengracht, close to the current Koningsplein in the Dutch capital. (62) On 19 June 1768, George Ferdinand Dejean was baptized in the New Wallonian Church, at the nearby Prinsengracht, further evidence that one of Dejean's parents was likely to have been a Calvinist. (63)
One week later, Dejean received in the East-India House the last part of the total of 5,210 guilders that he had earned in his ten years of service for the Dutch East India Company. His pay was enhanced by the two chests with so-called gepermitteerde (permitted) luggage that he had been allowed to bring home from Asia. These contained lijwaten (cotton textiles from India), and procured at auction the impressive sum of 10,176 guilders. (64) However, Dejean and Pack also possessed bonds bought by Anna Maria's first husband, worth 5,502 guilders, (65) and a balance of 20,000 guilders in the Bank of England in London, (66) likely (a part of?) the proceeds of Dejean's (illegal albeit commonly practiced) private trade in Batavia and the profits from his (permitted) private practice in Batavia. Moreover, when Anna Maria's first husband died in Batavia, she was by law obliged to put aside "a children's part" of her and her deceased husband's funds (one quarter of their assets) for her only son Jacob to the local orphans' chamber when she remarried; this had been a sum of 29,000 guilders, which indicates that her total capital was estimated to be at least 100,000 guilders. (67) In other words, Dejean and his wife arrived in the Republic the equivalent of millionaires in today's US dollars, and were able to live a life of leisure, even if they did not choose to retire. (68)
Within months after his return to Amsterdam, Dejean became known as a scientist and man of the Enlightenment, through the publication of the Letter from Johannes Albertus Schlosser etc. to the very experienced and able Ferdinand Dejean, recently famous town-surgeon of Batavia, with an accurate description of the Amboina's Lizard, etc. (69) As we saw earlier, Schlosser was a well-known and respected doctor of medicine in Amsterdam, who during Dejean's absence acted as his business agent. In this letter, Schlosser thanked Dejean "for the sending of this and other objects for his [curiosity] cabinet," and praised him for his knowledge and friendship. Schlosser's well-known "cabinet of naturalia" was visited by a number of scientists. Among them was, in 1762, Peter Simon Pallas (1741-1811) from Berlin, who defended his academic thesis at Leyden in 1760 and subsequently became a professor at the Imperial Academy in Russian St. Petersburg. (70) Ambitious and curious, Dejean moved to the University of Leyden "in the hope to find satisfaction for my ever burning love for the Hippocratic studies [medicine]." (71) In April 1769 he enrolled to study medicine and chemistry. His favorite teacher there was the Heidelberg native Hieronymus David Gaubius (1705-80), who was one of the successors of the renowned scientist Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738). Gaubius taught medicine and chemistry and was a member of many learned societies such as those in London, Paris, and St. Petersburg. In 1758, he published his Institutiones Pathologiae Medicinalis (Institutions of Medical Pathology), a textbook on pathology intended for medical students in medicine, of which translations followed in Dutch (1777), English (1778), German (1781), and French (178 8). (72) The book contained 893 aphorisms in question-and-answer form and styled, it seems, after Boerhaave's Aphorism book. (73) For half a century, Gaubius's book was to remain the standard textbook for general pathology in Europe. Gaubius believed in the healing power of nature and combined, to some extent, the chemical and mechanical ideas of Boerhaave with the iatromechanistic ideass of Friedrich Hoffman (1660-1742) and the animistic or vitalistic concepts of Georg Ernst Stahl (1660-1734). Hoffmann and Stahl had at one time been both professors of medicine at the newly founded University of Halle (1693), before becoming each other's fiery opponents.
At age 38, Dejean was, through his already acquired medical knowledge and expertise, an exceptional student and his qualities were recognized by Gaubius, who called him in the 1771 volume of his series Aversarirum varii argumenti (Discussions on Medicine) "a high-minded man, who told me from his travels in Asia, and brought me a peace of wood, the fissures of which contained pieces of camphor of excellent quality, from the kingdom of Baros on the island of Sumatra." (74) In a letter to Sanches in Paris, he named Dejean his "best student of the medical faculty the last two years." (75) Wolther van Doeveren (1730-83), a Leiden anatomist, was also impressed by Dejean and wrote a letter of recommendation to the Scottish anatomist William Hunter (1718-83) in London, referring to "the outstanding gentleman Fferdinand] Dejean, a most ardent student of natural science and a practioner of the medical art, and most worthy of your friendship and goodwill." (76) On 2 July 1773, Dejean received two academic degrees at Leyden, the first (in liberal arts) for defending a thesis about the History, Chemical Analysis, Origin and Daily Use of Spanish Soda, (77) and the second (in medicine) for defending a thesis on the Non-Surgical Treatment of Diseases of the Eye, (78) both written in Latin. He devoted the first thesis to his former chiefs in Batavia, Van der Parra and Van Riemsdyck, and thanked them extensively for his medical experiences, his prosperity, and fortune.
His life in Leiden brought him misery as well. In February 1772, his stepson Jacobus Wilhelmus Buschman died at the age of five and was buried in the Hoogland Church in Leiden. Three months after Dejean received his doctorates, in October 1773, his beloved wife, Anna Maria Pack, died, very likely from smallpox. (79) In fewer than two years, at the age of 41, Dejean had only his five-year-old son George left. Having made plans to travel abroad, he was forced to entrust the care for his son to his friend, Theodorus Henricus ten Noever (f. 1760s-1770s), professor of history and rhetoric in Lingen, in the Holy Roman Empire.
In 1775, Dejean made up a will in which he gave special attention to the care of his son. He even reckoned with the possibility that his son would not have any inclination or disposition for academic study: Dejean rather preferred him to become a good tradesman, craftsman, or artist, instead of the sort of doctor "who bring mankind more disadvantages than advantages," reflective of Dejean's critical faculties and open mind. (80) When his son at eleven years of age opted for a military career, Dejean chose the Hohe Karlsschule in Stuttgart, the capital of the Duchy of Wurttemberg, founded by its Duke Carl Eugen (172893) in 1770, and intended to provide an education for higher posts in both the military and civil service. After Dejean called on his network of scientists and other friends to have his son accepted in the military branch of this prestigious school, George Dejean was admitted to the school on 25 August 1780. In 1788, he graduated at the school and went on to become deputy lieutenant in the dragoon regiment of the Duke of Wurttemberg. (81) He soon saw battle in a Russian-Turkish war that had broken out in 1787, which was joined the following year by Austria fielding Wiirttemberger troops on the Russian side. George survived all combat, and was alive when his father died in Vienna in 1797. It is likely that father and son never again met in person after 1788.
During the last two decades of his life, Dejean dedicated himself primarily to scientific endeavors. Following the model of the physician Gerard van Swieten (1700-72)'s comments on Boerhaave's Aphorisms, Dejean was inspired to write his comments on of Gaubius's lnstitution.es:
I firstly made a very careful summary of all the excellent treasures, which I borrowed from the inexhaustible inner riches of this great scientist, and then made repeated journeys to a great number of regions in the civilized parts of Europe, to acquire the knowledge of the gentlemen who excel in the Apollonic arts [i.e., medicine], in order to add to my medical store and integrate into it what their indefatigable efforts had brought to light. ... One matter bothered all, that never one of the numerous pupils of Gaubius came forward to disclose the rather complicated or abstract passages in his work, and to explain by way of examples what by his rather complicated and almost laconic stile of writing was merely suggested. (82)
This decision determined Dejean's scientific work for the rest of his life. From 1773 onward, he traveled the whole of Europe to acquire more knowledge about Gaubius' intentions and meanings, which would result in the publication of three volumes (in four bands) of commentary from 1792 to 1794. He dedicated this work to over 100 scientists, whom he met or corresponded with; an amazing number, never seen before in the medical literature.
In 1776, Dejean entered a competition of the Imperial Academy in Petersburg to answer the question about the supposed alteration of chyle into blood, called sanguification. (83) According to Galen, chyle was transported from the intestines to the liver. In the seventeenth century the discovery was made that lymph (made in other parts of the body), after its admixture with the intestinal chyle in the thoracic duct, entered the circulation of blood via the left subclavian vein. Today we know that the mixture of lymph and chyle is not the source of blood, but that those fluids mix with blood. Five scientists competed for the Russian prize, for which Dejean wrote a treatise called "About the element of fire as a source of blood being more important than chyle [and] about the red color, the warmth and fermentation of blood." (84) Dejean argued that in the bloodstream chyle fell apart, and especially through particles of fire, acquired in the lungs, becoming red and warm like blood. While the eventual winner followed the same argumentation, he won the prize since he added some experiments.
Besides scientific contests, Dejean's letters on scientific matters to his broad circle of learned friends were frequently published in contemporary books. In 1780, Dejean's friend Donald Monro (1728-1802) published a book "on the health of soldiers," in which he cited his letter about the sulphur in the Aix la Chapelle's springs, which, according to him, was dissolved in spas' water by means of fixed air (that is, carbon dioxide). (85) Another letter, attesting to Dejean's interest in chemistry, discussed little candles that were able to ignite themselves; their method of production, which Dejean had learned from the marquis von Besset in Turin, is encountered in a volume of New Discoveries in Chemistry in 1783, a series published by his friend Lorenz von Crell. (86) The trick was based on a combination of phosphor, camphor, sulphur, oil, and air. Another friend, Philipp Hensler, published in 1790 a book on leprosy, and cited two letters from Dejean about his experiences with leprosy in Asia, one dated 28 April 1787 and the other 16 December 1787. (87) Even after his death in 1797, Dejean was mentioned in the medical literature, like in Melchior Weikard's Practical Instructions for Treatment of Diseases of 1801, in which he cited Samuel Sommering, who treated four cases of hydrocele of the scrotum by application of a mercury-ointment, using "a method he learned from Dr. Dejean." (88)
In 1780 or 1781, Dejean moved in with his sister Maria and his brother-in-law Johann Franz Goebel, who lived in a great house named the Kellnerei in Rheinberg; he stayed there until 17907. (89) Rheinberg was an old--once fortified--city on a dead branch of the Lower Rhine. Goebel held here the position of Kellner, a combination of burgomaster, steward, and judge, on behalf of the Archbishop-Elector of Cologne, by then Maximilian Friedrich von Konigsegg-Rothenfels (1708-84). (90) Goebel and Maria had eight children, of which only three reached adulthood: Lise, Ferdinand, and Marianne. The family played an important role in Rheinberg's cultural life. They were part of the circle of enlightened citizens, who organize literary and musical evenings in the Kellnerei and elsewhere. All family members played at least one musical instrument and Dejean's flute was a welcome addition to their play. His life in Rheinberg gave Dejean time and occasion to visit various European cities to meet scientists and to extend his library and collection of scientific instruments. Thus, he travelled, among others, to London, Paris, Vienna, Rome, Naples, Siena, Florence, Heidelberg, Karlsruhe, Basel, Strasbourg, Dusseldorf, and Mannheim, as stated at the outset of this article. Dejean proved to be a thorough and critical observer, who wrote down his impressions in straightforward fashion, as is evident in a letter from Rome, dated 8 February 1782, in which he said:
I declare sincerely that I long for the moment when I will leave Italy and its unreliable, debauched, cheating and awful residents. Among nations, usually and unjustly considered to be savages [he refers here to Asia], fewer untoward things have happened to me than in this infernal country. (91)
In Rheinberg's surroundings lay the Cistercian monastery of Camp. In the second half of the eighteenth century, this monastery dedicated in its teaching much attention to science, arts, and music. In 1789, Dejean sold a great part of his library "with old and new books in all fields of science" and his "cabinet with instruments," to the monastery for an annuity of 300 florins. (92) This collection of instruments
is considered to be superior to what the universities of Bonn, Cologne and Duisburg offer together.... The old gentleman Dejean [Dejean was then 57 years old] himself has organized the cabinet in the monastery. He instructed students on experimental physics and the handling of the instruments. His expressive and lively stories about his journeys were appreciated by all. (93)
Alas, no inventory of the instruments and no catalogue of the books were made up. Recently, a catalogue of an auction selling other books owned by Dejean, held in Leiden in 1790, has shown up. (94) It offered over 1,500 books for sale, which makes it likely that Dejean once owned at least about 5,000 books, a very impressive library for a non-royal or non-noble person in those times.
In July 1790, Dejean moved from Rheinberg to his final address, the Fiirst Parischem Hause, No. 844 im Jacoben Hof, near the Stephansdom in Vienna. Though he was not attached to the imperial court, he moved in the highest circles and knew people such as Jan Ingenhousz (a personal physician of Maria Theresia), Nikolas, baron von Jacquin (professor of chemistry and botany, and director of the gardens of the Schonbrunn Palace), Anton von Storck (first personal physician of Maria Theresia and director of the General Hospital), and Thomas Closett and Matthias von Sallaba (both physicians of Mozart). Whether Mozart and Dejean ever met again after their Mannheim encounter, in Vienna or elsewhere, is not clear. The great composer died on 5 December 1791, very likely from the complications of a streptococci infection.
In 1792, the first and second volumes of Dejean's comments on Gaubius were published as Gommentaria in Institutiones pathologiae medicinalis, autore Hier. David Gaubio, collecta, digesta a Ferdinando Dejean, medicinae doctore. (95) In the foreword to the first volume, Dejean states that "two volumes have now been completed, and I am working on the third volume." (96) The third volume was published in two parts, in 1794. (97)
The structure of Dejean's Commentaria followed that of Gaubius's Institutiones: All aphorisms of Gaubius are rendered in the same order, and almost each of them is followed by a shorter or longer comment, sometimes a comment of several pages, in which additional personal observations of Dejean and references to the classical and actual medical literature were given, demonstrating his broad medical knowledge. For example, on a visit to the famous Hotelde-Dieu in Paris, he observed how patients' conditions always worsened on Monday, which he linked to the weekend visits of their family-members, who brought in bad food. He concluded that doctors in cases of patients with unusual symptoms must be alert to this. (98) Dejean was also very critical of bloodletting, then still considered a universal panacea for all diseases. He stated how bloodletting was without use in most cases. (99) He was equally critical about then popular treatments with tea and coffee as well. Treatments by drinking many cups of these brews (made possible by the import of these crops by the East-India Companies) was advocated by doctors as a means to dilute blood. (100) Dejean countered that too much warm liquid might weaken the body instead. Nevertheless, he noted, those who drink much tea or coffee might suffer less from kidney stones. (101)
Christian Gruner, who previously had translated Gaubius's Institutiones into German, translated Dejean's Commentaria as well, to which Gruner added his own corrections and comments, which were published by the Bossischen Buchhandlung in Berlin from 1794 to 1797. The first volume contained Dejean's original introduction of 1792, while in all volumes Gruner added a foreword as well. He defended Dejean against the criticism that his comments contain nothing new and sometimes misinterpreted Gaubius's intentions. (102) In 1796 a reviewer stated how "Dejean's work must be compared with the work of van Swieten on the Aphorisms of Boerhaave, but he regrets the impossibility to distinguish between opinions of Gaubius or Dejean." (103) A 1797 review, however, was more positive: "These comments will help the younger students in their studies of Gaubius's pathology." (104) Of course, the underlying problem was that on the eve of a new century Gaubius's opinions were becoming obsolete, and Dejean's comments joined this fate. Nevertheless, Dejean's work is remembered by Freiherrn von Wedekind, who in 1814 wrote a surprisingly modern article on the future of medical education, in which he advocated that professors write a compendium for their students and, moreover, that the academy write a comment on those compendia, "like van Swieten on Boerhaave's Aphorisms and Dejean on Gaubius's Pathology." (105) Therefore, Suringer concluded very rightfully in 1866 that, "One must understand the state of medical science, at the start of the second half of the eighteenth century, to be able to judge the true performance of Gaubius." (106)
On 23 February 1797, Dejean died at home, very likely from complications of cirrhosis of the liver, related to a case of severe hepatitis he had contracted at an earlier point in his life. (107) His funeral was held in the Protestant church of Vienna. His son George was not able to be present, due to his military service near Hermannstadt (Sibiu) in Transylvania. Officials from the City of Vienna made an inventory of Dejean's possessions on 10 April 1797. (108) The estate was divided in four categories: valuables (valued at 627 guilders), clothes (259 guilders), linen (84 guilders), and other goods (383 guilders). Among these goods were a tin canister with some flutes and music sheets, telescopes, as well as optical, surgical, and other instruments. His remaining books were mentioned in another report dated 3 August 1797, their value estimated at 317 florins. (109) The value of the total estate, after costs, was estimated at 3,100 florins; this is a surprisingly low sum, if we remember that he had once been the equivalent of a multimillionaire today if his wealth was reckoned in today's dollars, even when considering his expensive way of life. (110) It may be that an important share of his assets was stored in places that have remained unknown to us.
In its almost two hundred years of existence, the VOC employed no fewer than one million people, mostly of society's lower strata, suffering from the endemic poverty that was the norm in the Early Modern age. Some hailing from the middling groups (and even a few from the lowest ranks) took with both hands the chance to make career and a fortune: Dejean was most certainly one of them. In Dejean's case, a good set of brains, luck in surviving disease and accidents, persistence and determination in making his career and a capacity to make influential friends, and a remarkable ambition to increase his specific predominantly practical medical knowledge and skills by an academic study at a renowned university, such as Leiden, contributed to an unusual success story. Perhaps it problematizes the conventional wisdom that the eighteenth-century European elite (even the largely non-noble elite in the Dutch Republic) closed ranks, rejecting the entry of newcomers and thwarting the somewhat greater social mobility of a previous age. Although one is tempted to see Dejean's entire life as a sort of "American dream" come true, it was not, of course, for he was plagued in his family life by his share of tragedy and difficulties. His poor relationship with his father never improved and his father died while Dejean was in Asia. His wife died after a marriage that lasted a mere five years, and he felt it necessary to send his son away to the care of a friend. He rarely met him afterwards. Although we do not have wholly conclusive evidence, it appears as if Dejean's poor relations with his father mirrored themselves in the poor ties he maintained with his son.
Dejean's way of life further illustrates the diffusion of the Enlightened mindset or attitude in the second half of the eighteenth century, ranging from his broad interests in medicine and chemistry, his book collection, his collection of rare minerals and instruments of high quality, his correspondence with over a hundred fellow scientists, possibly writing over a thousand letters regarding scientific issues, to his spending part of his considerable fortune to travel across Europe to meet his friends and colleagues for discussions on much more than Gaubius's work alone. Following the example of the Habsburg court physician van Swieten, who contributed to the fame of Boerhaave through his commentary on Boerhaave, Dejean undertook the enormous task to devote much of his later life to comment on the work of Gaubius. Dejean's writings, even if criticized at first and to some extent outdated, were later recognized as a fine example of how to make complicated information accessible to students. Alas, this praise came too late for him.
The recent biography that 1 co-authored with Frank Fequin may meanwhile contribute to our understanding of the world of medicine in Europe in the second half of the eighteenth century, for it has stimulated cooperation between interested readers and researchers, who continuously discover pertinent documents hidden in archives or contemporary books that have been hidden for generations. (111) It seems likely, then, that in the future this new information will make it possible to reconstruct the widespread and very intensive networks of communication that so emphatically demonstrate the vast extent of the Enlightenment movement in eighteenth-century Europe.
Otto Pieter Bleker M.D. Ph.D. FRCOG is Professor Emeritus in Obstetrics & Gynecology within the Academic Medical Center at the University of Amsterdam.
(1.) Letter from Mozart to his father, Mannheim, 19 December 1777, in W.A. Bauer and O.E. Deutsch, Mozart, Briefe und Aufzeichnungen, Gesammtausgabe, 4 vols, Kassel: Internationalen Stiftung Mozarteum & Barenreiter, 1962, 388 [author's translation]. The author would like to thank Kees Boterbloem for his help in preparing this essay for an English-language readership.
(2.) Bauer and Deutsch, Mozart Briefe, 423.
(3.) Frank Lequin, "Mozarts ... Rarer Mann," Mitteilungen der Internationalen Stiftung Mozarteum 1-2, 1981, 3-19. A summary of his findings was published in J.S. Jenkins, "Mozart's Indian: Dr. Ferdinand Dejean," Journal of Medical Biography 2, 1994, 53-8.
(4.) Otto P. Bleker and Frank Lequin, Ferdinand Dejean (1731-1797), VOC-chirurgijn, wereldburgeren opdrachtgever van Mozart, Wormerveer: Stichting Uitgeverij Noord-Holland, 2013.
(5.) Bonn, Gemeindearchiv, Katholische Pfarrei St. Remigius, Taufen 1720-1741, 248. As Elector of Cologne the prince resided in Cologne itself, whereas after 1597 he resided as archbishop in Bonn.
(6.) Jean P.N.M. Vogel, Le calendrier de la cour de Son Altesse Serenissime Electorale de Cologne pour Van de grace de notre seigneur Jesus Christ MDCCLIX, Bonn: Ferdinand Rommers-Kirchen, 1759, 208.
(7.) Bonn, Gemeindearchiv, Katholische Pfarrei St. Remigius, Heiraten 1720-1741, 47.
(8.) Daniel de Moulin, A History of Surgery, Dordrecht-Boston-Lancaster: Martinus Nijhoff, 1988, 106-122, 153.
(9.) Letter from Dejean to his father in Bonn, Munster, 2 November 1756, Landesarchiv NRW, Abteilung Rheinland, RW 1195 (Sammlung Kusters), No. 45.
(10.) Letter from Dejean to his father in Bonn, Amsterdam, 5 February 1757, Landesarchiv NR W, Abteilung Rheinland, RW 1195 (Sammlung Kiisters), No. 45.
(11.) Letter from Dejean to his sister Maria in Bonn, Miinster, 1757, Landesarchiv NRW, Abteilung Rheinland, RW 1195 (Sammlung Kiisters), No. 45. The Holy Roman Emperor Francis I (1708-65) was then involved in the Seven Years' War (1756-63).
(12.) Bleker and Lequin, Ferdinand Dejean, 24, 68-70.
(13.) Charles R. Boxer, The Dutch Seaborne Empire 1600-1800, London: Hutchinson, 1963.
(14.) Jaap R. Bruijn, Femme S. Gaastra, and I. Schoffer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping in the 17th and 18th Centuries, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1987, 54.
(15.) Ibid., 143.
(16.) Citation in letter from Georg Foster to Samuel Sommering, 22 July 1787, Horst Fiedler, ed. Forsters Werke, S'amtliche Schriften, Tagebucher, Briefe, Band 15, Berlin: Akademie Verlag.
(17.) Jaap R. Bruijn and J. Lucassen, eds, Op de schepen der Oost-Indische Compagnie: vijf artike len van J. de Hullu, Groningen: Wolters-Noordhoff and Bouma's Boekhuis, 1980, 140.
(18.) Iris Bruijn, Ship's Surgeons of the Dutch East India Company: Commerce and the Progress of Medicine, Leiden: Leiden UP, 2009, 134-41.
(19.) Ton Zwaard, "Het scheepschirurgijnsexamen bij de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie," Geschiedenis der Geneeskunde 4, 2011, 216-28.
(20.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, Batavia, 29 October 1763, inventaris- en toegangsnummer 2.21.115, collectie 243, nr. 1851, Nationaal Archief (The Hague).
(21.) "Scheepssoldijboek De Drie Papegayen," folio 32, Nationaal Archief.
(22.) Roy Porter, The Greatest Benefit to Mankind: A Medical History of Humanity, New York, London: Norton, 1999, 55-62, 73-82.
(23.) Paulus de Wind, Middelen ter bewaringe der gezondheid op de oorlogschepert door ]. Lind M.D., Uit het Engelsch vertaald volgens den tweeden druk, Middelburg: Louis Taillefert Dz., 1760. Original: James Lind, An essay on the most effectual means of preserving the health of Seamen, in the Royal Navy, second ed., London: D.Wilson, 1762.
(24.) Otto P. Bleker and Jan Z.S. Pel, Paulus de Wind (1714-1771), Archief van het Koninklijk Zeeuwsch Genootschap der Wetenschappen, 1998, 57-80.
(25.) Nienke Fleuren, Paulus de Wind and the Health of Seamen, Scientific Research Project, Academic Medical Center, Faculty of Medicine, University of Amsterdam, March 25, 2013.
(26.) Porter, Greatest Benefit, 468-72.
(27.) Jonathan Pereira, The elements of material medica and therapeutics, London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, 1842: 595-8.
(28.) C.G. Gruner, D. Ferdinand Dejean's Erlduterungen iiber Gaub's Anfangsgrimde der medizinischen Krankheitslehre, vol. 1, Berlin: Voss, 1794-5, 45.
(29.) Bruijn, Gaastra and Schoffer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping, no. 6373.2.
(30.) A description of the doctors cabin by Bas Kist and Jan Veenendaal can be found in Max de Bruijn and Remco Raben, eds, The World of Jan Brandes, 1743-1808: Drawings of a Dutch Traveler in Batavia, Ceylon and Southern Africa, Amsterdam: Waanders Publishers and Rijksmuseum, 2004, 123-4.
(31.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, Batavia, 29 October 1763.
(34.) That is from July 1758 to July 1760, see de Wind, Middelen ter bewaringe der gezondheid, 227-8.
(35.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, Batavia, 29 October 1763.
(36.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen 1794, vol. 1,338-9.
(37.) Bruijn, Gaastra, and Schoffer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping, vol. 1, 163. The mean mortality in the period 1750-1760 on that part of the journey was 5.5 percent.
(38.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, Batavia, 29 October 1763.
(39.) Bruijn, Gaastra and Schoffer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping vol. 1, 163. The mean mortality from Texel to Batavia in the period 1750-1760 was 9.3 percent.
(40.) Bruijn, Ships's Surgeons, 103.
(41.) Idem, 114.
(42.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, Batavia, 29 October 1763.
(43.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, vol. 3a, 27.
(46.) One grain is 65 milligrams; Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, vol. 1,283.
(47.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, vol. 3a, 377.
(48.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, vol. 1, 258.
(49.) "Resolutie Gouverneur Generaal en Raden," 8 June 1762, VOC [archief] 832, personalia klapper, Nationaal Archief.
(50.) Pieter van Dam, Bescbrijvinge van de Oostindische Compagnie, ed. F.W. Stapel, vol. 3, Den Haag: Martinus Nijhoff, 1943, 616.
(51.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, Batavia, 29 October 1763.
(52.) D.H.D. Bosboom, "Nog eens de teekeningen van het oude Batavia en andere vestigingen der O.I. Compagnie," Tijdschrift poor Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde 45, 1902, 195-256.
(53.) Gerrit J. Schutte, Seer teder beminde beer vader en vrouw moeder! Brieven van de Groninger familie Fockens in de Oost, 1748-1783, Hilversum: Verloren, 2014, 300.
(54.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, vol. 2, 255-6.
(55.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, 1763, Nationaal archief. Van Riemsdijk would be Governor-General from 1775 to 1777. 56
(56.) Jean G. Taylor, Smeltkroes Batavia, Europeanen en Euroaziaten in de Nederlandse vestigingen in Azi'e, Groningen: Wolters Noordhoff, 1988, 77-106 (The Social World of Batavia, Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1983).
(57.) Letter of Dejean to his father in Bonn, 1763, Nationaal archief.
(58.) See Nieuw Nederlandsch biografisch woordenboek, available at http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/ molh003nieu06_01/molh003nieu06_01 _0377.php, accessed 14 July 2015.
(59.) Bruijn, Gaastra, and Schoffer, Dutch-Asiatic Shipping, no. 7747.1.
(60.) "Imagination" is an approximate translation of the Dutch "verzien."
(61.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, 1796, vol. 3a, 215-9.
(62.) Stadsarchief Amsterdam, Notarieel archief 13.652, notaris Geniets nr. 1522, testament van Dejean en Maria Pack, 5 December 1768.
(63.) Gemeente archief Amsterdam, Doopregisters (1564-1811), 13,5 p. 382 (- oud. Pag. 376, folio 188V, nr. 11).
(64.) Gemeente archief Amsterdam, Notarieel archief 13.647, notaris Geniets no. 755.
(65.) Gemeente archief Amsterdam, Notarieel archief 13.647, notaris Geniets no. 780.
(66.) "Power of Attorney Book Fa 1-Fa 356, 2 February 1770," Bank of England Record Office, Roehampton (Surrey).
(67.) "Extract uijt de Resolutien van Heeren weesmeesters deser Stede, Batavia, genomen op 19 October 1768 (d 534)," Centraal Bureau voor Genealogie, Oost-Indische bronnen, VIBDNI004853.
(68.) According to the International Institute for Social Studies (see www.iisg.nl/hpw/calculate2n1.php, accessed 15 July 2015), 100 Dutch guilders from 1770 are nowadays worth 1950 euros, that is about twenty times as much. But if compared to the yearly salary of a VOC-captain (1200 guilders), or the then price of an Amsterdam canal-house (25,000 guilders), a guilder may have even been worth much more.
(69.) [In Dutch:] Johannes A. Schlosser, Briefdan de zeer ervaarenen en kundigen heere Ferdinand Dejean, behelzende eene nauwkeurige beschrijving der Amboinsche haagdis, Amsterdam: voor rekening van de auteur, 1768.
(70.) Jozien J. Driessen-van het Reve, De Kunstkamera van Peter de Grote, Hilversum: Verloren, 2006, 258.
(71.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, vol. 1, XIII-XIV.
(72.) H.D. Gaubius, Institutions Pathologiae, Leiden: Sam. and et Joh. Luchtmans, 1758.
(73.) Herman Boerhaave, Aphorismi de cognoscendis et curandis morbis in usus doctrinete domesticate digesti (Aphorisms on the Knowledge and Diagnosis of Diseases for Study), Leiden: Joh. Vander Linden, 1709.
(74.) H.D. Gaubius, Adversariorum varii argumenti, Book 1, Leiden: S. and J. Luchtmans, 1771, 105.
(75.) Letter from Gaubius to Sanches in Paris, Leiden, 11 June 1772, in S.W. Hamers-van Duynen, Hieronymus David Gaubius (1705-1780), zijn correspondentie met Antonio Nunes Ribeira Sanches enandere tijdgenoten, Amsterdam: van Gorkum, 1978, 158-9.
(76.) Letter from Walther van Doeveren aan William Hunter in London, Leiden, 11 June 1772, in Helen Brock, ed., The Correspondence of Dr. William Hunter, 1740-1783, vol. 2, London: Pickering and Chatto, 2008, 30-1 (letter no. 251).
(77.) Ferdinand Dejean, Historia, Analysis Chemica, Origo, et Usus Oeconomicus Sodae Hispanicae, Leiden: S. et J. Luchtmans et J.H. van Damme, 1773. Spanish soda is a mixture of soda and olive oil, then used as a medicine for complaints of gastric juice in children, rheumatic and gouty pains, intestinal obstruction, and (bladder)stones.
(78.) Ferdinand Dejean, De Medicatione Morborum Ocularium Sine Operatione Manuali, Leiden: S. andj. Luchtmansand J.H. van Damme, 1773.
(79.) Letter from Ferdinand Dejean to Johann Goebel (Rheinberg), Leiden, 1 November 1773, Landesarcbiv NRW, Abteilung Rheinland, RW 1195 (Sammlung Kiisters) Nr. 50-04a, 50-03b. He mentions here that his son was vaccinated against smallpox, while he wished his beloved wife would have been as well.
(80.) Notaris Luzac (1775), 2335, Regionaal Archief Leiden.
(81.) "Letter from Christoph von Seeger to Dejean in Rheinberg," Stuytgart 12 March 1788, Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart, A272 13U 292 No. 846.
(82.) Ferdinand Dejean, Commentaria in instutiones patholigiae medicinalis autore Hier. David Gaubio, collecta, digesta a Ferdinando Dejean, Wenen/Leiden: Blumauer/Luchtmans, 1792, vol. 1, A1-A5; Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, vol. 1, XIII-XIV; Gerard van Swieten, Commentaria in Hermanni Boerhaave Aphorismos de cognoscendis et curandis morbis, Leiden: J. and H. Verbeek, 1742.
(83.) Ferdinand Dejean, "De Igne, sanguine, rubedinis, caloris, fermentationumque eiusdem, caussa," the manuscript of which is at the Archive of the Imperial Academy, Petersburg; the author would like to thank Dr. Natalia P. Kopaneva for this reference.
(84.) Dejean, "De Igne."
(85.) Letter from Ferdinand Dejean to Donald Monro in London, Leyden, 20 June 1777, in Donald Monro, Observations of the means of preserving the health of soldiers ..., London: J. Murray and G. Robinson, vol. 1, 1780, 249.
(86.) Lorenz F. von Crell, Die neuesten Endeckungen in der Chemie, vol. 10, Leipzig: In der Weygandschen Buchhandlung, 1783, 88-9.
(87.) Philipp G. Hensler, Vom abendl'dndischen Aussatze im Mittelalter, nebst einem Beitrage zur Kenntnis und Geschichte des Aussatzes, Hamburg: bei den Gebriidern Herold, 1790, 114-20.
(88.) Melchior Weikard, Practische Anweisung zur Heilung ortlicher Krankheiten, ninth ed., Frankfurt und Leipzig, 1801, 56.
(89.) Sabine Sweetsir, Die alte Kellnerei in Rheinberg. Ein Gebaude im Wandel der Zeiten, neubearbeite Auflage, Rheinberg: Stadtarchiv, 5.
(90.) Von Kdnigsegg-Rothenfels was succeeded upon his death by a scion of the Habsburg family, the youngest son of Emperor Franz (Francis) 1 and Maria Theresa, Maximilan Franz von Osterreich (1756-1801).
(91.) Letter of Ferdiand Dejean to Johann Goebel and Maria Goebel in Rheinberg, Rome 27 February 1782, Stadtsarchiv Rheinberg, Privatsammlung Leonard Mertens.
(92.) Friedrich Michels, Geschichte und Beschreibung der ebemaligen Abtei Camp bei Rheinberg, Crefeld: Funcke, 1832, 89-90.
(94.) Catalogus, partis minoris' Bibliothecae ... Libros Medicos Anat. Chirur. Bot. Pharm. Chem. & Hist. Nat. Scriptores &c. de Ferdinand Dejean (Catalogue of the minor part of the library of Ferdinand Dejean etc.), Leiden: Luzac et van Damme, 1790, Landesbiblithek Oldenburg, Officina, Luzac et van Damme, ad diem 22 Novembris & seqq. 1790.
(95.) Comments on the Institutiones Pathologiae Medicinalis of Hieronymus David Gaubius, collected and written by Ferdinand Dejean, medical doctor, Vienna and Leyden: Rudulph Graeffer and S. and J. Luchtmans, 1792.
(96.) See ibid., Foreword.
(97.) Comments on the Institutiones Pathologiae Medicinalis of Hieronymus David Gaubius, collected and written by Ferdinand Dejean, medical doctor, Vienna and Leyden: Blumauer and S. and J. Luchtmans, 1792.
(98.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, 1794, vol. 1, 145-6.
(99.) Bleker and Lequin, Ferdinand Dejean, 115.
(100.) Gerrit A. Lindeboom, Geschiedenis van de Medische Wetenschap in Nederland, Bussum: Fibula-van Dishoeck, 1972, 94.
(101.) Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, 1792, vol. 2,438-42.
(102.) Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, Jena, 3 September 1793; Gruner, Dejean's Erlauterungen, 1792, vol. 2, III-XII.
(103.) Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, Jena, 3 September 1796.
(104.) Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, Jena, December 1797, 323.
(105.) G. Friehernn von Wedekind, "Ideen zur Polizei der Heilkunde," Fimfter Abschnitt, in Jahrbuch der Staatsarzneikunde, ed. Johan Kopp, vol. 7, Frankfurt am Main: In der Joh. Christ. Hermannschen Buchhandlung, 1814, 3-70.
(106.) G.C.B. Suringar, Het theoretisch geneeskundig onderwijs van Boerhaave etc. Nederlands Tijdschrift van Geneeskunde, tweede reeks, Amsterdam: H.A. Frijlink, 1866, 199-225.
(107.) Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung, Jena, 29 March 1797.
(108.) Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Magistrat, Ziviljustitz, Faszikel 2, Verlassenschaften 169/ 1797.
(109.) Testimony J. Geymuller, 3 August 1797, Idem.
(110.) Testimony J. Geymuller, 10 August 1797, Idem.
(111.) Especially the help by Mr. Falk Steins from Niedernhausen in Hessen, Germany, should be singled out here, who contacted us with some excellent data after the book was published. Mr. Steins, whose ancestor was a surgeon in the Cistercian monastery of Camp, recently constructed a relevant website, available at: http://ferdinanddejean.jimdo.com, accessed 11 August 2015.
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|Date:||Mar 22, 2016|
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