Evelyn Waugh's Yugoslav Mission: Politics and Religion.
The article argues that Waugh's views in his Report reflected his moral, religious beliefs and that they were vindicated by the post-Cold War history of Yugoslavia and Europe. In seeking to explain an understanding of Waugh's political outlook, it discusses why and how he went beyond the aim of his military mission.
The background research uses Waugh's diaries, letters, political, polemical writings and biographies of him. The political and historical context rests on the history of the Second World War in Croatia, the activities of the Special Operations Executive (SOE) in Yugoslavia and the Vatican's policy. It locates specific representations of this external context within two of his novels: Love among the Ruins and Unconditional Surrender, the third part of the trilogy Sword of Honour.
The Mission (MACMIS 1943-1945) in its Political Context: Waugh against British Policy in Yugoslavia
On 16 September 1944, a US Army airplane flew out of Isle Russe, Corsica, in "brilliant sunshine" and touched down on the military airfield of Topusko in Croatia. The passengers were Captain Arthur Evelyn St John Waugh and the son of the Prime Minister, Major Randolph Churchill. This was the second time the pair had tried to land in the area as part of the expanded British military mission in Yugoslavia led by Brigadier Fitzroy Maclean. During the first attempt the plane crashed and the team was forced to return to Italy to recover from their injuries. (1)
During the mission, Waugh collected evidence about the persecution of Catholic priests in order to write the Report, now retained in the British National Archives. (2)
The mission was directed by the 1943 shift in the Churchill government's support for Yugoslavia, from the pro-Royalist Chetniks led by the Anglophile Drazha Mihailovic to the pro-Soviet communist partisans' leader Tito, as advised by the SOE's centre in Cairo. Waugh and Randolph Churchill were sent to the region in pursuit of the policy.
As the Report reveals, Waugh did not object to the policy as such, but argued that a nuanced understanding of the situation on the ground was needed. He claimed that partisans were persecuting Catholics in Croatia and that Britain should not support Tito unconditionally. In other words, Waugh thought that Tito's anti-Catholic policy should not be accepted as part of the price of the alliance to defeat the Nazis. Organised over nine sections, with a "Synopsis" and an "Introduction," much of Waugh's Report is a political analysis based on his understanding of the war in the Balkans during the period between the advancement of Tito's partisans in Yugoslavia in 1941 until March 1945.
The relationship between Tito's partisans and the British was complex. The partisans viewed the Croats and the Croat clergy in particular as being pro-fascist and collaborators with the pro-Nazi Ustase regime of General Ante Pavelic in the 1941 Independent State of Croatia (NDH, Nezavisna Drzava Hrvatska). Waugh believed that this was not entirely true. He thought that politics were used as a pretext to persecute the Croats because they were Catholic; an "inconvenient" religious group in the new Yugoslavia. He argued that the Catholic Church was popular among local communities in Croatia and the partisans resented this because they wanted to create an atheist communist state. The killing of Catholic priests, according to him, was political revenge; seizing innocent victims without trial, staining their names by mixing them with real fascists and war criminals, and in numerous cases killing them.
Waugh wanted the British government to intervene to protect the Catholic Church in Croatia as a building block in whatever would be left in place after the destruction of the old order. But in the autumn of 1944 the government was focused on the immediate conduct of the war for victory with Prime Minister Winston Churchill wanting to become a fully confident ally of Stalin and Tito. In distinction, Waugh believed that British policy should not seek to make short-term allies at any cost, but rather to win the long-term war of preserving religion as a key aspect of the old Europe for the future. Crucially, he wanted Britain to protect European moral values not just from German Nazism but also from faithless Soviet communism. Waugh feared that by neglecting all factors considered to be extraneous to winning the war, Britain and the Allies would open the door to the influence of a materialistic, atheist ideology, which would ultimately lead to the decline of European civilization.
Collecting the Facts
Although Waugh left us no detailed account of exactly how he gathered the information for the Report, it is possible to reconstruct the process from his diaries, letters and the history of the mission. In section 7 Waugh accounts for 87 Catholic priests killed by the partisans and 9 imprisoned. Of these he had the specific names of 17 priests whom he reported as killed between 1941 and 1945. (3) He also reported the names of 14 other individuals engaged in politics to explain the context of the conflict. (4) It is quite clear that his main sources of information were the accounts of the local Catholic priests with whom he spoke, most probably in a mixture of Latin, French and/or Italian. Waugh's notes proved to be accurate. The 31 names were cited with fewer than five small mistakes due to orthographic differences between the Croatian and Serbian transliteration of names. While based in the small village of Topusko, approximately 100 km. south of the capital Zagreb, he visited 14 parishes: Niksic, Sibenik, Mostar, Unesic, Potravlje, Zlopolje, Sinj, Brstanovo, Koprno, Vojnic-Gardun, Svinisce, Makarska, Korilla and Dubrovnik.
The Response of the Foreign Office
Waugh was discharged from the mission before submitting his Report to the Foreign Office. (5) The Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, referred the Report to Sir Ralph Stevenson, the British Ambassador to Belgrade. Stevenson wrote back less than a month later, just a week after the end of the war, with a substantive 11-point assessment rejecting Waugh's recommendation for British intervention in Yugoslavia. The Ambassador did not deny the factual credibility of the
Report, and also, to a certain extent, the argument made, but he was convinced that Waugh was biased:
The issue can not be treated with true impartiality either by Catholics and non-Catholics and Captain Waugh is no exception to the rule. ...The new regime is determined to restrict the activities of the Catholic Church in Yugoslavia to a minimum.... To expect a concordat mutually satisfactory to two such irreconcilable bodies as the National Liberation Movement and the Catholic Church is beyond the bounds of reason. (6)
Stevenson argued that the Croatian Catholic clergy, collectively, was motivated by Balkan-style patriotism and could not be judged by Western standards. Even if this was so, it is difficult not to see from his assessment that, facts aside, there was a wide gap between what Waugh wanted and what the British government was prepared to do. For Waugh, Tito's coming to power was a catastrophe, whereas for Stevenson it was realpolitik. (7)
Waugh, Catholicism, Pope Pius XII and Croatian Nationalism
In 1945, for Waugh, the war in the Balkans was part of a bigger battle, between the ideologies of Nazism and communism in Europe, that he wanted to be clearly recognised by both church and state. In political terms Waugh was a radical conservative and a fervent anti-communist, but he was also a British soldier and a deeply committed Catholic fortunate enough to live in England, which protected him from the dilemmas faced by European Catholics during the war. Catholics in Croatia had to live in a Nazi puppet state and Waugh was aware that they were exposed to accusations of collaborationism per se. He defended them by writing that the great majority of the Croatian clergy "went about their duties, recognizing the authority of the de facto Government, doing nothing to subvert it, but using their influence to mitigate barbarities" as their leader Archbishop Alojzije Viktor Stepinac of Zagreb wanted them to do. Such was Waugh's understanding, but it was not unproblematic. (8) As noted by Stevenson, the British knew about collaboration between the Croatian clergy and the Ustase regime in practice and in specific regions. Stepinac did support the establishment of the pro-Nazi state and was allegedly anti-Semitic. He tried to oppose the Ustase's violent racial policies and sheltered Jews in Zagreb, but did not criticize openly the Ustase massacres of Serbs and Jews that happened between 1941-43. Literature about him abounds, but academically balanced works appeared after Waugh's lifetime and especially after Tito's death in 1981. Stella Alexander questioned the perception that he was an outright supporter of the massacres, (9) while Ivo Goldstein argued that, true, there were collaborators among his priests, but there was also evidence that during 1941-55 many Catholic priests were not blinded by religious hatred against the Serbs and the Jews, and actually tried to criticize the Ustase regime. (10) Most recently, Ivo Banac argued that politically the Catholic Church had almost no alternative but to support officially the NDH. (11) What emerges from these debates is that Waugh was actually less biased than previously thought.
On the other hand, however complex the Croatian situation on the ground, the chief Catholic policy maker was the head of the Catholic Church, Pope Pius XII. Although he remains a contradictory and controversial statesman during one of the most trying periods in the life of the Church, twentieth-century British, American and European scholars have come to agree about one thing: that his priority was to defend the unity of the Church in the face of communist atheism. (12) What we also know is that Pius XII decided to not confront Hitler or his puppet regimes in Eastern Europe and the Balkans. Most studies in this area focus on how much did the Pope know about the Nazi atrocities against the Jews and why did he not speak in their defence, which may have saved more lives. Virtually all histories of the Second World War in the Balkans acknowledge that he knew about the Ustase atrocities, (13) but it has been less discussed that the Pope also kept silent about the Catholics being persecuted. The political historian Michael Phayer emphasised this by arguing that papal diplomacy failed not only Europe's Jews but also the Polish Catholics. (14)
The most comprehensive insight into Pius XII's policy in the Balkans and Croatia can be found in Charles R. Gallagher's political biography of the American Catholic priest and diplomat Joseph Patrick Hurley, the Vatican's representative in Yugoslavia (1945-49) who went against his line of modus vivendi towards Tito. Hurley was present at Stepinac's trial in 1946, and one day after the verdict was made public he successfully petitioned the Vatican to excommunicate Tito, a baptized Catholic. It appears that by the time Waugh wrote his Report, Pius XII already had a record of non-intervention in Croatia in relation to the Ustase massacres. (15) How much Waugh knew about this is unclear. The diary entry about his audience with the Pope on 2 March 1945 to present the Report's findings is short: "I left him convinced that he had understood what I came for.... That was all I asked." (16) He left us no account of what he thought the Vatican had done, or should have done, in Croatia. Yet his silence cannot be simply ignored. It is hard not to assume that Waugh applied a different standard to church politics than to government policy. He wanted the politicians to act on his recommendation of a clearly moral nature but failed to leave us any evidence if he expected the Pope and the Vatican to do the same.
Evaluating the Report
Between 1945 and 1953 Waugh wrote to the press on five occasions against Tito and about the British missions in Yugoslavia, including in a review of the biography "Tito Speaks" by the communist partisan and future Yugoslav dissident Vladimir Dedijer. (17) Waugh's position remained unchanged: "[Tito] was busy then, as now, in the work for which he has a peculiar aptitude--hoodwinking the British." (18) Maclean did not change either and favoured Tito until the end. He believed that in military terms, as based on the evidence in the military reports he was receiving, Tito's partisans were making the better contribution to the Allied war effort than the Chetniks. In his memoir he discussed the Yugoslav mission at length but mentioned Waugh only once, saying that he was of an "adventurous disposition." (19)
In 1946 David Martin, a British intelligence officer who was chief of the SOE (1942-43), published his revisionist memoir arguing against the alliance with Tito. It is not known if Waugh read it. In 1945 George Orwell made a substantial comment about the British press coverage of the Yugoslav mission in the preface to Animal Farm, "The Freedom of the Press." However, it was not published until 1971, five years after Waugh died. Discussing manipulation of the truth, Orwell wrote:
A particularly glaring case was that of Colonel Mihailovich, the Jugoslav Chetnik leader. The Russians, who had their own Jugoslav protege in Marshal Tito, accused Mihailovich of collaborating with the Germans. This accusation was promptly taken up by the British press: Mihailovich's supporters were given no chance of answering it, and facts contradicting it were simply kept out of print. In July of 1943 the Germans offered a reward of 100,000 gold crowns for the capture of Tito, and a similar reward for the capture of Mihailovich. The British press 'splashed' the reward for Tito, but only one paper mentioned (in small print) the reward for Mihailovich: and the charges of collaborating with the Germans continued. (20)
Twenty years after Tito's death, however, Yugoslavia collapsed and historians started re-examining Churchill's alliance, perhaps to compensate for, or help explain, the upsurge of ethnic nationalism in the 1990s. Amidst the new theoretical studies of religion and nationalism under communism and some established historians trying to disentangle legend from history in the media, the name of James Klugmann (1912-77) occupied a particular place. Hugh Thomas, historian of the Spanish Civil War, discussed how Klugmann was a "determining influence" in the case of the Yugoslav partisans. (21) Noel Malcolm, a historian of medieval and modern Balkan history suggested that he was a key personality in the British alliance with Tito with an unusually high status in Cairo. Malcolm argued that in retrospect, the British support for the partisans assisted the establishment of communist Yugoslavia with a very unsatisfactory political arrangement for its nationalities, with an ultimately disastrous effect. He writes:
It is hard to imagine that a Western-allied constitutional monarchy would have inflicted as much suffering, murder and economic stultification as Tito's regime did. What is now abundantly clear is that the imposition of communism solved none of Yugoslavia's national problems, and merely encouraged them to rankle and fester. The suppression of national feeling has made it take new and more virulent forms. (22)
Klugmann was a British-Jewish Cambridge communist associated with the spy circle of the Cambridge Five. (23) In 1940 he was enlisted as a private in the Royal Army Service Corps and soon afterwards recruited to the SOE in Cairo in the Yugoslav section. His appointment was objected to by MI5 but approved by the SOE. Twenty-two years after Klugmann's death, in 1999, the publication of the Mitrokhin KGB archives established officially that he was a communist spy and the Moscow recruiter of John Cairncross. (24) In 2015, his biographer Geoff Andrews investigated the relevant archives and concluded that Klugmann had indeed manipulated military information in favour of Tito's partisans. (25) He also revealed that Waugh met Klugmann in Bari, presumably between 8 and 15 July 1944, when he briefed him before embarking on the Croatian mission. Klugmann was openly left wing, a member of the British communist party since 1933 and, according to Andrews, Waugh was "disgusted by the cynicism of the MI5 in appointing a communist at the SEO." Klugmann thought that Waugh was "insufferable." (26)
Fiction and History
Andrews identified Waugh's representation of Klugmann in Love among the Ruins and in Unconditional Surrender. (27) It is a significant contribution to the understanding of how Waugh intentionally created a satirical theme and a pattern to express Klugmann through representative characterisation directly related to the author's point of view about the history behind the fiction. Among caricaturing, allusion and real life references, Waugh's Klugmann is disguised in a light manner but persistently kept in focus close to the real person.
In Love among the Ruins, the main character, Miles Plastic, works at the Health Service's Euthanasia department, where the ballet dancer Clara appears as a patient and a priority case. She has previously undergone the "Klugmann Operation," effectively a sterilisation surgery, with the unwanted side effect of growing a beard. Miles falls in love with her and her beard. Clara becomes pregnant by Miles, but decides to have an abortion, and also to carry on with the reverse "Klugmann Operation." Miles is devastated, and at the end of the story he comes to symbolise the perpetual distraction of "the Modern Man" by "the State" policies, the end of human love, marriage and childbearing. The "Klugmann Operation" becomes a metaphor for the dehumanising effect of the state control, which causes the total degradation of those who believe in communism. It is also possible that the ballet element is a reference to Stalin's directorship of the Bolshoi Theatre in 1948. (28) Dr. Beamish, the Director, observes the patient Clara:
'Klugmann's Operation, I suppose?' 'Yes.' 'It does go wrong like that every now and then. They had two or three cases at Cambridge.' 'I never wanted it done,' explains Clara... 'It was the Head of Ballet. He insists on all the girls being sterilised.' (29)
Although the "Klugmann's Operation" is described with grim humour and makes only a fleeting appearance in Love among the Ruins, it is actually the focal point and the hidden reason for the downward spiralling story mirroring the way Waugh viewed the Yugoslav mission as a forerunner of Europe's decline.
In Unconditional Surrender, Klugmann is Joe Cattermole. He is the 32-year old officer who briefs Guy Crouchback in Bari before he flies out to Croatia. They are of the same generation and were both Oxford undergraduates, as revealed in their introduction to each other:
'Balliol 1921-24,' [Joe] said. 'Yes. Were we up together?' 'You wouldn't remember me. I led a very quiet life. I remember seeing you about with the bloods.' (30)
Joe, like Klugmann, is very academic and hard working. As an All Souls College post-graduate he published a heavily ironised philosophical treatise, "An Examination of Certain Redundancies in Empirical Concepts known as Cattermole's Redundancies." Joe passionately lectures new military arrivals like Guy in political strategy and admires the Jugoslav partisans, which is what Klugmann did: "The Jugs love him," and "Joe loves the Jugs", says Brigadier Cape. In appearance, Waugh likened Klugmann to the subjects favoured by the 16th-century Spanish religious artists: "tall, stooping, emaciated, totally unsoldierly, a Zurbaran ascetic with a joyous smile." (31) But above all, Joe, like Klugmann, is a fanatical Titoist who manipulates the military intelligence evidence in favour of the partisans.
Joe delivers a heavy political brief to Guy about the shift in Churchill's policy and how to switch the weaponry supply from the pro-Royalist Chetniks to the pro-Russian Yugoslav partisans. This happens in two stages. Firstly, Guy sees "a set explosion" on Joe's map showing how the partisans are expanding the "liberated areas." Joe points out that this is not known because of the "'royalist government in exile squatting in London: The partisans are holding down three times as many troops as in the whole Italian campaign. Besides von Weich's Army Group there are five or six divisions of Chetnics and Ustachi... There must be half a million enemy over there.'" (32) Secondly, Joe explains that the British had to re-divert the supply of equipment from the Chetniks to the partisans:
'We had to arm ourselves with what we could capture. Until quite lately those men in Cairo were sending arms to Mihajlovic to be used against our own people. We're doing a little better now. There's a trickle of supplies. But it isn't easy to arrange drops for forces on the move. And the Russians have at last sent a mission--headed by a general. You can have no idea, until you've seen them, what that will mean to the partisans. It's something I have to explain to all our liaison officers. The Jugoslavs accept us as allies but they look on the Russians as leaders. It is part of their history--well, I expect you know as well as I do about pan-Slavism. You will find it still as strong as it was in the time of the Czars. Once, during the sixth Offensive, we were being dive-bombed at a river crossing and one of my stretchers bearers--a boy from Zagreb University--said quite simply; 'Every bomb that falls here is one less on Russia.'... There are no politics in war-time; just love of country and love of race--and the partisans know we belong to a different country and a different race. That's how misunderstandings sometimes arise.' (33)
Finally, Cape says to Guy: "Neither you nor I are going to make our home in Jugoslavia after the war," which is what Churchill said to Maclean when they met in Cairo a few days after the Teheran Conference in 1943. (34)
It is not known if Waugh actually met Klugmann again on his way back from Croatia, but Guy meets Joe for the second time a year later in Bari. Joe is said to have risen in rank and is in charge of the office handed over to him by Cape. Guy enquires about the plight of the Jewish refugees from Begoy. Gilpin, another officer, informs him that they all escaped miraculously except the Kanyis, with whom Guy is especially concerned. He learns that they were denounced for involvement with a British officer (Guy) in order to sabotage the "Mission." Then Gilpin reveals to Guy that Joe obtained a confidential report from Cape about his involvement with the Kanyi couple, which was "compromising the Mission:" "It's lucky Cape had handed over to Joe before we got the report. You might have found yourself on a charge. But Joe's not vindictive. He just moved you where you couldn't do any harm. Though I may say that some of the names you sent us as displaced persons at Dubrovnik are on the black list." (35) This episode hints to Waugh's discharge from the mission with the Kanyis tried by "a People's Court" as a reference to Tito's post-war trials.
There are also three more occasions in the novel when Waugh represents the secret collecting of the evidence for the Report. Guy goes to Sunday Mass after having received the news that Virginia was killed. He makes a little parcel of food, which he takes back to the church to give to the priest. There they converse in Latin, arranging a time for the next day for Virginia's mass. Then Guy leaves the presbytery and turns into the adjoining church where he looks around, and also prays: "When he turned he saw Bakic standing behind him, watching intently: 'What do you want?' 'I thought maybe you want to talk to somebody.' 'I don't require an interpreter when I say my prayers,' Guy said." Further on Guy goes to church after an intense political discussion the previous night with Franc De Souza who told him what he knows from Joe about Tito's secret meeting with Churchill in Italy. Two partisans follow him and then claim that Guy was passing a note with information against them to the priest: "'They've had the priest up and examined him. The old boy's lucky not to be under arrest or worse.'" Finally, just before leaving Begoy, Guy is "walking the autumnal countryside...with the spy limping behind him. The church was locked up; the priest has left... 'What's become of him?' Guy asked of Bakic. 'He gone some other place. Little village more quiet than here. He was old. Too big a house for one old man.'" (36)
In 1948 Waugh wrote: "I am so weary about having been consistently right in all my political predictions for ten years. It is so boring seeing it all happen for the second time after one has gone through it in imagination." (37) He would have been 88 years old when religious and ethnic persecution destroyed Yugoslavia in 1992 and it might safely be assumed that he would not have been surprised by it. Maclean, who remained a friend of Tito and attended his funeral in 1980, continued to defend Churchill's alliance. Hugh Trevor-Roper, an Oxford enemy of Waugh, described the British alliance with Stalin's Russia (of which Tito was a part) as "self-defensive" in origin: "To each party it was the sole means of survival. Apart from that one overriding need, there was no rational trust, no identity of aim." (38) It is most unlikely that during the 1990s either of them would have remembered what Waugh had so passionately wanted: another way for the post-war Europe.
Yet history seems to have vindicated Waugh in his argument that religious freedom was incompatible with communism in Yugoslavia and elsewhere in Eastern Europe. The Catholic Church under Pope John Paul II played a huge role in the fall of communism. In 1979 the Polish-born Cardinal Karol Wojtyla returned to Poland, only months after he begun his ministry in Rome. During this carefully organised visit, he called for belief in the Christian past and future of Poland without fear, then a communist country. (39) Ten years later, the political reputation of the Catholic Church reached a historic peak when it's arch-enemy, the communist system, collapsed in 1989. The Berlin wall, built during Waugh's lifetime, was demolished 45 years after he wrote the Report. Sword of Honour was translated into Croatian in 1993; in 1994 John Paul XII visited Croatia and in 1998 he beatified Cardinal Stepinac. By then the country was independent and officially Catholic. In September 2017, the Croatian parliament voted to remove Tito's name from the capital's square. If at the time Waugh stood removed from the political and intellectual trend, today his profound belief in principled politics is a model of integrity in dissent.
(1) The Diaries of Evelyn Waugh. Ed. Michael Davie. London: Weildenfeld and Nicolson, 1976. 577. See Donat Gallagher, "Captain Evelyn Waugh and the Special Operations Executive (SOE)," Evelyn Waugh Studies. 43.2: (2012).
(2) NA FO 371/48910 "Description: Position of Orthodox and Catholic Churches in Yugoslavia: Relations between the Churches in Yugoslavia and the Partisans." Code 92 File 1059 (to paper 8060). Date: 1945"; NA (Copy), British Library Evelyn Waugh Archive MS Add 74226.
(3) See Appendix 1.
(4) See Appendix 2.
(5) The full details of Waugh's discharge from the mission, and the implications of this for avoiding potential charges under the Official Secrets Act, are reviewed in Gallagher, Donat, and Carlos Villar Flor. In the Picture: The Facts behind the Fiction in Evelyn Waugh's Sword of Honour. Amsterdam: Costerius, 2014. 271-76.
(6) Stevenson's dispatch is attached to the Report in NA (Copy), British Library Evelyn Waugh Archive MS Add 74226, "Mr. Stevenson to Mr. Eden, 17 May 1945."
(7) Gallagher disagrees with Stevenson's response. See Gallagher 284-93.
(8) It appears that Waugh met Stepinac and concluded that he did not hold the pro-German views of which he was accused at his trial in October 1946. Evelyn Waugh, Letter, 11 December 1946. Private Collection of Alexander Waugh.
(9) See Alexander, Stella. The Triple Myth: A Life of Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1987.
(10) Goldstein, Ivo. Croatia: A History. Trans. Nikolina Jovanovic. London: Hurst, 1999. 132-40.
(11) Banac, Ivo. Hrvati i crkva : Kratka povijest hrvatskog katolicanstva u modernosti. Zagreb: Profil, 2013. 85-94; 214.
(12) For an insightful summary of the debates, see 4-5 chapter Historiography in Pollard, John. The Papacy in the Age of Totalitarianism, 1914-1958. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2014. Lewy, Guenter. The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany. London: Widenfeld & Nicolson, 1964, is a post-war classic on the topic.
(13) See Tomasevic, Jozo. The Chetniks: War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1975. 359-96, and Ramet, Sabrina. The Three Yugoslavias: State Building and Legitimation. Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP, 2006. 113-62.
(14) See Phayer, Michael. Pius XII, The Holocaust, and the Cold War. Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP, 2008).
(15) Gallagher, Charles R. S.J. Vatican Secret Diplomacy: Joseph P. Hurley and Pope Pius XII. Chelsea, MI: Sheridan, 2008. 154-66.
(16) Diaries 618.
(17) The Essays, Articles and Reviews of Evelyn Waugh. Ed. Donat Gallagher. Boston: Little, Brown, 1984. "The Voice of Tito," 435-40.
(18) The Essays. "Our Guest of Dishonour." 426.
(19) Maclean, Fitzroy. Eastern Approaches. London: Jonathan Cape, 1949. 470.
(20) George Orwell. "The Freedom of the Press." TLS, 15 September 1972. "Collection Items." www.bl.uk/collection-items/orwells-proposed-introduction-to-animal-farm
(21) Thomas, Hugh. "King's Move." The Spectator. 31 July 1999. archive.spectator.co.uk/article/31st-july-1999/20/kings-move
(22) Malcolm, Noel. "How Britain Blundered in the Balkans." The Spectator. 10 July, 1992. archive.spectator.co.uk/article/11th-july-1992/11/how-britain-blundered-in-the-balkans
(23) See Boyle, Andrew. The Climate of Treason: Five who Spied for Russia. London: Hutchinson, 1979.
(24) See Andrew, Christopher. Vasili Mitrohin: The Mitrochin Archive II: The KGB and the World. London: Penguin, 2015.
(25) Andrews, Geoff. The Shadow Man: at the Heart of the Cambridge Spy Circle. London: I. B. Tauris, 2015. 140-149 in Chapter 12, "Comrade or Conspirator?"; Bailey, Roderick. (Routlege: 2005). "Communist in SOE: Explaining James Klugmann's Recruitment and Retention." Intelligence and National Security: Special Issue on SOE. Ed. Neville Wylie. 20: (2005). 72-97.
(26) Andrews 239.
(27) Andrews 266.
(28) See [phrase omitted], E.C. 1948 [phrase omitted]. [phrase omitted]-XX, 2010.
(29) Waugh, Evelyn. "Love among the Ruins: A Romance of the Near Future (1952)." The Complete Short Stories. London: Penguin, 2011. 448.
(30) Waugh, Evelyn. The Sword of Honour Trilogy: Unconditional Surrender. New York, NY: Knopf, 1994. 633.
(31) See Boyle, 62, for Klugmann's "flabbiness and limpness" in Cambridge.
(32) General Maximilian von Weichs oversaw the German retreat from Yugoslavia commanding the 2nd Army Group F in the Balkans in 1944.
(33) Unconditional Surrender 635.
(34) Maclean 402.
(35) Unconditional Surrender 705.
(36) Unconditional Surrender 669, 676, 696.
(37) The Letters of Evelyn Waugh. Ed. Mark Amory. London: Phoenix, 2009. 313.
(38) "Introduction" by Hugh Trevor-Roper in Bethell, Nicholas. The Last Secret: The Delivery to Stalin of over Two Million Russians by Britain and the United States. New York, NY: Basic, 1974.
(39) See John Paul II's speeches and homilies in Poland, 2-10 June 1979: https://www.fjp2.com/en/john-paul-ii/online-library/homilies.
References of the names in quotation marks of the Catholic priests (17) reported as killed in order of appearance in Evelyn Waugh's Report, followed by the details submitted and identified in the Croatian State Archives unless otherwise stated and provided to this author.
1. "Ivo Kranje"
Ivan Kranjc, born in Voglajna (Slovenia) in 1915. Parish priest of Nunic (Zadar archdiocese). Killed by Chetniks in Bukovica on December 24th, 1941.
In PETAR BEZINA, Progoni biskupa, svecenika i redovnika Splitske metropolije i Zadarske nadbiskupije 1941-1992. Split, 2000. 85.
2. "Ante Cvitanovic"
Ante Cvitanovic, born March 17th, 1889, in Podaca (Split-Dalmatia County). Parish priest of Potravlje (Makarska diocese). Died (shot or thrown into a pit) on Vjestic gora (Kamesnica) October 27th, 1944; missing never found.
In PETAR BEZINA, Progoni biskupa, svecenika i redovnika Splitske metropolije i Zadarske nadbiskupije 194.-1992. Split, 2000. 376.
3. "Vladimir Pavlov"
Vladimir Pavlov, parish priest of Zlopolje. It is assumed that he was liquidated together with Ante Cvitanovic on Vjestic gora (Kamesnica) at the end of October 1944; missing never found.
In PETAR BEZINA, Progoni biskupa, svecenika i redovnika Splitske metropolije i Zadarske nadbiskupije 19411992. Split, 2000.
4. "Dr. Josip Ghijic"
Dr. Josip Olujic, born 20th January 1888, in the village of Opanci. He was a scientist and a teacher of natural sciences (mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology, paleontology). Olujic's work in natural sciences reflected his holistic profile. Although he graduated and received his PhD diploma abroad (University of Fribourg), his work and overall activities are related to Sinj, where he worked as a professor at the Franciscan classical high school. Liquidated in October 1944. His remains were found in 2013 in a pit in Kriznjaca (Kamesnica).
See: http://www.matica.hr/media/uploads/prirodoslovlje/Prirodoslovlje 2011 web-smanjeno.pdf
5. "Ante Romac"
Ante Romac, parish priest of Brstanovo, of the Franciscan Province of the Most Holy Redeemer. Born October 8th, 1900 in Glavice (Sinj). He was briefly in prison and then disappeared on October 27th, 1944. It is assumed that he was liquidated (and thrown into a pit) on Vjestic gora (Kamesnica); missing never found.
In PETAR BEZINA, Progoni biskupa, svecenika i redovnika Splitske metropolije i Zadarske nadbiskupije 1941-1992. Split, 2000. 377.
6. "Father Ivan Romac"
Father Ivan Romac, parish priest of Unesic (Drnis) of the Franciscan Province of the Most Holy Redeemer. Born October 8th, 1900 in Glavice (Sinj). Shot after Mass in the village of Koprno, 17 May 1944 (Day of St. Pascal). Allegedly buried on the island of Visovac.
In PETAR BEZINA, Progoni biskupa, svecenika i redovnika Splitske metropolije i Zadarske nadbiskupije 1941-1992. Split, 2000. 377.
7. "Father Joseph Culin"
Josip Culin, born 1 February 1916 in Dugopolje. Shot while on parish duty in his church at Vojnic-Gardun, near Trilj on 20 September 1942. Buried in Dugopolje.
In ANTE BAKOVIC. Hrvatski martirologij XX stoljeca. Zagreb, 2007. 152-53.
8. "Father Muko Basic"
Mirko Basic, born 9 January 1895 in Tugare (Makarska); priest in Podgrade. He was actively helping the partisans; shot on his doorstep on August 21st, 1942.
In PETAR BEZINA, Progoni biskupa, svecenika i redovnika Splitske metropolije i Zadarske nadbiskupije 1941-1992. Split, 2000. 58.
9. "Father Ivan Stanic"
Ivan Stanic, parish priest of Svinisce. Born on 3 March 1897 in Omis. Tried at "People's Courts" as "Ustashe and denouncer" and executed on the mountain Mosor, 26 May 1943.
In PETAR BEZINA, Progoni biskupa, svecenika i redovnika Splitske metropolije i Zadarske nadbiskupije 1941-1992. Split, 2000. 59.
10. "Canon Nikolas Delic"
Born 2 February 1889 in Makarska. According to one document from November 25 1944: as a member of the Ustashe movement he was sentenced to death (by firing squad), stripped of civil and political rights; subject of confiscation of property, by the military court of VIII Corps Command for Biokovo-Neretva areas. According to another source he died on November 4 1944 in Vrgorac (Splitsko-dalmatinska county).
In Partizanska i komunisticka represija i zlocini u Hrvatskoj 1944 1946. Dalmacija, prir. Mate Rupic i Vladimir Geiger, Slavonsko Brod-Zagreb 2011. 227-28.
11. "Father Dominic Sulenta"
Dominik Sulenta (father Simun, mother Ivanica Morovic), born on November 20th, 1900, Drasnice near Makarska; guardian of the Franciscan Monastery in Makarska. The partisans entered Makarska on October 21, 1944 and Fr. Dominic Sulenta was arrested very soon afterwards. Together with the other detainees he was taken to a mountain slope in Kozice near Vrgorac where they were killed on November 4th, 1944 in the cemetery of St. Elias.
In Petar BEZINA, Franjevci provincije Presvetog otkupitelja zrtve rata 1942-1948. Split, 1995. 116-20. 135.
12. "Father Franjo Boric"
Frano Boric, born on September 19th, 1900 in Podgora, near Makarska. During the war he was the parish priest in Cvrljevo (near Unesic), then in Lecevica (in the Split area), and then he went to serve at the Franciscan Monastery in Makarska. When the partisans entered Makarska October 21, 1944, they arrested him with a group of people and killed them in a place called Kozice, near Vrgorca, November 4th, 1944; all buried in the cemetery of St. Elias.
In Petar BEZINA, Franjevci provincije Presvetog otkupitelja zrtve rata 1942-1948. Split, 1995. 114.-115.
13. "Father Petar Petrica"
Petar Perica, born June 27th, 1881 in Kotisina near Makarska; a Jesuit priest of the Catholic society "Crusaders." He was arrested and killed on October 26, 1944 on Daksa, a small island in front of the port of Gruz in Dubrovnik.
In Josko RADICA, Sve nase Dakse. Hrvatski jug u vrtlogu Drugog svjetskog rata i jugokomunisticke strahovlade. Dubrovnik, 2003. 227, 229, 231, 254, 260.
14. "Father Maryjan-Blazic"
Marijan Blazic, born March 25th, 1897 in St. Mateju (Blazici) near Kastav; a Franciscan monk of the Franciscan Monastery of the Friars Minor in Dubrovnik. He was taken from Dubrovnik and killed on October 26, 1944 on Daksa, a small island in front of the port of Gruz in Dubrovnik.
In Josko RADICA, Sve nase Dakse. Hrvatski jug u vrtlogu Drugog svjetskog rata i jugokomunisticke strahovlade. Dubrovnik, 2003. 227-29, 231-32, 240, 248, 254, 258-60, 280, 284, 740.
15. "Father Bernardin Sohol"
A musician. No information found.
16. "Father Djure Krecah"
Registered in Josko RADICA, Sve nase Dakse. Hrvatski jug u vrtlogu Drugog svjetskog rata i jugokomunisticke strahovlade. Dubrovnik, 2003. 227-29, 231-32, 240, 248, 254, 258, 259-60, 280, 284, 740.
17. "Father Toma Tomasic"
Professor Toma Tomasic, born August 17, 1881 in Bascanska Draga on the island of Krk; a monk of the Franciscan Monastery of the Friars Minor in Dubrovnik; He was taken from Dubrovnik and killed on October 26 1944 in Daksa, a small island in front of the port of Gruz in Dubrovnik.
In Josko RADICA, Sve nase Dakse. Hrvatski jug u vrtlogu Drugog svjetskog rata i jugokomunisticke strahovlade. Dubrovnik, 2003. 227, 231, 240, 242, 254, 747.
References of the names in quotation marks of the Catholic priests (14) reported in the political analysis of Evelyn Waugh's Report, followed by the details as identified in the Croatian State Archives unless otherwise stated, and provided to this author.
1. "Father Beckman." Full name Josip Bockmann. Born February 14, 1910 in Rudolfstahl (later renamed to Bosanski Aleksandrovac), a village in northern Bosnia and Herzegovina; appointed as a vicar of Prijedor in 1942; arrested by the partisans 22 December, 1944; tried by the People's Court and sentenced to death on 16 February 1945; executed 17 February1945; buried in the cemetery of Greda near Sanski Most.
2. "Friar Bubuk." Full name Miroslav Buzuk. Born March 15, 1906 in Brisevo near Prijedor (Bosnia and Herzegovina). Appointed as a vicar of Sasina (1943-1944) diocese of Banja Luka (deanery of Bihac); arrested by the partisans on December 17, 1944, tried by the People's Court and sentenced to death on February 16, 1945; executed on February 17, 1945; buried in the cemetery of Greda near Sanski Most.
In Branko Bokan. Sanski Most u NOB-u 1941-1945. godine, svezak III, Sanski Most, 1980. 260-62.; Anto Orlovac. Banjolucki martirologij. Svecenici banjolucke biskupije--zrtve ratova dvadesetog stoljeca. Banja Luka--Zagreb, 1999. 17-19.; Anto Orlovac. Prijedorski mucenicki trolist. Zupa Prijedor i njezina tri zupnika mucenika za vjeru u 20. stoljecu. Prijedor, 2005. 86-105.; Anto Orlovac. Leksikon pokojnih svecenika banjolucke biskupije. Banja Luka, 2011. 59-61.
3. "Father Filipovic." Full name Miroslav Filipovic, also known under the name of Majstorovic (as it is written in the Report). Born June 4, 1915 in Jajce (Bosnia and Herzegovina). Franciscan friar who became active in the Ustase movement from the mid-1930s; served as a commander in the concentration camps of Jasenovac and Stara Gradiska (October 1942-March 1943); excommunicated by the Catholic church in Croatia in 1942; returned by the British army from Austria to Yugoslavia in 1945; sentenced to death by the People's Court and hanged in July 1945.
In Tko je tko u NDH. Hrvatska 1941-1945. Zagreb: Minerva, 1997. 114-115.; Jure Kristo, Sukob simbola.
4. "Father Brkljacic." Served as a Ustase officer in Jasenovac. Ivica Brkljacic was a Ustase officer who worked in the Jasenovac camp; after the war he was tried, sentenced to death and executed.
In Tko je tko u NDH. Ed. Marko Grcic. Zagreb, 1997. 49.
5. "Father Jose Bujanovic." Prefect of Gospic accused of participating in a massacre of Orthodox peasants, and also of exhorting Ustase to acts of terrorism. Full name Josip (Jole) Bujanovic. A military chaplain and prefect who survived the war.
In Tko je tko u NDH. Ed. Marko Grcic. Zagreb, 1997. 56.
6. "Professor Zunic." Expelled by Archbishop Stepinac. Full name Ismet Zunic. An Islamic theologian and poet who disappeared in 1945.
In Tko je tko u NDH. Ed. Marko Grcic. Zagreb, 1997. 437.
7. "Bishop Garic of Banja Luka." Full name Jozo Garic. In 1941 intervened on behalf of the detained Orthodox Bishop Platon but failed to save his life.
In Tko je tko u NDH. Hrvatska 1941-1945. Zagreb: Minerva, 1997. 127.; Anto Orlovac. Banjolucki martirologij. Svecenici banjolucke biskupije--zrtve ratova dvadesetog stoljeca. Banja Luka--Zagreb, 1999. 75-76.
8. "Bishop of Djakovo." Full name Antun Aksamovic, died October 7, 1959.
In Hrvatski biografski leksikon. 1, A-Bi. Zagreb: Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod, 1983.
9. "Bishop of Cetinje." Full name Josip Marija Julijo Carevic. He was the bishop of Dubrovnik/Ragusa. In May 1945 he was ambushed by the Partisan units, tortured and killed.
In Tko je tko u NDH. Ed. Marko Grcic. Zagreb, 1997, 65.; Josip Marija Carevic: biskup dubrovacki (1883-1945). Ed. Zelimir Puljic i Mile Vidovic, Dubrovnik-Metkovic, 2002.
10. "Father Basio." Full name Marijan Blazic. Born March 25, 1897 in St. Mateju (Croatia). Franciscan monk of the Franciscan Monastery of the Friars Minor in Dubrovnik. He was arrested in Dubrovnik and killed on October 26, 1944 on Daksa, a small island in front of the port of Gruz in Dubrovnik.
In Josko RADICA, Sve nase Dakse. Hrvatski jug u vrtlogu Drugog svjetskog rata i jugokomunisticke strahovlade. Dubrovnik, 2003. 227-29, 231-32, 240.
11. "Mgr. Ritiog, Dean of St. Mark's in Zagreb." Spoke personally to Waugh. Full name Svetozar Ritig, a priest and a politician who worked with Jewish refugees and was sympathetic to the partisans; died in 1961.
In Margareta Matijevic. <<Politicko, crkveno i kulturno djelovanje Svetozara Rittiga (1873-1961).>> Doktorska disertacija (PhD dissertation; unpublished), Filozofski fakultet Sveucilista u Zagrebu, 2011.; Miroslav Akmadza, "Svetozar Rittig - svecenik ministar u komunistickoj vladi Hrvatske," Godisnjak Njemacke narodnosne zajednice. 15.1 listopad (2008): 101-15. http://hrcak.srce.hr/index.php?show=clanak&id clanak jezik=67845); Miroslav Akmadza. "Prilog poznavanju politickog djelovanja mons. Svetozara Ritiga", Historijski zbornik. LIV (2001): 137-58.; Tko je tko u NDH. Ed. Marko Grcic. Zagreb, 1997. 347.
12. "Father Salacan" of Kotor who joined the partisans. Full name Ante Salacan, a parish priest who survived the war and died in 1990.
In Sematizam Biskupije Dubrovacke. Ed. Ivan Simic. Dubrovnik, 2006.; Dubrovnik: Nasa Gospa, 2009. 62.
13. "Father Petan" of the Maribov diocese, in Sibenik; joined the partisans. Full name Janez (Janko) Petan, a parish priest from 1945 until 1972.
14. "The Bishop of Kotor," resident and Vicar of Apostolic of Dubrovnik (1944). Full name Pavao Butorac. He was accused of being a sympathiser of the Ustase.
[Please note: Some non-Latin characters were omitted from this article]
|Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback|
|Title Annotation:||Church and State in Liberated Croatia|
|Publication:||Evelyn Waugh Studies|
|Article Type:||Critical essay|
|Date:||Mar 22, 2018|
|Previous Article:||Submission Guidelines.|
|Next Article:||"Just You Look at Yourselves:" Relativisation of the Authentic Image of Manliness in Vile Bodies.|