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Ethnic defaming and the historical research. On the case of Gypsies' designation in Transylvanian Saxons culture of the 19th to the 20th centuries.

Despite unsatisfying experiences generated by previous merging with psychiatry or psychology and the cultivation of psycho-history, (1) the linguistic turn with its accent on the mediation of language and the construction of reality within the language itself, (2) obliges to seriously reconsider the relation between history and social-psychology especially because of its focus on identity, perception of infringements and emotional reaction to events and their actors. (3) These provide good arguments to strengthen the interdisciplinary dialogue dialog as it may reduce the gap between the social, cultural, historical and psychological approaches. Despite of this generous bid the present state of "the new cultural history" continues to display reserves towards psychological propensities. (4) My study tries to explore a way in which this deficit generated and reserves of the historians in particular may be overcome.

Instead of calling social sciences, particularly the social--psychology preoccupation with identity as "culture blind" or pronouncing that the cognitive psychology is inoperative to their metier, (5) historians would better admit (after taking a better look in the social--psychological literature) that a preoccupation with the qualitative studies and therefore a serious reflection on the role culture plays in identity researches has been indeed seriously considered. It is hard to deny that cognitive processes of individuals or groups as users of stereotypes are not founded in the "predicaments of culture" to whom they belong(ed) to. Admitting that culture is not all -mighty, social psychologist found out that stereotypes and prejudiced attitudes may also rest on personal experience which may support the accuracy of the stereotypes. Concomitantly, their consensual role in social cognition brings us back to the realm of culture which turns into "a reflection of many pooled individuals". (6) Clearly a middle way must be considered particularly because not all the information about Others is reached by personal experience therefore people's stereotypes seem a mixture between what one was taught and what one has seen. (7) Another convergence point is the notice that stereotypes are "weapons in cultural wars" (8) social psychologist recognizing in this way what analysts of Orientalist discourses have for about three decades demonstrated that stereotyping is thought to reflect social hierarchy. As a result as many studies have shown, contemptuous stereotypes and prejudices always targeted groups "whose collaboration was not needed"; be them welfare seekers or nomads these groups were stigmatized as "useless" (9) especially from the pre-modernity on to the present, Gypsies being in that respect a constant target.

Hate-speech and ethnophaulism studies in cultural context

Qualitative and highly culturalist researches of the hate speech have some tradition in Western milieu. The experience of imperialism and the migration from the colonies to the metropolis certainly nurtured this research field. Even common "jokes on the new comers and their unusual customs" were thought to act as a pressure meant to finally obtain standardization by preaching cultural conformity. (10) The resulting ethnic slurs serve(d) to obtain the social disciplining by delimiting from the Others' "immorality, decadence, dirt and uncivilized behavior which threaten the social order". (11) Moreover, keeping the eyesight to the past, some thinkers have noticed how "in traditional cultures, the ethnonyms an in-group gives itself often derive from native words for "real humans" or "the people," whereas the ethnophaulisms given to out-groups often derive from native words for "beast" or "animal". (12) In this respect both mass media as well as folk or cultivated literature played a major role in opposing an exotic identity to a moralistic and edifying bourgeois model. (14) Savagery, inferiority, primitiveness, deviance were attributes which found codification in different stereotypic designation of the Others, the major aim being the maintenance of established relations with the world outside or simply to incorporate the anomie from within by projecting it on the Others, often "black sheep" in a perpetually world under siege.

Generically, hate speech is defined as "a more direct, accessible, and condemning formula than such earlier categories as linguistic xenophobia, ethnophaulism, ethnic insult, and homophobia, which have the disadvantage of being opaque and not readily comprehensible because of their classical roots". (15) Being nothing else but a variety of hate-speech (16) the ethnophaulism is by its haziness and/or complex valences indeed interesting to be explored within the frameworks of a cultural historical exploration capable to encourage the dialogue between social psychology and historical research.

Trying to synthetize a definition to an otherwise unfamiliar term to the non-social psychologist, one may say that the term ethnophaulism was proposed by A.A Roback and derives from the Greek root whose meaning was "to disparage" and obviously ethnic group. Its use involves the introduction of a derogatory nickname for Others (17) in order to keep them at bay, to strengthen ethnic boundaries and exclude outsiders. (18) Quantitative and qualitative researches have also shown that "There is a close association between the amount of prejudice against an out-group and the number of ethnophaulisms for it" and correspondingly that "the greater hostility could be expressed and reinforced by the repetitions of a small number of ethnophaulisms or by using stronger ones". (19)

Fact is that it resonates with Allport's depiction of the hated outgroups imagined as "less than fully human" (20) and that it certifies inferiority of the Others expressed by referring to different (pseudo)scientific paradigms. Thus, the role of culture demonstrates itself as essential when one deals with the ethnophaulism, as it codifies in a single word or synthetic formulation exactly the values the observer tries to make exponential in order to mock the other, to maintain him in an controversial if not inferior position. At another level the relevance of culture is intrinsic as the final outcomes, the colocation, recalls exactly the cultural specificity of the Other by referring to certain identity markers (be it attire, cuisine, religion, etc). (21)

Certainly, more sophisticated researches showed that "stereotypes are not merely our cognitive take on what the culture preaches, but active attempts to provide explanations for deeply ingrained divisions", thus, reserving a key role to the individual perceiver who "makes use of various cultural representations" and "applies them selectively and even creatively to explain the particulars of the social life he or she inhabits". (22) It is exactly where my study aims, as the colocations used instead of the exonym commonly in use were discursively replaced by some other relevant ethnophaulisms.

If there is still doubt in the necessity of importing such a concept, I would only say that the fear of forcing borders is ridiculous as the term itself was first coined in a study based on the 19th century sources. Profoundly anchored in the cultural background, "ethnic name-calling and denigrating slurs", was shown to "reflect social positions and invoke negative cultural stereotypes", "carrying the weight of historical, political and social" (24) factors that contributed to its coinage and spread of restricted usage. (25) Furthermore, given the nature of the past sources I will base my demonstration on, the individualistic creativity of authors involved in the disparaging process, as it turns truly understandable when one considers both who does it and to whom it is targeted. (26)

Gypsy studies and hate-speech study. Limits and propensities

From the side of the traditions in the field of Gypsy studies one may say without being in any way wrong that mainly since the 18th century this niche and exotic specialization encouraged the dialogue between old or new coming sciences. Interdisciplinary approaches have been a familiar practice in this study area. Beginning with the successful (although not entirely unprejudiced) philological discoveries indicating the origins (which despite contestation still stand up and are being cultivated), continuing with sometimes strongly negatively biased as in the case of racial sciences which in their attempt to explain presumed deviance, have slipped on the path of genocidal solutions, or presently interest to insert the knowledge production about the Gypsies in a wider cultural or social paradigm, all these attest the lack of inhibition or better say the dependence on interdisciplinarity of this research area. Irrespective of its results it still remains a path to follow, as sometimes newer or older nuanced findings in the social sciences, despite their fruitful potential, seem to have not been put to work. Historical study of radical Otherness seems to me fossilized and lethargic in dealing with difference mechanisms, having a lot to learn from the social, literary and cultural studies which have undoubtedly renovated the humanistic investigations in the last decades (27). In Gypsies' case, in order to understand a history of rejection one must first correctly comprehend the implication of the language in prejudicing and labeling of the Others.

In German the closest to the meaning of ethnophaulism is the notion Schimpfwort. It was applied to the exonym in an effort to make the usage of the term politically incorrect, denounced it for expressing racism. Although I do not totally disagree with this point, for the sake of scientificity I refrain myself from using it. In many respects, I associate this approach to the activists' discourse and therefore find it ideologically biased too. In this sense, the implication in the politicized "victim competition" with anti-Semitism is highly controversial. (28) This interpretation of the exonym simply as an injuring labeling does not convince me, as I am aware that along the time exonyms were not necessarily negatively charged but gained this value in circumstances where political tensions or confrontations required semantic reevaluation. But making the exonym a Schimpfwort is like going too far from at least two reasons: it is semantically much too fuzzy and, as already proven, this stage has been reached only in the 19th century with the labeling specific to the national state bureaucratization and surveillance techniques. The labeling of the people on the move as "Gypsies" generated the subsequent criminalization of the exonym reaching its peak decades later in the 20th century interwar years. (29) Additionally this game is indeed dangerous for the activists' project itself. Totally focusing on the label "Gypsy" as not applying to the ethnic group they represent, but referring to a heterogeneous group of peoples embracing a mobile lifestyle, one risks to create anachronism by reporting criminalized connotation prior to its coinage during 19th century. Things have certainly reached an extreme and surely a totally unwanted point by denying the ethnic identity of the groups which for centuries had been made synonymous by the external observes with this exonym. (30) In diverse cultures, it acted as a pejorative exonym (31) being for instance rejected by some Travellers while others "deliberately embraced" it and even capitalized it giving it the signification of ethnic belonging. All this debate clearly shows political implications and the dealing with the ethnoym is crucial to the activists' rights movements (32), debate in which I do not want to venture here.

Probably aiming to save the discussion from heading to nowhere, the Heidelberg Research and Documentation Center for Sinti and Roma in Germany proposed the analyses of the term keyword (germ. Stichwort) "Gypsy" in order to reveal its recurrence in dictionaries and connected the definition to the political praxis of different chronological segments and compulsory considered the new scientific utterances as well as the centuries old semantic heritage. (33) This treatment of the term is meant to demonstrate the inauthenticity, illegitimacy and social biases of it. The hidden risk is that turning it in an artificially outer-imposed term, simply denies the Roma the genealogies from the "Gypsy", turned univocally in an illegitimate, problematic stigma term. This may very well jeopardize the big transnational project, the game with the past in reconstructing a historical discourse on the Romani people moving from the univocally illintentioned "projective identification" (34) of the externals in the hand of some other subjective memory (subjective Gedachtniss) of the internal. Therefore the usage of the ethnophaulism as an instrumental episteme may be very well the salvage from this intricate and heated ideological arena as it underlines the complexity of ethnicity in long term and various cultural contexts.

Additionally, in many respects the Stichwort is nothing else but a mixture of different traditions, ideologies and policies which accumulated over the period of time prior to the moment of dictionary codifications. It refers to a variety of understandings, a cumulative stereotyped set, but is not as precise for the speech--circumstances that usually aggregates a unique dimension relevant for the moment and eventually the progress of interaction.

Itself a cultural and secondary a social construct, ethnophaulism seems thus neutral as it was not yet exploited politically the manner in which Stichwort or Schimpfwort had been. Nobody denies that ethnophaulisms betray the existence of "forms of ethno-centrism as chauvinism, pejorative stereotypes, scapegoats, segregation, and discrimination". (35) Albeit, by focusing on ethnophaulism, on its epithetic as well as social and ideological implications, I intend to go beyond--but not against, since the cultural prejudices, stigma remain at the core of my interest-the bondage of a self-assertive political movement of the Romani nation builders and concentrate exclusively on the alternative derogatory formulation regarding this ethnic group. Contextually dependent, ethnophaulism may also be meaning producer by itself and therefore can be treated independently. Awareness of historical semantics must as well contribute to a better understanding of some ethnophaulistic formulas which may be otherwise misleading for present time readers. To conclude, as I will demonstrate that besides its disparaging intent, in contrast to Schimpfwort, ethnophaulims may have an essentialist vein but is not always negatively charged rather entail humorous instances useful to deflate conflicts.

Historical--cultural and theoretical premises of the Saxon--Gypsies interaction in Transylvania

Chronologically I will concentrate on the period comprised between the beginning of the 19th century up to the interwar because of certain coherence with regard to the Saxons' identity, which was to be reconfigured repetitively in permanent relation to Otherness. The cultural and later volkisch nationalism dominated by an overwhelming ethnosymbolic (36) understanding of the nation, from which the remembrances of the estate position never vanished, had been promoted by channels like church and schools, which, along the period worked intrinsically together. Another argument for the superior chronological limit of my research is motivated by the advent of the Communist regime which decreed the leveling of every Romanian citizens irrespective of their language, an act that lead to a final step back of the Saxons stronghold. (37)

From the 18th century successively, Transylvanian Saxons had to reconsider their position within the province, Austrian Hungarian Empire and later the Romanian state which also meant redefinitions of the group identity. This was continuously related to the Others, particularly Hungarians and Romanians as political competitors or eventually allies. Furthermore, connections with the German Prussian world made their advancement of the newly minority identity (38) not only an indigenous affair but also a topic to the pan-German question. As Stefan Sienerth has shown the literary or scientific productions created in German milieu from Transylvania had two addressees: the internal and the external of the province. (39) Inevitably, the connections with the German cultural milieu (resulting from the high education in German protestant universities and later the personal or institutional networks) impacted on the discursive strategies both paradigmatically as well as semantically.

If in relation with the Hungarians and Romanians Transylvanian Saxons and Germans had to consider their national and political agendas, with respect to the Gypsies things were less sophisticated, therefore a constant attitude of deprecation or denigration. The Nebeneinader (40) relation never turned into extreme acts of persecution. It was rather marked by a special treatment of tolerance Duldsamkeit, (41) sometimes even patronage which permitted a type of symbiotic relation, surely, with the Gypsies in the low--reputed position, despite some changes with respect to Gypsies lifestyle as a result of progressive sedentarization.

Comparable culture structures with the central European German culture (confessional belonging, guild system, urban identity) made Saxon's discourses seem very much alike and therefore the transfers of exogenous paradigmatic formulations stimulated. Therefore, at the level of semantics of different discourses, similarities with the central- European German milieu facilitated the overtaking of many loci communes. (42) Not to forget that a common image of the Gypsies dominating all over Europe, constructed in opposition with the sedentary societies made the discourse apparently analogous. Still, adaptations or tone tempering are noticeable and they betray a nonviolent side by side existence. Accordingly, despite influent external productions well received in Transylvania, the endogenous relations seemed to work in favor of inhibiting force measures, at most, customary spatial restrictions being normative in the intergroup relations, although, often some expressions may seem sometimes similarly and harshly discriminatory.

The way Saxons encoded their own nationality reflected on the dialectic involved in imagining the identity of Self and the Others. In particular Gypsies were seen in an almost perennialist grid, their depiction remaining almost unchanged, static for centuries. Permanently Transylvanian Saxons acknowledged Gypsies particular ethnicity working indeed as a boundary criterion. (43)

In my attempt to enlist and reflect on the semantic value of the ethnophaulism in use with regard to the Gypsies my sources of quantitatively and qualitatively different value were: calendars, statistic literature, ethnological studies, schoolbooks and the press. Thanks to their circulation some media may have had a particular impact on the public opinion, on the way boundaries were legitimized and possibly directly biased the relations with this low-status ethnic group.

Ethnophaulism towards the Gypsies in the context of Transylvanian culture

The semantic value of different ethnophaulisms in use during the 19th to the mid- 20th centuries that I will deal with here, benefited from the cultural history achievements which were truly interested in historical linguistic semantics. I will follow those ethnic, cultural, economic, racial, gender or onomastic collocations and try to explain their recurrence as alternative to the exonym. Deciphering their meaning would facilitate understanding more precisely the aspects relevant in the process of attributing meaning to "Gypsiness". To the extent that it is needed, in case they have additional explanatory value I will consider them in the narrative in which they occur. Thus, the risk of mistakenly interpreting the ethnophaulism's meaning and social value would hopefully be low.

A collection of nicknames of the different ethnicities living in Transylvania in use by the Saxon communities reveals the fact that Saxons used to name the Gypsies with appellatives like:"Katsch, Kere, Morre, Purde". (44) A folklorist like Haltrich testifies their existence but is hard to clearly establish the recurrence of them in the daily language. In some of cases at least for some of them dictionary definitions may suggests meanings. Hence, "Katsch" which is defined as "to chew something loudly or heavily" may be referring to the attributed irrational usage of resources which is retained by some 18th century sources. This came to be later epitomized as characteristic to the Gypsies in popular culture productions. Given the already mentioned disposition to animalize of the ethnophaulism, this formula has certainly cognitive value as it opposes the civilized to the bestial. The nomadic nature thought as an essentialized trait of the generic Gypsy may be well strengthen by such a term, as nomads were also seen as "plagues", as locust-like hazards. "Morre", on the other hand, refers to the presumed origins, cultivating an older believe of Turkish or Amorite (45) lineage which hinted back to the erroneous genealogies from the premodern times. In its turn "Purde" demonstrates how the ethnophaulism may be created simply by deriving it from the target groups' vocabulary. Its meaning was "naked" and surely implied the state of wilderness, primitiveness and particularly poverty of a generic Gypsy. "Kere" on the other, derives from a Gypsy word meaning "at home". In this respect Wlislocki enlightens us better: "Letztere Benennung stammt aus dem Zigeunerischen, wo eben kortorar, Zeltzigeuner heisst, zum Unterschied vom Ansassigen, der Gletecore (sprich: Gleteschpre = Sprach- Armer) genannt wird". (46)

To methodically proceed further, I will mention that the ethnophaulism regarding Gypsies in Transylvanian Saxon's cultural production can be rendered in some categories. Thanks to the explicit or implicit reference they made, I noticed some disparaging formulation conjuring: their ethnic origins, work ethic, mobile lifestyle, physical traits, religiosity, artistic talent, along with some presumed characterial (deviant), or others endowed with semantic-onomastic value. It is difficult to establish a predilection for some particular ones according to the political--ideological trends dominating the discourses about Otherness along the centuries. Where compulsory, necessary explanations will be made, but chronologies are here sometimes superfluous as references are actually stable and traditions in choosing between certain identity markers survived for centuries.

Among the most persistent landmarks of hetero-identity was the matter of origins. With respect to the Gypsies, ethnophaulism switches between the two major traditions: the Egyptian and Indian highly speculated and later scientifically demonstrated roots of their Urheimat. In certain cases references may entangle, hence, strengthening the Otherness by appealing both to the ethnic and to the social sector. If some called them simply "Pharaoenen" (47), "Egyptian people" (agyptischen Volke) (48), "pharaohs' descendant" (Pharaonen- Nachkommlinge") (49) others mentioned the tribe of Pharao'children ("ein Stamm der Kinder Pharaos") (50) camping to the limits of localities, thus, mixing their attributed primeval nature with lineage reference legitimizing infamous attributes. Certainly, the choice for such intricate set of insinuations is not necessary the expression of insufficient upgrade to the latest scientific discourse, but rather proves the power of traditions, which at this level of disparaging others selects from past topoi belonging to various "scientific" paradigms. Indian descent theory did not miss from this repertory with Gypsies being called "Nachbarvater der Hindus", (51) "indostantische Ableger in Europa" (52), or "lively Indian women" (muntere Indierin). (53) Some other time the imaginary spatial location of them is captured in the Easter Europe, specifically Hungary, as the ethnophaulism "tanned son of steppeland" (braunen Sohnen der Pussta) (54) clearly demonstrates. Otherwise, like in the case of "sonn- und rauchgebrannten Kinder der indischen Steppe" (55) (suntanned and smoked children of the Indian veld), which combines phenotype and precise references of geographical sites, their homeland was once again thrown outside Europe.

Nomadism was for centuries associated to the Gypsies even though in different areas and timespans most of them went sedentary. (56) Literary texts in particular have a predisposition to evoke exactly these groups as exponential despite regional and contextual empirical facts and data. (57) One inevitably deals here with a prolific production of ethnophaulisms. The most obvious one is the usage of "braunen Nomaden" (58) instead of Gypsies, the phenotypical reference adding up to the accuracy of the formulation and leaving no room for equivocal speculations. "Heimatlose und unstatte Volk" or "unstatte Menschenrace" also essentializes the attributed trait turning the mobility into an ethnicized dimension of their otherness. In order to augment the spatial transiency and to imagine them at the margin as well as on the perpetual move some used formulations like "Sohnen der Steppe und des Waldes" (59) or "braunen Kinder des Heide und des Waldes". (60) In other text the nomadic lifestyle is expressed by means of ornithological hints as in the colocation: "Sperling" among the peoples. (61) Sometimes ethnological texts follow the line as they consider the "true" nature of the Gypsies residing among others in their high spatial mobility. Hence, we see the industrious Wlislocki opening his dissertation about the nomad Gypsies by calling them these "Ueberall und nirgends" (62), and later idealistically romanticizing them "poesiereiche Wandervolk". (63)

The above mentioned seem innocent as recall dislocation and primitivity. On considerably other position stays the use of terms betraying attitudes generated by this cultural trait. Semantically "riff-raff", undesirables ("Gesindel") (64) in particular bears symbolic dishonest connotation as they refer to people outside the control of authority and therefore suspected of deviant behavior. Others like the term "journeyman" ("Geselle") has connotation which may be properly understood only if one considers the competition between the guilds and non-guild members. It did not only establish a hierarchical relation but occasionally certified edgy relations. It appears in different mixed constructions mixing racist clear allusion to the ethnicized wandering: "der braunen Gesellen" (65), "lustigen schwarzbraunen Gesellen", (66) "braunen Diebsgesellen". (67) This double reference is particularly useful in the process of disparaging them, having also the role of clarifying the identity of the incriminated as external to the local co-ethnic journeymen whose wandering was seen a legitimate, mandatory and systemic to the guild. The occasional recourse to illegal methods of means of survival support is more or less implicit. The maximal expression of deviance and hazardous identity is expressed by the formulations like "durchtriebener Gauner" at which I will refer later. The repertory of Gypsies made by Schwicker also takes as reference the mobile lifestyle when refers to the nomadic "Flieh"-Zigeuner. (68)

All these bookish creation surely were not as spread as had been the common--sense term Kortorar (69) which is of a long term usage in Transylvania codifying in a single word the mobile habitat of a category of Gypsies. Concerned with distinguishing between typologies of Gypsies in Transylvania, Witting doubled "Kortorar" with "Zelter". (70) Alternatively, "Schatterzigeuner" (71) coined by Wittstock also identifies a subcategory of Transylvanian Gypsies, the notion denoting indirectly by the mention of precarious habitat an attributed mobile life style.

Sedentary groups were always skeptical with regard to mobile peoples. Gypsies' deficient work ethic was commonly amended. Laziness and other labels were recurrent attributes used to mock them and explain their unworthiness. Despite all these, in eastern areas of Europe, even though Gypsies had been socially stigmatized, they played a crucial role in providing with goods and services, those rural areas where guilds did not reach, or supplied with cheaper services in agriculture. The colocations hinting directly towards the repertory of trades embraced by the Gypsies unveil the niche activities they covered: "Jambas" (72) (horse trader), "Goldsammler" (73) (goldwasher), "Grobschmiede oder Ziegelbrenner", "gewohnliche Kesselflicker", "Abdecker", (75) "bojaschen". (76) This may suggest already a commitment for some activities that would lately act also as identity markers of certain tribes within the larger group. The phenomenon can be accounted already from the 18th century at least in case of "Jambas" or "Goldwascher". Reproducing the regulating guilds' discourse some ethnophaulism ("Grobschmiede" or "Kesselflicker") are thought to insinuate the primitiveness of their occupations, as well as the secondary role they were tolerated to play in local economy.

This secondary economic role maintained them at the margins and in a perpetual state of poverty. These cognitive verdicts naturally lead to naissance of prejudiced perceptions with Gypsies embodying the role of social unworthy. This categorization came to be more socially relevant in legitimizing the exclusion from the alms distribution which already from premodern times operated in the spirit of rationality by refusing support to the outsiders, or so-called unworthy people. The matter came into actuality already from the 18th century when the magistrate of Hermannstadt/Sibiu legislated against further tolerance of Romanian and Gypsies beggars "Bettler" from the town (77). Among the measures this mention seems like the first proof of the process of discriminating between domestic and outsider beggars on the account of their ethnical origin that I have met for the chronologic segment explored. To suggest a considerable discontent with the begging of the Gypsies one author even called them "undankbare Taugenichts". (78) Among others, "armen Parias" (79) is one of the most obvious ethnophaulistic formulation used to alternatively refer the Gypsies as an unworthy poor, by making use of a seemingly pleonastic construction. Appropriating a Gypsy term like "Purde" meaning "naked", Saxons used it as an idiomatic construction meant to also encode the extreme poverty and cultural anomie of the generic Gypsy. Again ethophaulism reached at least symbolic degrading dimension when authors referred to the Gypsies "arme Wurm" (80) or "armseligen Wurmern" (81) or "Gewurm" confirming the animalizing propensity of ethnophaulisms. (Semi)sedentary Gypsies called "Kolibaschen" (82) not only testified about a sub-category subjectively distinguished by Wittstock but also informed about the extreme poverty and primitiveness of their household which appears to be reinforced constantly in the discourse about Gypsies.

As well known, "Paria" term had a bookish origin coined by Heinrich M. G. Grellmann's influential synthesis (83) where he sententiously first categorized the Gypsies on the lowest and infamous place within the Indian caste system. The cultural and social construction of the Gypsies subsequent to Grellmann's book finally branded the Gypsies as eternal deviants particularly thanks to the role he played in racialistically essentializing cultural traits and the support he frankly displayed for the enlightened assimilationist measures. But criminalization gained more terrain during the 19th century and the 20th century in the national building process. Without necessary traversing such stately experiences, the language of the central and Western productions appealed to the Saxons too, as modernity called for new identity affiliations. The already mentioned double fidelity of the Saxons and particularly their filo--Prussian feelings augmented for the transfer of paradigms and colocations. Clearly, endogenous reactions to Josephinist reforms discussed in later diets (Landtag) may not be neglected for the new criminalizing attitude and appellative formulations.

High spatial mobility predisposed to suppositions and formulations of the kind. Accordingly, Wittstock calls them "durchtriebener Gauner". (84) Spatial dislocation and adverse relations with the law is suggested by the formulations like "elander Karl", (85) "verflachter Karl", (86) zerdranglicher Karl. (87) As already demonstrated the semantic of "Kerl" bore already from early modernity juridical value destined to sanction criminal offences. When a colocation like "Landplage" (89) was used it made reference to the local disturbances Gypsies' lifestyle was credited to generate confirming a very long tradition going back to early modern times. The final step of explicit racist views is progressively reached in colocations of the type "braunen Gaunergesicht", (90) which explicitly expressed a contemporary criminological view.

The permanent reference in distinguishing a generic Gypsy remained the "visible ethnicity" (91) or the racial characteristics. "Braune" in association with other words like "nomad", "Gesellen", has already mentioned and clearly referred to phenotype peculiarities. If some undertones a certain dimension of otherness like marginality and irreligiousness ("braunen Sohne und Tochter der waldumkranzten transsilvanischen Heide"), (92) others insist on primeval nature ("Schwarzbraunen Kindervolk"), (93) while "braunen Horden" (94) were to suggest insecurity they might embody. Ethnophaulisms also mentioned obvious exotic physical traits thus resulting disparaging formulations with hair as central reference: "der schwartzlockigen Mitbewohner". (95) Unequivocal naming like "schwarzes Volk" (96) assumed to be inherent to self-designation of some groups, as Schwicker showed, leaving no room for other comments. "Redselige Braunen" (97) sees the phenotype substantiated and successfully replacing the exonym. Introducing the formula "braunnen Leute daheim", (98) in the same volume Schwicker attenuated at least the territorial externality but continued to mention phenotype as identity marker, as an instrument in differentiating within the complex Transylvanian ethnical mosaic. Of special interest to me is the combination "braune Rome", (99) "schlaue Rome", (100) "schlaue Romsohne" (101) or "braunen Sohne des Romvolkes". (102) They have the power to show that the present day political correct ethnonym was not at all racism-free in the past. Simply by choosing the self-designation of the group was not unbiased, on the contrary, turned into a typical disparaging formulation.

Scornful feelings are conveyed by "arme Gesippe" (103) which suggest the perpetual maintenance and perpetuation of sub-humanity presumably embedded in their species or clan. With remarks of the kind "Zigeunerwesen ist Rassentum" things seemed to be definitively locked in ambiguous racial category thinking, the most elaborate and elitist expression of it in an derogatory formulation being "Polypenarme" (105) implying belongingness to an unintelligent inferior race.

Despite all this repertory of ethnic insulting codifications, racialization was not entirely contending and harshly charged. My assertion is being proven by the culturally redeeming attribution of an essentialized inclination to the arts, particularly the musical performances. (106) The synonymy between the ethnonym and the performance of music is certified by the remark: "Musikant und Zigeuner an vielen Orten identische Begriffe" or "jeden Musikanten kurzweg einen <<Zigeuner>> nennt". (107) Double references experienced in the other connotative circumstances occur in corresponding formulas: "den braunen Sohnen mit der Fidel" (108) or the "braunen Cymbalschlager". (109) These two disparaging formulations admit the existence of the stereotyped portrait. Moreover supplementary information mentioning their instruments (the cords) as music instrument of the poor people, (110) strengthened their exoticism and oriental hetero-identity by adding up some phenotypical allusion to it.

Religious references were less various. Following a long premodern tradition, authors operate with standard formulations, Gypsies being projected outside Christianity by stressing an often equivocal paganism. Die "Heideleute", (111) "Heidenvolk", (112) "transsilvanischen Heide" (113) are nothing else but sufficiently explicit. A step towards their open condemnation was reached by the use of collocations like "armen Sunder". (114) To suggests their hazardous otherness and even to legitimize negative discourses some went even further calling them "Erbfeindes christlichen Namens". (115) Monstrous and demonic embodiment of the Gypsies is finally expressed by the Babau, collocation which is relevant for the child stealing prejudice accusation brought to the Gypsies for centuries, and which was nurtured by mythical narrations circulating in European Christian milieu.

Gender references could not miss from among the generous epithetic constructions. Some referred to their magic practices naming them "Prophetin" (117) or "egyptische Seherin" (118) and customary culturally associative projection of Egypt as the homeland of magic arts which is deeply rooted in biblical discourse overtook and reproduces insatiably. Nonetheless, Egyptian lineage seemed to be reserved to some of the most deviant and marginal of the groups. Hence "Aegipten oder Lumpenzigeuner" (119) or "Aegypter oder Vagabunden", (120) correspondingly lacking even a tent determined Transylvanian Saxons to perceive them as the most abject subcategory. Other gender relevant disparaging modalities were: "Tochter Egyptiens" (121) or "Tochter der Wanderhorden" (122) recalling and bad reputed nomadism.

As social psychologist have shown an entirely recurrent ethnophaulist constructions found inspiration in the onomastic register of the target group. (123) "Der Dade" (124) borrowed from the Gypsy idiom was coined to show an age difference, more precisely the undisputed paternalistic despotic role of the male. It later appears in folkloric collections initiated by Haltrich in a modified "arme Dodo" (125) and later in the Saxon culture became productive as a nominal substantive like "Doditzi".

Conclusion

A type of hate-speech in its different variants was cultivated by any group toward another being inherent to the interaction processes. It allocates attributes confirming cultural predominantly negative stereotypes in order to make sure that Otherness will not infiltrate or vitiate the ongoing reiteration of the ethnic, national or social group coherence. In my survey, I indicated how problematic some concepts came to be with the advance of identity politics and warned of the unexpected turn outs some concepts (in particular exonyms) reached during political self-assertive struggles. On the other hand, I showed the potential of alternative usage of concepts originally dealt with by social--psychologist and show how seminal, at least conceptually if not also epistemologically, they may be in the new discourses of a pluralistic cultural history.

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Marian Zaloaga *

* Marian Zaloaga is Phd Candidate at the Babes-Bolyai University of Cluj and Scientific Researcher at the "Gheorghe Sincai" Research Institute for Social Sciences and the Humanities, Targu-Mure?. E-mail: zaloagam@yahoo.com.

(1) Lynn Hunt, "Psychologie, Ethnologie und 'linguistic turn' in der Geschichtswissenschaft," in Hans-Jurgen Goertz, (Hrsg.), Geschichte: Ein Grundkurs, 2 Auflage, Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Verlag, 2001, pp. 671-693, here p. 681.

(2) Ibidem, p. 674.

(3) Ibidem, p. 684.

(4) Ibidem, p. 687.

(5) On the traps within the dialogue between the discipline of history and the social sciences see: Keith Jenkins, Rethinking History, 3rd Edition, London and New York: Routledge, 2003, p. 20; Robert F. Berkhofer, Beyond the great story: history as text and discourse, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1997, pp. 177, 192-193; Nicholas Thomas, Out of time. History and Evolution in Anthropological Discourse, Second Edition, Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1996, pp. 1-9, 103; Robert Harrison, "History and sociology", in Peter Lambert, Phillipp R. Schofield (ed.), Making history: an introduction to the history and practices of a discipline, London and New York: Routledge, 2004, p. 143.

(6) David J. Schneider, The Psychology of Stereotyping, London / New York: The Guildford Press, 2004, p. 323.

(7) Ibidem, p. 329.

(8) Ibidem, p. 370.

(9) Helene Joffe /Christian Staerkle, "The Centrality of the Self-Control Ethos in Western Aspersions Regarding Outgroup: A Social Representational Approach to Stereotype Content", in Culture & Psychology, Vol. 13(4) 2007, 395--418, p. 399.

(10) Joseph Boskin/Joseph Dorinson, "Ethnic Humor: Subversion and Survival", in American Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 1, Special Issue: American Humor (Spring, 1985), pp. 81-97, here p. 84.

(11) H. Joffe / C. Staerkle, op. cit., p. 409.

(12) Brian Mullen/ Tirza Leader, "Linguistic Factors: Antilocutions, Ethnonyms, Ethnophaulisms, and Other Varieties of Hate Speech" in John F. Dovidio/Peter Glick/Laurie A. Rudman (eds.), On the Nature of Prejudice. Fifty Years after Allport, Malden Oxford, Carlton: Blackwell Publishing, 2005, pp. 192-207, here p. 194.

(13) H. Joffe /C. Staerkle, op. cit., p. 146. As a major source of stereotypes mass media "play a key role in the social processes that link the self-control value and social representations of outgroups (...) As far as my interest with ethnic slurs is concerned I agree with the fact that "the popular media continue to report the use of ethnophaulisms in interethnic conflicts" p. 344. Andrea Carnaghi / Anne Maass, "In-Group and Out-Group Perspectives in the Use of Derogatory Group Labels: Gay Versus Fag", in Journal of Language and Social Psychology, Volume 26, Number 2, June 2007, pp. 142-156, here p. 146.

(14) See: Bernd Roeck, Civic Culture and Everyday Life in Early Modern Germany, Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2006, pp. 142, 153, Werner Faulstich, Mediengeschichte von den Anfangen bis 1700, Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2006, pp. 19, 22-23, Iona Italia, The Rise of Literary Journalism in the Eighteenth Century: Anxious Employment, London/ New York: Routledge, 2005, p. 7.

(15) "Hate Speech", in Hughes, Geoffrey, Encyclopedia of Swearing: The Social History of Oaths, Profanity, Foul Language, and Ethnic Slurs in the English- Speaking World. Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 2006, p. 220.

(16) Brian Mullen/Tirza Leader, op. cit., p. 192, 204.

(17) Erdman B. Palmore, "Ethnophaulisms and Ethnocentrism", in The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 67, No. 4 (Jan., 1962), pp. 442-445 here p. 442; Brian Mullen/ Diana R. Rice, "Ethnophaulisms and Exclusion: The Behavioral Consequences of Cognitive Representation of Ethnic Immigrant Groups", in Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 29 No. 8, (August 2003), pp. 1056-1067, here p. 1056.

(18) B. Mullen, D. R. Rice, op. cit., pp. 1058-1059.

(19) E. B. Palmore, op. cit., pp. 442-443.

(20) B. Mullen, T. Leader, op. cit., p. 199.

(21) Aliens, in G. Hughes (ed.), op. cit., pp. 5-6.

(22) D. J. Schneider, op. cit, p. 370.

(23) B. Mullen, T. Leader, op. cit., p. 192; E.B. Palmore, op. cit., p. 442; B.Mullen, D. R. Rice, op. cit, p. 1056.

(24) Maykel Verkuyten, The Social Psychology of Ethnic Identity, East Sussex/N.Y.: The Psychology Press, 2005, p. 116.

(25) "Hate Speech", in G. Hughes (ed.), op. cit., p. 221.

(26) Alan Dundes, "A Study of Ethnic Slurs: The Jew and the Polack in the United States Author(s)", in The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 84, No. 332 (Apr.--Jun., 1971), pp. 186203, here p. 189.

(27) Particularly in the exploration of marginal or the so--called deviant cultures, the dialogue with the social sciences was found helpful. A reassurance in this respect was made by: Jacques Revel, "History and the Social Sciences", in Theodore M. Porter/Dorothy Ross (ed.), The Cambridge History of Science. The Modern Social Sciences,Volume 7, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 401; Donald M. Mac Raild, Avram Taylor, Social Theory and social History, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004, p. 6.

(28) Torben Fischer/Matthias N. Lorenz, Lexikon der "Vergangenheitsbewaltigung" in Deutschland: Debatten- und Diskursgeschichte des Nationalsozialismus nach 1945, Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2007, p. 313, Raimond Reiter, Sinti und Roma im "Dritten Reich" und die Geschichte der Sinti in Braunschweig, Marburg: Tectum Verlag, 2002, p. 185.

(29) Leo Lucassen, "<<Harmful tramps>> Police professionalization and gypsies in Germany, 1700-1945", in Crime, Histoire & Societes / Crime, History & Societies, Numero Vol. 1, nr.1, 1997, Varia, pp. 31-39.

(30) Brian Belton, Gypsy and traveller ethnicity: the social generation of an ethnic phenomenon, London / New York: Routledge, 2005, p. 13.

(31) Angus Bancroft, Roma and Gypsy-Travellers in Europe: modernity, race, space, and exclusion, Avebury: Ashgate Press, 2005, p. 5.

(32) David Mayall, Gypsy Identities 1500--2000. From Egipcyans and Moon-men to the Ethnic Romany, London /New York: Routledge, 2004, p 15.

(33) See: Anita Awosusi (Hrsg.), Stichwort: Zigeuner. Zur Stigmatisierung von Sinti und Roma in Lexika und Enzyklopadien, Heidelberg: Wunderhorn Verlag, 1998 (Schriftenreihe des Dokumentations- und Kulturzentrums Deutscher Sinti und Roma, 8).

(34) Franz Machiejewiski, "Elemente des Antiziganismus", in Jacqueline Giere, (Hrsg.), Die gesellschaftliche Konstruktion des Zigeuners. Zur Genese eines Vorurteils, Frankfurt a. Main: Campus Verlag, pp. 9-28; Anneke Winckel, Antiziganismus. Rassismus gegen Roma und Sinti im vereinigten Deutschland, Munster: Unrast Verlag, 2002, p. 20.

(35) E. B. Palmore, op. cit., p. 445.

(36) See: Anthony D. Smith, Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism: A Cultural Approach, London/New York: Routledge, 2009.

(37) Konrad Gundisch, Siebenburgen und die Siebenburger Sachsen, Munchen: Langen-Muller, 1998, p. 223.

(38) Ibidem, p. 125.

(39) See: Stefan Sienerth, "Der siebenburgisch-deutsche Autor im Dilemma der Entscheidung zwischen dem einheimischen und dem europaischen Adressatenkreis", in Anton Schwob/Brigitte Tontsch (Hrsg.), Die siebenburgisch-deutsche Literatur als Beispiel einer Regionalliteratur, Koln/ Weimar/ Wien: Bohlau Verlag, 1993, pp. 119-140; Stefan Sienerth, "Kunstlerisches Selbstverstandnis und Zugehorigkeitsdilemma deutscher Schriftsteller in Rumanien wahrend der Zwischenkriegszeit", in Motzan, Peter/Sienerth, Stefan (Hrsg.), Die deutschen Regionalliteraturen in Rumanien (1918-1944). Positionsbestimmung, Forschungswege, Fallstudien, Sonderdruck Sudostdeutsches Kulturwerk, Band 72, Munchen, 1997, pp. 95-116.

(40) See: Johannes Ries: "Nebeneinander--Miteinander. Zum interethnischen Verhaltnis von Siebenburger Sachsen und Roma/Zigeunern" in Zeitschrift fur siebenburgische Landeskunde, Nr. 30, Heft 1-2 /2007, pp. 89-104.

(41) Marian Zaloaga, "On Tolerance and Radical Otherness in Transylvania. Saxons and Habsburgs on the Transylvanian Gypsies (I)Religiosity and Religious Practices (from 17th to the 19th century)", in Studia Universitatis Petru Maior, Series Historia, Nr. 7, 2007, pp. 55-70.

(42) See Sacha E. Davis, "Maintaining a "German" home in Southeast Europe: Transylvanian Saxon nationalism and the metropolitan model of the family, 1918--1933", in History of the Family, Volume 14, Issue 4, 2009, pp. 386--401, here p. 399.

(43) Fredrik Barth (ed.), Ethnic Groups and Boundaries. The Social Organization of Culture Difference, Bergen/ Oslo/ Tromso/ Universitetsforlaget; Boston/Massachusetts, Little, Brown and Company,1969, p. 30; Nicolae Gheorghe, "Zwischen Emanzipation und Diskriminierung. Historische und aktuelle Aspekte der rumanischen <Roma- Frage> ", in Halbjahresschrift fur sudosteuropaischer Geschichte, Literatur und Politik, 2 Heft, 4 Jahrgang, November 1992, pp. 72-88, here p. 78.

(44) Joseph Haltrich, "Neck- und Spotnamen der verschiedenen Volker und der Bewohner einzelner sachsischer Ortschaften in Siebenburgen", in Sachsischer Volkswitz und Humor, (Grosstentheils vorgelesen in der Generalversammlung des Vereins fur siebenb Landeskunde am 24 August 1878 in Schassburg.) 1878, p. 6.

(45) Heinrich von Wlislocki, Von wandernden Zigeunervolke. Bilder aus dem Leben der Siebenburger Zigeuner, Geschichtliches, Ethnologisches Sprache und Poesie, Hamburg, 1890, pp. 910. Despite Wlislocki's option, previous 18th century speculations mentioned both ambiguous genealogies; See also: Joseph Benko, Transsilvania sive Magnus Transsilvaniae, Tom, I, Claudiopoli, 1834, p. 503.

(46) Ibidem, p. 6.

(47) "Der Stuhlrichter. Ein Erzahlung aus Siebenburgen", in Der Siebenburger Bote, Nr. 211, 18 Oktober 1859, p. 848.

(48) "Elopatak", in Siebenburger Wochenblatt, Nr. 50, 24 juni 1841, Kronstadt, p. 196.

(49) "Der Tag der Zigeuner", in Siebenburgisch--Deutsches Tageblatt, Nr, 5824, 5 februar 1893, p. 123.

(50) "Der Stuhlricher", Der Siebenburger Bote, Nr. 206, 11 Oktober 1859, p. 828.

(51) "Zigeuneranekdoten" in Der Siebenburgischer Hausfreund. Ein Kalender fur Siebenburger zur Unterhaltung und Belehrung, Kronstadt, 1851, p. 96.

(52) Joseph Haltrich, Zur Volkskunde der Siebenburger Sachsen, Viena: Graeser, 1885, p. 109.

(53) "Reitende Feldschmiede", Satellit des Siebenburger Wochenblattes, Nr. 86, 27 Oktober 1842, p. 363.

(54) "Notizen", in Hermannstadter Zeitung vereinigt mit dem Siebenburger Bote, Nr 102, 30 April 1866, p. 397.

(55) Emil Witting, "Uber unsere Zigeuner", in Klingsor, 12/3 (1935), pp. 98-107, here p. 98.

(56) Lucas Joseph Marienburg, Geographie des Grossfurtstenthums Siebenburgen, Zweiter Band, Hermannstadt, 1813, p. 79; Viorel Achim, The Roma in the Romanian History, English translation by Richard Davies, Budapest/ New York: CEU University Press, 2004, pp. 129130.

(57) Ioan Bolovan, "Romii din Transilvania in a doua jumatate a sec. al XIX-lea. Aspecte statistice si demografice", in Rodica Elena Colta (coord.), Modele de convietuire in Europa Centrala si de Est, Arad: Complexul Muzeal, Colectia "Minoritati", 2, 2000, pp. 243-260.

(58) "Eine Zigeunerschlacht", in Siebenburgisch--Deutsches Tagesblatt, 28 juni 1891, p. 629.

(59) Johann Heinrich Schwicker, Die Zigeuner in Ungarn und Siebenburgen, Wien/Teschen, 1883, p.113.

(60) Ibidem, p. 156.

(61) J. Haltrich, op. cit., p. 5.

(62) H. von Wlislocki, op. cit., p. 1.

(63) Ibidem, p. 34.

(64) Rudolf Oser, "Die Zigeuner", in Deutsches Lesebuch fur Mittelschulen, Erster Theil, Erster Klase, Hermannstadt, 1893, pp. 130-133, here 131, 133. Fr. Fronius, "Aus dem Volksmunde [Zigeunergeschichten]", in Korrespondezblatt der Vereins fur siebenburgische Landeskunde, VI Jahrgang, Hermannstadt, 15 Dezember 1883, Nr. 12, pp. 133-137 here p. 132.

(65) Dr. Adolf D. Schullerus, Siebenburgische Volkskunde im Umriss, 1926, Leipzig, Quelle & Meyer, p. 218, Heinrich Zillich, Die Zigeuner, Schassburg, 1931, p. 31.

(66) "Sonne, Mond und Wind", in Der Siebenburgischer Hausfreund, 1853, p. 99.

(67) "Rauberische Einbruch", in Siebenburgisch -Deutsches Tageblatt, Nr. 1340, 20 Mai 1878, p. 471.

(68) J.H.Schwicker, op. cit., p. 113, 129.

(69) Jile Romane. Volkslieder der Transilvanisch--Ungarischen Zigeuner, Originaltexte Mit gegenuber stehenden Verdeutschungen von Dr. Hugo vom Meltzl, Sonder- Abdruck aus den Brassai-Meltzl-schen, Osszehasonl. Irodalomtortenelmi Lapok, (Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Litteratur) Bd. I, (1877) und II (1878), Klausenburg, p. 40, Heinrich von Wlisklocki, Zur Volkskunde der transilvanischen Zigeuner, Hamburg, 1887, p. 5.

(70) E. Witting, op.cit., p. 98.

(71) Erwin Wittstock, "Von den Zigeunern", in Klingsor, 2 (1927), pp. 41-54, here p. 41.

(72) Dr. Adolf D. Schullerus, Siebenburgische Volkskunde, p. 224.

(73) J.L. Benigni, Versuch uber das Siebenburgische Kostum, I Heft, Hermannstadt, 1807, p. 13.

(74) "Der Stuhlricher", in Der Siebenburger Bote, Nr. 211, 18 Oktober 1859, p. 848.

(75) E. Wittstock, op. cit., p. 48, 51.

(76) Ibidem, p. 41.

(77) Friedrich Teutsch, "Instruktion des Hermannstadter Bettelvogts", in Korrespondenz des Vereins fur siebenburgische Landeskunde, IV. Jahrgang, Hermannstadt, 15 December 1881, Nr. 12, pp. 140-141, here p. 140.

(78) "Sonne, Mond und Wind", in Der Siebenburgischer Hausfreund, 1853, p. 100. A. K., "Kronstadt", in Sattelit des Siebenburger Wochenblatt, Kronstadt, Nr. 84, 19 Oktober 1843, p. 364.

(80) "Zigeuner in Paris", in Siebenburgisch--Deutsches Tageblatt, Nr 1723, 21 august 1879, p. 807.

(81) "Sonne, Mond und Wind", in Der Siebenburgischer Hausfreund, 1853, p. 101.

(82) E. Wittstock, op. cit., p. 41.

(83) See: Heinrich M. G. von Grellmann, Die Zigeuner: Ein historischer Versuch uber die Lebensart und Verfassung, Sitten und Schicksale dieses Volkes in Europa, nebst ihrem Ursprung, Zweite Auflage, Gottingen, 1787. The book was first published in 1783, but I extendedly worked on its second edition.

(84) E. Wittstock, op. cit., p. 51.

(85) Adolf Schullerus, Geschichte vum Tschirpick uch ander lastich Zegunemeeren, Hamerstadt, 1928, p. 58.

(86) Ibidem, p. 57.

(87) Ibidem, p. 53; Misch Orend, Schnurren und Spasse aus Siebenburgen, Hermannstadt, 1942, p. 59.

(88) Christoph Freese, Zur Geschichte und Gegenwart der Zigeuner und Landfahrer in Deutschland.Versuch einer subkulturtheoretischen Erklarung, Phd Theses, Friederich Alfred Universitat Erlangen-Nurnberg, 1980, p. 53.

(89) "Die Zigeuner. Eine Kulturskizze", in Siebenburgisch--Deutsches Tagesblatt, Nr. 4283, 12 januar 1888, p. 6.

(90) "Ein lustiges Zigeunerstuckchen", in Der Siebenburgische Volksfreund. Ein Sonntagblatt fur Stadt und Land, Nr. 16, 21 April 1895, Kronstadt, p. 124.

(91) Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and nationalism since 1780: programme, myth, reality, Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004, p. 66.

(92) H. von Wlislocki, op. cit., p. 365.

(93) "Sonne, Mond und Wind", in Der Siebenburgischer Hausfreund, 1853, p. 100.

(94) H. von Wlislocki, op. cit., p. 29.

(95) E. Witting, op. cit., p. 303.

(96) J. H. Schwicker, op. cit., p. 5.

(97) "Eine wahre Begebenheit, zur Kurzweil erzahlt", in Der Siebenburgischer Hausfreund, 1849, p. 137.

(98) J. H. Schwicker, op. cit., p. 139.

(99) Ibidem, p. 74.

(100) Ibidem, p. 5.

(101) Ibidem, p. 168.

(102) Ibidem, p. 82.

(103) E. Witting, op. cit., p. 102.

(104) Ibidem.

(105) Ibidem, p. 99.

(106) Saul Nicholas, Gypsies and Orientalism in German Literature and Anthropology of the Long Nineteenth Century, London: Legenda, 2007, pp. 11, 13.

(107) J.H. Schwicker, op. cit., p. 168.

(108) Ibidem.

(109) "Eine Nachahmerin der Prinzessin Chimay", in Der Siebenburger Bote, Nr. 90, 7 mai 1860, p. 360.

(110) Helmut Brenner, Versuch einer Theorie der politischen Verwendung von Musik [www.uibk.ac.at/peacestudies/downloads/.../musiktheorie.pdf], 25 September 2010, p. 246.

(111) O. Glaubrecht (Rudolf Oser), op. cit., p. 131.

(112) Ibidem, p. 132.

(113) H. von Wlislocki, op. cit., p. 365.

(114) Dr. Richard Schuller, Alt-Scha[sz]burg. Kulturhistorische Skizze, Zweite erweiterte Auflage von Karl Seraphin, Schassburg, 1906, p. 24.

(115) J. H. Schwicker, op. cit., p. 33.

(116) Fr. Fr. Fronius, Bilder aus dem sachsicshen Bauernleben in Siebenburgen. Ein Beitrag zur deutschen Culturgeschichte, Wien 1879, p. 34.

(117) "Die Zigeunerin", in Blatter fur Geist, Gemuth und Vaterlandskunde, Nr. 7, Montag den 13 Frebruar 1843, p. 50.

(118) Ibidem, p. 52.

(119) J.L. Benigni, op. cit., p. 4.

(120) L. J. Marienburg, op. cit., p. 69, 79.

(121) "Der Stuhlrichter", in Der Siebenburger Bote, Nr. 211, 18 Oktober 1859, p. 848.

(122) J. H. Schwicker, op. cit., p. 108.

(123) B. Mullen/T. Leader, "Linguistic Factors", p. 198.

(124) H. Zillich, "Der Zigeuner", p. 19, 25.

(125) J. Haltrich, Zur Volkskunde der Siebenburger Sachsen. Kleinere Schriften, in Neuere Beartbeitung herausgegeben von J Wolff, Wien 1885, p. 118.
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