Editing hispanic hymnody.
The critical edition of the Visigothic and Mozarabic hymnody available to date was Clemens Blume's Hymnodia Gotica. Die Mozarabischen Hymnen des alt-spanischen Ritus, published in 1897 as volume 27 of the Analecta Hymnica. It has always been a problematic edition. The underlying criteria proved to be disputable, the text based on the manuscripts known at the time--very far from what we know at present--offerred errors and unnecessary emendations, the apparatus was inaccurate. Over the last one hundred years, as one would expect, substantial progress has been made in regard to the dating and the origin of the pieces; our knowledge of prosody, metre and rhythm has improved considerably, and our understanding of their historical and liturgical context is more complete (1). On the other hand, some hymns have new critical editions, and some others were dealt with in studies of textual criticism (2). It was therefore acknowledged by all that a new edition of the whole corpus, based on a complete analysis of every witness identified so far, and taking into account the studies produced in the last fifty years or so, was very much needed. It is thus easy to infer the interest and expectation which surrounded the publication of Jose Castro Sanchez's work, issued in the prestigious Corpus Christianorum collection, which provided us with this huge (954 pages!) and splendid volume.
The title of the volume is Hymnodia Hispanica. It is an acceptable term, and replaces Blume's 'mozarabischen Hymnen' and Gil's 'himnario gotico'. Both were inaccurate for they did not express the overall nature of this corpus. For this reason it has often been named 'Visigothic-Mozarabic', precisely to cover the two main periods involved. Indeed, we are dealing with the body of hymns sung in the Spanish liturgy prior to the introduction of the Roman rite in the days of Alfonso VI. Many hymns are imports from earlier hymnaries, some others were produced in Visigothic Spain, and many others composed under Muslim occupation. This body is preserved in a number of Hispanic manuscripts copied in the tenth and eleventh centuries (3).
The poems are a considerable challenge to a conventional philologist, as Juan Gil pointed out in 1976 (p. 187). The overall body as frozen around 1080 covers over seven centuries of poetic production, and includes both metrical and rhythmical pieces modelled on the generic conventions of the literary tradition. Furthermore, they are liturgical pieces. This is an important point: they are meant to be sung at the mass and the daily office. This is thus the case where we have the lyrics, but we lack the original score; and we know that the musical part was composed by, or was a concern of, the poet, at least in some cases. Ildefonsus of Toledo states that Eugenius, the most remarkable poet of the seventh century 'cantus passiuis usibus uitiatos melodiae cognitione correxit, officiorum omissos ordines curamque discreuit' (4); also Conantius of Palencia is said to have been involved in musical composition, which might have included hymns: 'Vir ... communi eloquio facundus et gratus, ecclesiasticorum officiorum ordinibus intentus et prouidus: nam melodias soni multas nobiliter edidit' (5). Finally, except for a few cases, these compositions have been transmitted anonymously in liturgical books (hymnaries, antiphonaries, libri mistici, etc.). This causes significant problems when placing them in a particular poetic context.
The present edition respects the standards of the collection designed by Eligius Dekkers. A short introduction characterizes very briefly the corpus and summarizes the difficulties faced by the editor. The survey of the studies of Hispanic hymnody (pp. 25-30), since the paradigmatic editions of the Missal and Breviarium by Alfonso Ortiz (1500 and 1502), who recovered and fixed the ancient Hispanic liturgy, and that of Blume in 1897, is useful. A list of orthographic and linguistic peculiarities offered by the Hispanic manuscripts (a section strangely incorporated into the chapter 'Sobre la presenta [!] edicion', as is also the case of a short section on metre) is helpful (pp. 37-54). It includes without distinction orthographic and linguistic phenomena found in a textual body produced, and transmitted, over some five hundred years, from at least the liturgical organization in Visigothic Spain which took place in the late seventh century until the eleventh century: as Castro Sanchez underlines (p. 33), quoting Diaz y Diaz (6), it is often impossible to single out what belongs to the author and what is due to the intervention of a copyist throughout the course of the manuscript tradition--sometimes the earliest witness of a particular piece is nearly five centuries distant from the date of composition. The usual bibliography (surprisingly lacking indispensible items, as we shall see below) and two most useful tables identifying the witnesses to each hymn (both manuscripts and editions) close the introduction. The hymnical text is supplemented with textual notes and a short comment on each poem providing relevant linguistic and intertextual information. This comment is most useful.
A major improvement of the present edition is the body of manuscripts studied by the editor and used for establishing the text. Castro Sanchez has gathered twenty-five manuscripts, considerably amplifying Clemens Blume's manuscript base (ten manuscripts, plus Alfonso Ortiz's edition of 1502). From now on this will be the standard list of the Hispanic manuscripts for the Visigothic-Mozarabic hymnody. I would suggest adding one leaf datable to the second half of the tenth century containing the last lines of the Pseudo-Ambrosian hymn to St Peter and St Paul Apostolorum passio, the hymn to St Justa and St Rufina (147), and the first twenty-four verses of the hymn to St Cucufas (106). The leaf, today unbound, previously attached to a Liber Misticus (no. inventario 1325), has been deposited by the parish of St Justa and St Rufina, Toledo, in the Museo de los Concilios y de la Cultura Visigoda, an associate of the Museo de Santa Cruz, Toledo (no. inventario 21328). I think it worthy of being included, for it is one of the earliest witnesses to both Hispanic pieces. The text is closely related to that of Z D.
Blume's sigla for the manuscripts have been completely revised by Castro Sanchez. It is always a risky operation within an editorial tradition; but in this case it is fully justifiable.
The description of the manuscripts is reduced to a minimal level. Far less acceptable is the oversimplification or complete absence of any specific bibliography on each manuscript. It is unusual to see Ferotin (1912), Janini (1979) and Janini-Gonzalvez (1977) as the only references, especially when basic and illuminating studies produced in the last forty years are omitted. Fortunately, this has not been the choice of recent editors of Spanish authors in the Corpus Christianorum series, who have opted for a more complete and informative introduction to the manuscripts and textual tradition. The user of the present volume is therefore forced to go to unexpected efforts if he wants to fully understand the witnesses and to follow the studies of the last decades on such complex issues as the dating and origin of each codex. For instance, a more accurate treatment of this point would include, or refer to, M. Diaz y Diaz's opinion on Toledo 35-6 (7), which he considered to be a mid-tenth century manuscript produced in the Leonese area, preferable to the intriguing and vague 'del siglo IX/X y, segun Mundo, de finales del s. X o principios del s. XI' (p. 19); Diaz y Diaz's dating for Add. 30845, both for part I and part II, is slightly earlier (pp. 403-404); the origin and dating of both parts of Add. 30844 are discussed in Diaz y Diaz (p. 402), and his notes on Add. 30846 are most illuminating (pp. 404-405); as for Add. 30851, Miguel Vivancos' description is worthy of mention (8). The omission in the bibliography of Carlos Perez's 'Manuscritos hispanicos', in Poesia dell'alto Medioevo europeo: manoscritti, lingua e musica dei ritmi latini, 2000, edited by Francesco Stella, is odd; the brief descriptions (with most useful bibliography) included in Hispania Vetus. Musical-Liturgical manuscripts from Visigothic origins to the Franco-Roman transition (9th-12th centuries), 2007, would also be very helpful.
At this point, one might raise a question. I think it would be very interesting to include extra-peninsular manuscripts, specially whenever they are prior to the earliest Hispanic copies. Naturally, the purpose here is to edit a corpus preserved grosso modo in the extant witnesses to the Hispanic liturgy prior to around 1080. And from this point of view, Blume's and Castro Sanchez's option is acceptable. But in several cases this option means of eliminating the earliest witnesses to a particular poem, a nonsensical choice in terms of any methodological approach implicit in a critical edition. In whatever liturgical tradition the copies of these hymns may surface, or whatever the original context from which they originated, they are copies of the same text. For instance, the hymn to St Eulalia of Merida (117), no matter what its origin may have been, has been transmitted by M (Madrid 10001, part II, s. X med.), L (London add. 30851, s. XI med.) and E (Madrid RAH 30, s. [X.sup.2]). Now, the poem is also found in Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale D.V.3, s. VIII ex., likely to be connected to northeast France (CLA 4, 446). This witness was written almost two centuries earlier than the oldest Hispanic copy. Though not crucial for establishing the text, and though we could say that the editor is only interested in the particular version which circulated within the Hispanic liturgy, the addition of Turin (and, by the way, the addition of a large number of further tenth--and eleventh-century extra-peninsular manuscripts containing the poem), would provide the user with a very different insight into the text. The variants could have been given at least in a comparative apparatus, providing us with relevant information both about the text and about the boundaries of a particular textual version.
Other examples could be pointed out. The In anniversario sacrationis basilicae (189), already quoted in the seventh-century schools in Toledo for the purpose of grammatical exemplification, is also transmitted in some ninth-century manuscripts of the so-called Milanese hymnary (9), in some ten tenth-century manuscripts and some fifteen others of the eleventh century of the so-called New Hymnary, to use Helmut Gneuss' terminology (10). Also for the In sacratione basilicae (187) one might consider, at least in a comparative apparatus, two early ninth-century copies: Manchester, John Rylands Library 116, Trier ?; Dusseldorf, Universitatsbibliothek B. 3, Corbie.
Sometimes, the copies from outside Spain are contemporaneous or slightly later; but I still think they are worthy of being included: Paris lat. 103, ff. 141v-165, s. XII, Saint-Denis, could very well be incorporated into the critical, or a comparative, apparatus to the hymn to St Cucufas (106) and to that to St Hippolytus (127) (as for the latter, the Saint-Denis codex may be slightly earlier than the unique Hispanic witness used in the present edition, Add. 30851, s. XI med.); in the hymn to St Vincent (178) one could include a number of eleventh-century manuscripts in use at Narni (Umbria) and Benevento (11); in the poem dedicated to the day of St Cecilia (98), a copy of the hymnary of Farfa (12); in that to John the Baptist (137), a number of late tenth- and early eleventh-century copies of the hymnaries of Farfa and Benevento, and, in the eleventh century, that of Saint-Pierre of Moissac (13); the hymn for the day of the decollation of John the Baptist (138) was also used at Saint-Pierre of Moissac (14). We could also quote the case of the hymns for the first Sunday of Advent (3), In adnuntatione Mariae (82b), to St Stephen (171), just to mention a few cases. On this issue, a fundamental study is that of Marie-Helene Jullien, Les sources de la tradition ancienne des quatorze hymnes attribues a Saint Ambroise de Milan, "Revue d'histoire des textes", 19, 1989, pp. 57-189 (which Castro Sanchez does not mention), specially pp. 79-83 e 143-149 (with most useful manuscript descriptions and bibliography).
Let us focus on the text. The first impression which strikes us is the overall structure of the hymnical corpus. Following Blume, Castro Sanchez first gives the hymns de tempore, then those of the sanctoral cycle in alphabetical order, finally the hymns for different occasions. Obviously this is an editorial choice: the sequence is found in no manuscript, for it could not be there as such. The consequence of this option is that the book does not represent the way the hymnary was known at the time, nor the way it was understood throughout the course of its textual tradition. Indeed, it turns the pieces into simply poetical compositions, unrelated to their function and context.
On the other hand, the corpus is identical to that of Blume (see p. 31). No detailed examination of the hypotheses proposed so far is given. Should Blume's set of pieces remain untouched? Have the one hundred years which followed the Analecta Hymnica volume produced no valid proposals to include new pieces, or to remove some others? For instance, it would be interesting to clarify the reasons underlying the exclusion of some of the hymns published by Perez de Urbel (1926, pp. 312-320), transmitted in Silos, Archivo del monasterio 6, Part II (ff. 38-154), s. XI in., namely Adesto nobis Deus, Redemptor mundi domine and Incensum Christe tuo sacri altaris, which were incorporated by Diaz y Diaz into his Index Scriptorum (no. 649, 666, 659). A line of explanation would be helpful. In turn, it is not clear why the editor has ruled out the hymns and excerpts of Prudentius, Ambrose, Sedulius, Venantius Fortunatus, which were crucial components of the liturgy in Spain during this period--they would be most helpful for the textual tradition of the poems-, and why following in Blume's footsteps he has continued to give a large number of hymns which have been accepted as non-Hispanic products, such as the Ad cenam agni prouidi (36), Beata nobis gaudia (42), Aurora lucis rutilat (65), In anniversario sacrationis basilicae (189), among many others, which obviously were excluded by Diaz y Diaz from his Index.
The text is based on an accurate and complete survey of the manuscripts, and it embodies many emendations proposed in the course of the last century. It is a conservative text, only emending the manuscripts whenever it proves indispensible. Many of the editor's options are explained in the notes of commentary which follow the text. The critical apparatus is accurate and complete, incorporating all variants offered by the manuscripts and editions. We now have a reliable and most useful instrument for studying these texts.
It presents however an unusual feature in modern critical editions. If the systematic transcription of the variants offered by the manuscripts (except minor orthographical peculiarities) is standard and desirable, the exhaustive incorporation of variants given by printed editions and seventeenth--and eighteenth-century apographs of extant codices is most arguable. Naturally this is required when these editions and apographs contain noteworthy emendations, and it is compulsory whenever we incorporate those emendations into our critical text, or when these copies provide us with portions lost or illegible in the mediaeval copies. In the present edition, this exhaustiveness is frequently pointless. See a few lines of the apparatus to the hymn to the day of St Eulalia of Merida (p. 434) (15): 1 laudem] laudes [m.sup.1] [parallel] Eolalie] Eulalie o l m b [parallel] 3 martires] martyres o l m b [parallel] 4 sacrabit] sacrauit o l m b [parallel] [...] [parallel] 7 ciuique] cibique o l m b [parallel] 8 Xristum] Christum o l [m.sup.2] b, Christo [m.sup.1]. Many other examples could illustrate this point. Castro Sanchez's decision overburdens the apparatus with meaningless information, and makes it unnecessarily confusing. Furthermore, the thorough inclusion of Migne (a reproduction of Arevalo), whatever might have been its purpose, seems to be unintelligible.
An apparatus of sources, mainly covering patristic authors and hagiographic texts, provides most interesting pieces of information. It would also be very useful to complement this apparatus with a little more on the hymnical sources, crucial for a full understanding of the relationship of one poem to another and of their literary background. The commentary on each piece alludes to some of these parallels, but it would do no harm to systematize them in the apparatus. For instance, it would be noteworthy to record in some place that the initial verse of the hymn to St Facundus and St Primitivus (119) strikingly resembles the initial verse of the hymn to St Felix (123) (see p. 831), that the piece to St Quiricus (108) imitates, or is imitated by, that to St Vincent (178) (p. 827), among many other cases. It would be also useful to remark that verse 5 of Alvarus of Cordoba's hymn on Eulogius (118), laudamus uario musica carmine, may come from some previous piece: the line is quoted in Julian of Toledo's Ars Grammatica with the purpose of illustrating the lesser Asclepiad (16), an example taken from Mallius Theodorus' De metris (17). Intertextuality within so standardised a genre as the hymn is an important field of research and study.
As I said previously, the edition is supplemented with two sections. The former provides notes of commentary on the poems, generally focusing on textual choices and linguistic peculiarities (pp. 735-800). The latter, designated as Appendix, gives overall information on each hymn (pp. 801-858). They prove to be most useful, for they provide a gathering of several of the most important contributions produced to date. It is unfortunate that Castro Sanchez did not go further in some issues by presenting new solutions for a certain number of open questions or by revising old, and sometimes outdated, opinions. I shall only mention two points: the dating of the poems and metrics.
The first one is a most difficult issue. In many cases it is even impossible to reach sound conclusions. In general, Castro Sanchez usefully compiles the opinions of Perez de Urbel, Diaz y Diaz, Szoverffy, and a few others (strangely he never quotes Dieter Schaller's Initia Carminum ..., a reliable source). In some cases, the date of composition can be easily deduced. This is the case of certain hymns for a particular cult the beginning of which is well established (for instance, St Eulogius of Cordoba, St Nunilo and St Alodia), or hymns containing references to contemporary events, like the occupation of Spain by the Muslims. In other cases, especially for hymns prior to 711, it is not so easy, and frequently our dating is based on vague stylistic evaluations which go back to Perez de Urbel. Often, the origin of the hymns is most disputable, particularly because many of them travelled across the Pyrenees at a very early stage, and it is often difficult to follow the movements of import and export of cults and their liturgical texts. Here it would be most useful to have a more thorough and solidly based study, combining elements from the liturgical context and the history of the cult. For instance, the dating of the hymn to St Faustus, St Januarius and St Martial (122) in rhythmical septenarius (M and L) and the two pieces to St Quiricus and St Julita (108 and 109) in rhythmical iambic dimeters (D) should be given further explanation. As for the former case, Castro Sanchez quotes Diaz (although the dating goes back to Perez 1926, p. 230) and Szoverffy (whose opinion, in turn, stems from Diaz); as for the latter, Diaz and Szoverffy. I would add Schaller, who follows Diaz. All scholars suggest that the three hymns originated in seventh-century Visigothic Spain. In spite of this consensus, I think we still lack reliable evidence to support this assessment beyond any doubt. Both cults are absent from the earliest witnesses to the seventh-century liturgy, as represented by the Verona Orational (Biblioteca Capitolare LXXXIX (84)) and the Leon antiphonary (Archivo de la Catedral 8), perhaps because they represented local cults. St Faustus, St Januarius and St Martial first appear in a passio and in a second hymn (121) datable to the eighth or to the ninth century: Fabrega Grau (Pasionario, p. 295) thinks that the cult was introduced into the Hispanic liturgy in the eighth century; St Quiricus and St Julita are moreover absent from the Hispanic Passionary, and it is doubtful that the relic at Medina Sidonia dated 630 A.D. may refer to them (18). The rhythmical scheme and a number of linguistic peculiarities could suggest some later date in both cases. In sum, further evidence appears to be needed to prove their attribution to seventh-century Visigothic Spain. Finally, as always happens in any human endeavour, some mistakes have slipped into the text: Diaz y Diaz's dating for the hymn to St Cosmas and St Damian (104) is the seventh century (Index, p. 96, no. 359)--which, by the way, is demonstrated by its presence in Julian of Toledo's grammatical works--, not the eighth century, as we read on p. 826.
Sometimes, there is a valuable element for dating pieces prior to the late seventh century, which could have been used by the Castro Sanchez. It is their presence in the grammatical exemplification of the Visigothic period, and, from this sort of materials, in the grammars of the second half of the eighth century in northern Italy. For instance, Julian of Toledo quotes a verse of the hymn for the day of the nativity of John the Baptist (133) (Ars grammatica, p. 233, 21 ed. Maestre Yenes), of that to St Cosmas and St Damian (104) (p. 120, 156), of a piece for the consecration of a church (187) (p. 42, 194), of the De agenda mortuorum (209) (De partibus orationis, p. 183, 3, ed. Munzi). Also hymns 204, 137 and 189, among others, whether they are Hispanic or not, are quoted by Julian. This evidence confirms that these hymns are seventh-century or earlier compositions.
A second field of comment focuses on metrics. Generally, Castro Sanchez gives no more than the poetic scheme for each piece without further comments on prosody and metre. Often, he uses a vague expression: he classifies the hymn to St Cosmas and St Damian (104) and the In restauratione basilicae (188) as 'septenarios trocaicos ritmicos y cuantitativos'; that to St Leucadia as 'dimetros yambicos ritmicos y cuantitativos'; the In ordinatione episcopi (191), 'trimetros yambicos ritmicos y cuantitativos'; the hymn to St Hippolytus (127), 'asclepiadeos ritmicos y cuantitativos'. This is somehow ambiguous, particularly when referring to poems produced in seventhcentury Spain. It should be noted that in this period Visigothic poetry was still a learned and sophisticated literary exercise, very much in keeping with the rules of late antique versification as practised by poets like Ausonius and Venantius Fortunatus--and so independent, to a certain degree, of the evolution of the language, and to the way poetry was perceived and understood by the audience when it was recited or, as in the case of the hymns, sung. I would prefer to classify them as contemporary grammarians and poets did.
Occasionally, the classification given here is doubtful. The editor states that the In agenda mortuorum (209) is written in rhythmical trochaic septenarius. This would be interesting, since the hymn was most likely composed in seventh-century Visigothic Spain (it is quoted in Julian's of Toledo's De partibus orationis), at the time a very conventional literary background. And the same is said of the hymn to St Felix of Gerona (123). Actually, both poems perfectly scan in metrical trochaic septenarius, as pointed out by Dag Norberg in Les vers latins iambiques et trochaiques au Moyen Age et leurs repliques rythmiques, 1988, p. 86 (a work incidentally lacking in the bibliography), and in 'Carmen oder Rhythmus?' Mittelateinisches Jahbuch, 19, 1984 (a fundamental study also missing in the bibliography). In these cases, we should always consider the prosodic and metrical peculiarities of seventh-century Visigothic poetry, still very much in keeping with late antique metrical conventions, such as the lenghtening of final short syllable at the beginning of the foot (corresponding to the well-known productio in arsi, so typical of Eugenius' and Isidore's poetry) (19), the shortening of the third singular person of verbal forms and of the final syllable of forms ending in--o, among others. The hymn to St Aemilian (87), possibly composed by Braulio of Zaragoza, which Castro Sanchez rightly accepts as metrical (iambic trimeters), provides good examples of these licences. Naturally, this is the case of hymns such as that to St Cosmas and St Damian (104), St Justus and St Pastor (146) (20), In restauratione basilicae (188) (21), St Adrian and St Natalia (86) (the manuscripts give 15 sors et instead of Castro's unmetrical sors est inherited from Blume: the apparatus should be corrected as for D), as already in Norberg (22). All of them are in metrical trochaic septenarius. I would also note that actually the hymn to St Eulalia of Barcelona (116) is in metrical trochaic septenarius (23). Likewise, I consider the hymn to St Hippolytus (127) as metrical Asclepiads with Norberg (24) (the earliest witness to the poem, Paris lat. 103, ignored in the present edition, gives verse 30 metrically correct: martir ut inclitus). In metrical iambic dimeters we have In media noctis (50), St Cyprian (107), St Leucadia (148) (see Norberg, An introduction, p. 64), In natalicio regis (194), among others; in metrical iambic trimeters, In ordinatione episcopi (191). The hymns De sacratione basilicae (187) (the metrical 2 nimium is found in the earliest manuscripts not used in the present edition) and that to St Cucufas (106) could very well be conventional Sapphics with the peculiarities of seventh-century Hispanic versification, rather than the vague "saficos y adonico ritmicos y cuantitativos"; the hymn to St Justa and St Rufina (147) and In profectione exercitus (195) (55 lauacrum is common in Alcimus Avitus and Venantius Fortunatus), are in conventional four-verse stanzas of Asclepiads and four-verse stanzas of three Asclepiads and one glyconic, respectively. The prosodic and metrical peculiarities of most of the above-mentioned hymns are identified in Norberg, 'Carmen oder Rhythmus'. All this is unsurprising if these hymns are to be attributed indeed to the seventh-century Visigothic Spain.
In sum, we now have a new tool, worthy of being improved. Castro Sanchez's work provides us with fresh ground for developing further studies and new paths of research, and for enhancing our knowledge and understanding of this fascinating chapter of late antique and early mediaeval poetic production.
PAULO FARMHOUSE ALBERTO
Centro de Estudos Classicos da FLUL
(1) For instance, J. PEREZ DE URBEL, "Origen de los himnos mozarabes", Buttetin Hispanique, 28, 1926, pp. 5-21; 113-139; 209-245; 305-320; R. E. Messenger, "Mozarabic hymns in relation to contemporary culture in Spain", Traditio, 4, 1946, pp. 149-177; 1946; M. C. Diaz y Diaz, Index Scriptorum Lati norum Medii Aevi Hispanorum, Salamanca, 1958-1959 (Acta Salmaticensia. Filosofia y Letras, 13, 1-2); Madrid, 1959; Id., Noticias historicas en dos himnos liturgicos visigoticos, in Los visigodos. Historia y Civilizacion (Actas de la Semana Internacional de Estudios Visigoticos, 21-25 octubre de 1985), Murcia, 1986 ("Antiguedad y Cristianismo", 3), pp. 443-56; J. SZOVERFFY, Die Annalen der lateinischen Hymnendichtung. Ein Handbuch, I. Die lateinischen Hymnen bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, 1964, pp. 149-55; Id., "A Preliminary Survey of Early Spanish and Portuguese Hymnody", in Id., Iberian Latin Hymnody. Survey and Problems, Wetteren, 1971, pp. 9-75; Id., Latin Hymns, Turnhout, 1989; D. Norberg, Introduction a l'etude de versification medievale, Stockholm, 1958, pp. 7-28; Id., Les vers latins iambiques et trochaiques au Moyen Age et leurs repliques rythmiques, Stockholm, 1988.
(2) B. THORSBERG, Etudes sur l'hymnologie mozarabe, Uppsala, 1962; J. GIL, "El himnario gotico", Habis, 7, 1976, pp. 187-211; Id., "De nuevo sobre el himnario gotico", Habis, 9, 1978, pp. 159-64; J. CASTRO SANCHEZ, "Himno mozarabe en honor de san Clemente", Habis, 16, 1985, pp. 187-201; Id., "Una nueva lectura del himno mozarabe Fideles Xristi praeparate mentem", in Excerpta Philologica Antonio Holgado Redondo sacra, Cadiz, 1991, p. 159-164; Id., "Notas criticas a dos himnos mozarabes", Emerita, 58, 1990, 1, pp. 139-144; Id., "Notas criticas al texto de los himnos de tempore de la liturgia Hispanica", Sacris Erudiri, 35, 1995, pp. 55-88; Id., "Los himnos Ad sancte Agate uirginis y Festum insigne prodiit coruscum de la antigua liturgia hispanica. Notas criticas", in Poesia Latina Medieval (siglos V-XV). Actas del IV Congreso del "Internationales Mittellateinerkomitee" (Santiago de Compostela, 12-15 septiembre de 2002), ed. M. C. Diaz y Diaz, J. M. Diaz de Bustamante, Firenze, 2005 (Millennio Medievale, 55; Atti di Convegno, 17), pp. 193-208; Id., "El himno Te deprecamur Domine de la liturgia hispanica, Notas criticas", Actas del IV Congreso Andaluz de Estudios Clasicos (Cordoba, septiembre del 2002), Cordoba, 2006, pp. 455-461; Id., "Himnos de la antiuga liturgia hispanica", Sacris Erudiri, 2003, pp. 135-241; Id., "El himno De mediante Quadragesima Favens redemtis uoto abstinentie de la liturgia hispanica. Anotaciones al texto", in Actas del VII Coloquio Internacional de latin vulgar y tardio (Sevilla, septiembre del 2003), Sevilla, 2006, pp. 189-201.
(3) See now the brief, and accurate, characterization by S. IRANZO in C. Codoner (coord.), La Hispania Visigotica y Mozarabe. Dos epocas en su literatura, Salamanca, 2010, pp. 377-385.
(4) De uiris illustribus 13, ed. C. CODONER, El De viris illustribus de Ildefonso de Toledo. Estudio y edicion critica, Salamanca, 1972.
(5) De uiris illustribus 10.
(6) Cf. M. C. DIAZ Y DIAZ, El latin de la liturgia hispanica, in Estudios sobre la liturgia mozarabe, Toledo (Diputacion Provincial), 1965, pp. 55-87, p. 68 (= Vie chretienne et culture dans l'Espagne du VIIe au Xe siecles, II, Aldershot (Variorum 377), 1992).
(7) M. C. DIAZ Y DIAZ, Codices visigoticos en la Monarquia Leonesa, Leon, 1983 ("Fuentes y Estudios de Historia Leonesa", 31), 1986, pp. 478-480.
(8) M. VIVANCOS, Glosas y notas marginales de los manuscritos visigoticos del Monasterio de Santo Domingo de Silos, Burgos, 1996.
(9) E. g. Munchen Clm 343, Vaticano Vat. lat. 82 and Vat. lat. 83.
(10) See "Zur Geschichte des Hymnars", Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 25, 2000, pp. 227-247, which is surprisingly absent from Castro Sanchez's bibliography, as are all other works by Gneuss.
(11) E. g. Paris lat. 1092, Vat, lat. 7172, Ottob. lat. 145.
(12) Zurich, Rheinau 91, s. X ex.--XI in.
(13) E. g. Paris, Mazarine 364.
(14) Vaticano Rossi lat. 205 (VIII.144), s. XII.
(15) The minuscule characters stand for the editions of ORTIZ, LORENZANA, MIGNE, BLUME.
(16) M. A. H. MAESTRE YENES, Ars Iuliani Toletani episcopi. Una gramatica latina de la Espana Visigoda, Toledo, 1973, pp. 228, 154.
(17) F. ROMANINI, Malli Theodori De metris (Bibliotheca Weidmanniana. Collectanea grammatica latina 4), Hildesheim-New York, 2007, pp. 21, 16.
(18) C. GARCIA RODRIGUEZ, El culto de los santos en la Espana Romana y Visigoda, Madrid, 1966, p. 214.
(19) See D. NORBERG, An Introduction to the study of the Medieval Latin versification, Washington D.C., 2004, pp. 3-4.
(20) See THORSBERG, p. 167; NORBERG, "Carmen oder Rhythmus", p. 69.
(21) As for 7 memoria, see the particular licence enjoyed by words with three or four syllables as explained in Bede, De arte metrica, 1, 15, ed. KENDALL, 1975, 127, pp. 12-16; on the poetic licences in this hymn, also Norberg, "Carmen oder Rhythmus", p. 69.
(22) NORBERG, Les vers latins, p. 86.
(23) NORBERG, An Introduction, p. 67.
(24) Ibidem, p. 74.
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|Title Annotation:||V DISPUTATIONES|
|Author:||Alberto, Paulo Farmhouse|
|Publication:||Euphrosyne. Revista de Filologia Classica|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2013|
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