Due to Liberal Views: The Dismissals of North Carolina Baptist Campus Leaders in 1954.
Although the invitation may have precipitated their firing, there were already matters of concern percolating in the world of North Carolina Baptist authorities in the mid-1950s. These matters included apprehension of theological and political liberalism, and concerns about racially integrated inter-campus student events.
Nancy Ammerman has argued that the three decades following World War II was a time in which Southern Baptist moderates remained in control of the denomination's institutions. In the late 1970s that control began to change as conservatives gained command of Baptist presses, seminaries, conventions, and other denominational institutions. What happened in North Carolina, considered to be a progressive Southern state in the mid-1950s, becomes a case study in the foreshadowing of the split that would occur in the denomination two decades later. The "Baptist battles" beginning in the late 1970s, thus, had their precursor two decades earlier. (1)
It began with an invitation. James W. (Jimmy) Ray, with the blessing of J.C. Herrin and Max Wicker, had invited Nels Ferre to speak to the annual convention of the North Carolina BSUs scheduled to meet at the First Baptist Church in Winston-Salem on the long weekend of November 6-8, 1953. The topic of Ferre's talks would be "On Christian Worship." Ray, the 39-year-old director of Baptist Student Work, coordinated campus BSUs throughout the state from his office at the denomination's headquarters in Raleigh. Herrin, the same age as Ray, was the BSU campus minister (or secretary, as the position was formally called) at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC). Wicker, age 29, had the same role at Duke University in Durham. Ray had been in his position for seven years; Herrin, for eight years; and Wicker, for just over one year.
Nels Ferre was an eminent theologian from Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee. His 1951 book, The Christian Understanding of God, had been favorably received by liberal Christians, who were the book's principal audience. But his July 1953 book, The Sun and the Umbrella, was written in the form of a parable and was more accessible. For that reason, a wider Christian audience read it. Among these readers were traditionalists who found Ferre's theological claims outside the bounds of Christian orthodoxy. According to one Baptist administrator at the time, Ferre "does not believe in the virgin birth, the resurrection, the incarnation, the sinlessness of Jesus, or that Jesus was Savior and Lord." (2)
Among these traditionalists, two of the most vocal critics were Charles H. Stevens and Earl G. Griffith, founders and faculty members of the Piedmont Bible College in Winston-Salem. Piedmont was known for its fundamentalist and premillennialist take on the Bible and Christian life. On October 31,1953, the Biblical Recorder, the North Carolina Baptist Convention (NCBC) newspaper, announced that Ferre was scheduled to speak at the forthcoming BSU convention. Stevens and Griffith were not pleased, displaying their displeasure in a public announcement. In their church's newsletter, Daybreak, in an article titled, "Should Baptists Welcome Apostates?" they wrote:
Let any reader explore the extant writings of the notorious infidels, Voltaire, Thomas Paine, and Robert Ingersol, or recall the oral barbs of Clarence Darrow, who defended the murderers of Bobby Franks and produce from these anything so virulent, vicious and vile as the statements made by Professor Nels Ferre about our adorable, sinless Lord. The filth that drips from his pen would better fit the lips of a Bughouse Square Crack Pot. (3)
In a letter of protest to NCBC state general secretary M.A. Huggins, Stevens and Griffith demanded that Ferre be prohibited from speaking to students at the convention. Besides, they claimed, the BSUs across the nation had become merely a tool of the National Council of Churches, which they characterized as a socialist organization polluting the minds of young people. But Ferre had more opponents than Stevens and Griffith. Conservative newspapers in both Roanoke, Virginia and Columbus, Ohio had accused Ferre of being a godless communist and a "Marxist spokesman" because he had written about "light for Communists" in The Sun and the Umbrella. (4)
On November 4, 1953, two days before the BSU convention would begin, Huggins instructed Jimmy Ray, his subordinate at the NCBC, to cancel Ferre's invitation. Ray refused, so Huggins cancelled the invitation himself. Besides overruling Ray, Huggins insisted that no other speaking invitations be made by BSU staff members without his prior approval. Students who attended the convention--one of whom was Huggins' own daughter Betsy-expressed near unanimous objection to the cancellation; they believed they had the right to hear Ferre, even if they might disagree with him. (5)
On November 9, one day after the BSU convention had ended, the UNC newspaper, the Daily Tar Heel, reported the Ferre cancellation. Nearly two months later, on January 7, 1954, the same newspaper ran an article titled, "Baptist Students' Struggle Looks Like Long-term Tiff." The writer of the article was the newspaper's editor, UNC undergraduate and future CBS reporter and commentator Charles Kuralt. The tiff to which Kuralt referred had taken on a new twist when the NCBC held its annual meeting in Greensboro on November 10-12, just a few days after the BSU convention. Two weeks later the disagreement became national news when The Christian Century magazine wrote about the cancellation and ensuing fallout. (6)
The NCBC consisted of the state's Baptist churches affiliated with the national Southern Baptist Convention. At its Greensboro meeting the delegates voted to appoint a committee of seven members to review and assess the workings of the BSUs in the state. Given the context of the Ferre bruhaha, it was clear to everyone that the real purpose of the committee was to investigate the activities of the three BSU secretaries: Ray, Herrin, and Wicker. Shortly thereafter Douglass Branch, pastor of the First Baptist Church of Rocky Mount and president of the NCBC, appointed W. Perry Crouch, pastor of the First Baptist Church of Asheville, as chair of an investigative commission known as the Committee of Seven. The committee interviewed the three secretaries and met on several occasions. On February 23, 1954, Crouch and Branch, acting on behalf of the Committee of Seven, privately asked Ray, Herrin, and Wicker for their resignations. In the committee's report, at first kept private but eventually made public, reasons were provided for the dismissal of each minister. (7) As word of the resignation requests became knowledge within the BSUs, students began to protest. The newly-elected student president of the BSU at UNC, Tom Mauldin, for example, claimed that "Crouch and his committee impress me only with their insincerity." (8)
In the case of Jimmy Ray, the committee claimed that he "operated independently of other phases of Baptist work" and that that he had "been unwise in the use of a small group of individuals with a particular point of view to an exclusion of a more representative group." Presumably, Ray's downfall lay in his tendency to work on projects with his campus BSU secretaries, and especially with Herrin and Wicker, without seeking the approval of his supervisor, Huggins. With J.C. Herrin, the secretary who had served the longest of the three ministers, the committee found that "there has been constant friction between Secretary Herrin and many of the leaders in the Chapel Hill church," that church being the only Baptist congregation in town with a white membership. If the committee members found the problem with Ray and Herrin to be matters of management, their problem with Max Wicker was clearly theological. The youngest of the three secretaries and the one with the least campus experience, Wicker raised two theological concerns. Although he had been ordained into the ministry of his Baptist faith at his home church in Aberdeen, North Carolina, Wicker's work at Duke University had left him in a quandary about remaining a Baptist or becoming a Methodist. At the same time, Wicker expressed doubts about the virgin birth. (9)
It would take another two weeks for the requests for the three resignations to become public knowledge. Newspapers in Durham, Raleigh, Kannapolis, and Charlotte reported the affair, and once again Charles Kuralt wrote a blistering editorial in the Daily Tar Heel under the headline, "Calvary Hill 1954." The editorial criticized the NCBC's firing of the three secretaries on the grounds of freedom of speech, and it began, "Three more men of God are about to pay the price of thinking for themselves." (10) Since Ray, Herrin, and Wicker refused to resign, their only recourse was to appeal the dismissals to the Baptist State Board. For much of February and March, they solicited support from influential Baptists who were sympathetic to their cause. Letters of support came from pastors of the several liberal Baptist churches in the state, including: Edwin McNeill Poteat of Pullen Memorial in Raleigh, W.W. Finlator of First Baptist in Elizabeth City, George Heaton of Myers Park in Charlotte, and Warren T. Carr of Watts Street in Durham. Besides sending a letter of protest, Carr had also spoken to a large group of the three BSU secretaries' supporters in Chapel Hill. (11)
On March 30, 1954, the Board met, first in a closed session and then in six hours of testimony, primarily in support of the three but with some opposition. The next day, the three secretaries responded to the charges against them. Additional testimony was taken from various individuals until after twelve o'clock that evening. At the conclusion of the testimony, the Board met privately and rendered its decision in support of the Committee of Seven's recommendation that the three secretaries be fired.
Why were the three ministers in 1954 dismissed from their role as, in the case of Ray, the state BSU director, and in the case of Herrin and Wicker, as leaders of campus BSUs? Were the dismissals merely the result of the Ferre invitation? Were there other matters that led to their firings? If so, what were they, and why had they become so important as to jeopardize the careers of three young ministers and the goodwill of the college students who had been so loyal to them?
Social Change, Biblical Controversies, and Race
The post-World War II years were a heady, but also challenging time for Americans. The G.I. Bill had sent servicemen to colleges and universities throughout the nation. The engines of industry and commerce were moving, and unemployment was low. The lean years of the Great Depression and the war were over. Americans were building houses, having babies, starting small businesses, and using their new university credentials to enter professions. In North Carolina, the three largest industries--tobacco, textiles, and furniture--were flourishing. At the same time, the post-war years were a time of uncertainty, social change, and, especially in the South, racial tensions.
The atomic bomb, which brought the Pacific war to an end, soon became an instrument in the Soviet Union's arsenal. Much of Eastern Europe fell to the communists, as did China, North Korea, and later parts of Southeast Asia. In response, the "Red Scare" swept the nation as elected officials were accusing federal employees and contractors of sharing secrets with the nation's newest enemy, the Soviet Union. In this regard on March 21, 1947, President Harry Truman issued Executive Order 9835, calling for a comprehensive loyalty and security review program for federal employees. That same year, the junior senator from Wisconsin, Joseph McCarthy, began a quest to rid the nation of what he saw as internal threats from communists and their sympathizers. In 1954, his exaggerated denunciation of so-called communist infiltrators was still fresh in the minds of Americans. It is not surprising, then, that despite the absence of evidence, Nels Ferre was labeled a communist, even though at most he was merely a Christian with liberal theological and social views. (12)
As to civil rights for African-American citizens, there was both progress and stagnation. In June 1946, the Supreme Court ruled in Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia that segregation on interstate motor carriers was unconstitutional, later to include all interstate public transportation. The following December, President Truman issued an executive order creating a President's Committee on Civil Rights chaired by General Electric president Charles E. Wilson. On April 11, 1947, Jackie Robinson joined the Brooklyn Dodgers. In June, Truman became the first president to address a meeting of the NAACP. In October, Wilson's Committee on Civil Rights issued its report, "To Secure These Rights," that called for a broad range of new federal legislation to ensure the civil rights of all Americans. In July 1948, Truman ended the segregation of races in the armed services, and in December 1950, he directed that racial distinctions be eliminated in the acquisition and distribution of blood by the American Red Cross. Finally, in 1951, UNC admitted its first black student, a graduate student, and on May 17, 1954 the Supreme Court handed down its unanimous school desegregation decision, Brown v. Board of Education.
Despite these examples of progress, there remained examples of overt racism. The nation's African Americans did not enjoy postwar economic prosperity to the extent that white Americans did. The lynching, rioting, and murder of black Americans by white mobs occurred in Madison, Florida; Durham, North Carolina; Wilmington, North Carolina; Pickens, South Carolina; Tallahatchie County, Mississippi; and in many other places throughout the South. Yet, Congress killed anti-lynching legislation proposed by Truman. African-American citizens regularly lived with separate but inferior public services--from poorly-funded public schools to unequal treatment by law enforcement, from housing restrictions to closed doors at countless public accommodations, and from segregated local public transportation to the absence of trial by one's peers. In addition to inferior public services, black citizens had to contend with miscegenation laws, evening curfews, and in North Carolina, eugenic sterilization as a requirement for public assistance.
It was in this melee of national and international social change (and as we saw in some matters, social stagnation) that Jimmy Ray, J.C. Herrin, and Max Wicker found themselves as they ministered to Baptist students at UNC and Duke. Three factors linked together to form their demise:
1. an overarching national fear of communist threats at home and abroad
2. a concern among Baptist authorities--both local and statewide--that campus efforts to bring together black and white students for common Christian worship and fellowship had gone too far
3. liberal theological threats that were becoming more apparent in the post-war years
Although the Ferre invitation was the pretext for the dismissals of the three campus ministers, it was concerns of godless communism, racial integration and comradery, and theological liberalism that provided a brew that lay at the source of the firings. (13)
On Sunday morning, November 23, 1952, Martin Luther Hux, pastor of the Independent Temple Baptist Church of Rocky Mount, North Carolina, announced to his congregation that on the following Sunday he would "burn the Bible." The Bible to which pastor Hux was referring was the recently published Revised Standard Version (RSV) from the National Council of Churches. In the first two months since its publication, the Bible sold more than two million copies. In that new translation of the Scriptures, the committee of scholars had rendered Isaiah 7:14 in a way that proved an anathema to fundamentalists such as Hux. Rather than using the traditional translation, "A virgin shall conceive and hear a son," the RSV had substituted "a young woman" for "a virgin." On November 30, rather than burning the entire Bible, pastor Hux burned the offending page of the RSV. When the New York Times and Time magazine reported the burning at Rocky Mount, the incident reached a national audience. (14)
Eight months later the pastor of another Rocky Mount church, Samuel H.W. Johnston of the North Rocky Mount Baptist Church, offered a resolution to his church to withdraw from the North Carolina Baptist Convention. Like pastor Hux, Johnston believed there were too many signs of theological and political liberalism creeping into the Baptist convention for his church to remain a member. He was particularly disturbed in October by the Ferre invitation, especially given the fact that, as he saw it, Ferre was a socialist with liberal views of Scripture. After a vote of the church, the North Rocky Mount congregation withdrew from the convention. Although a minority of its congregation who opposed withdrawal would challenge the move in court, officials at the NCBSC's offices in Raleigh feared that what was happening in Rocky Mount would spread throughout the state. Convention officials wondered: Would theological and political liberalism become the catalyst for the eventual breakup of the North Carolina Baptist State Convention?
This concern among North Carolina Baptist officials was only reinforced by the BSU's invitation of Ferre to speak at its convention in November, because among other issues of biblical criticism and Christian theology, Ferre denied the virgin birth of Jesus. As noted earlier, so too did Max Wicker at Duke University acknowledge that he had doubts about the virgin birth. Likewise, J.C. Herrin had studied at the notoriously liberal Union Theological Seminary in New York City. He did not openly deny the virgin birth; nevertheless, his northern credentials made him suspect. (15) In any case, theological liberalism embodied in the Ferre invitation and by the Baptist campus secretaries represented a fear that Baptist solidarity of the Baptist state convention might well break apart.
If theological liberalism, and even hints of Marxist leanings, among the three fired campus ministers could account for some of the opposition to them, another equally crucial factor was race. From their earliest days working with campus ministries, the three campus ministers had actively facilitated intercampus activities between students at UNC, Duke, and students at nearby traditional African-American campuses, especially Shaw University in Raleigh and North Carolina College in Durham. As early as April 2-3, 1949, for example, Herrin had coordinated an Interracial Baptist Student Forum that took place at Shaw University with Baptist students from UNC. Shortly thereafter, he wrote a two-page article, "Student Action in Race Relations," in The Reveille, a BSU publication, about the Shaw event. For the next five years--until the firings--planned gatherings between UNC and Duke BSUs and traditionally black colleges occurred on several occasions. Even in April 1954, the month of the firings, Max Wicker arranged a meeting of students from Duke and Shaw universities at Watts Street Baptist Church in Durham, the church that had worked closely with Wicker and was known for being open to interracial events. (16)
Interracial gatherings organized by J.C. Herrin at the Chapel Hill Baptist Church (later known as University Baptist Church) did not go as well. The church was the venue for BSU activities with UNC students. When black students from Shaw attended fellowship meetings with UNC students in the basement of the church, things went well. However, when the Shaw students attended a Sunday morning service at the Chapel Hill church, some church members--including church deacons--were not pleased. The Chapel Hill pastor, Samuel T. Habel, felt that Herrin should be working under his supervision; he was especially concerned that interracial gatherings at the church had offended some of his membership. For the Carolina Times, a black-owned newspaper in Durham, there was no doubt that the firings were due to the efforts of Ray, Herrin, and Wicker to integrate campus BSUs. In an editorial on March 27, 1954, the newspaper's editor made it clear that race was the principal reason for the dismissals--despite the claims of the authorities of the NCBC. The editor wrote:
The Baptist row is a fight between the old philosophy of Southern Christianity and the new. The old philosophy believes that faith can be practiced in "for whites only" churches, while the emerging faith embodied in the practice of the fired young ministers believes that only in a "who so ever will let him come" philosophy can the Christian church ever blossom into its fullest beauty and power. (17)
After their dismissals, each of the three secretaries went on to do alternative Christian service. Jimmy Ray became a pastor of a Baptist church in Missouri and in his retirement joined a Methodist church. J.C. Herrin was called to a church in Scarsdale, New York. He would later return to Chapel Hill as a representative of the American Baptist Convention where he coordinated two missions: recruiting churches in the South--black and white--into the American Baptist Convention and raising educational funding for African-American students who were involved in civil rights struggles of the 1960s. Max Wicker, who remained conflicted about his denominational calling, ended up a Methodist minister serving churches in Virginia. (18)
From statements made by BSU students, Ray, Herrin, and Wicker were admired, respected, and even loved. (19) So too did most of their fellow BSU secretaries on other campuses throughout North Carolina appreciate their work. Ray was well liked at Pullen Memorial Church in Raleigh where he worshipped, and Wicker was defended by Warren Carr and his Watts Street Church in Durham. (20) Even Herrin, who experienced conflict at the Chapel Hill Baptist Church, had his admirers and defenders among the congregation. (21) In the midst of a national fear for godless communism and a state/regional concern for growing theological and racial liberalism, the three ministers/secretaries became martyrs in a struggle that they neither began nor would they end. Ironically, their firings took place just two months before Southern Baptists in convention would voice support for the Brown vs. Board of Education decision. What was possible at the national convention, it would appear, was not possible at a local level. Thus, although Southern Baptists in their May 30-June 5, 1954 convention in St. Louis went on record to support the United State Supreme Court's recent Brown school desegregation decision, an event such as the firings in North Carolina of the BSU leaders during the same year shows that Baptists, especially at local levels, were hardly ready for racial integration, which they associated with social and theological liberalism. (22)
From the time of Roger Williams, Baptists have prided themselves in valuing "the priesthood of all believers." As such, doctrinal and creedal belief systems were neither necessary nor sufficient for Christian belief. Individuals guided by Scripture found their own way to faith, by the grace of God. Yet Baptists have experienced fellow believers whose priesthood deviates from the claims and norms of most Baptist believers. Ray, Herrin, and Wicker, although for the most part remaining within the parameters of moderate evangelical Christianity, nevertheless found themselves in the mid-1950s caught in the vortex of changing times and changing patterns of Christian belief and Christian practice. These changing times and patterns foreshadowed the so-called Baptist battles of the 1980s when denominational conservatives gained control over Southern Baptist institutions, leaving moderates such as Ray, Herrin, and Wicker with little standing.
(1) Nancy Tatom Ammerman, Baptist Battles: Social Change and Religious Conflict in the Southern Baptist Convention (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1990).
(2) The claim of Ferre's unorthodox beliefs was attributed to W. Perry Crouch in "Baptist Press" April 1, 1954, a three-page item housed in the J.C. Herrin Collection, American Baptist Historical Society, Box 3. Ray's first name is spelled in various accounts as Jimmy and Jimmie. I have chosen to use the former.
(3) Daybreak [of the Piedmont Bible College], November 1953,1, found in Herrin Collection, newspaper clippings.
(4) Letter from J.C. Herrin to Harold E. Fey, February 2, 1954, Herrin Collection, Box 3; Nels Ferre, The Sun and the Umbrella (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1953), 127-156.
(5) Document prepared by J.C. Herrin, 2007, in the Herrin Collection; interview between the author and Miriam Hollis Prichard, November 12, 2012. See also, letter from Herman C. Kennedy to Jimmy Ray, October 13, 1953, in the Herrin Collection, Box 3. Turned away from speaking to students at the BSU convention in Winston-Salem in November, Ferre instead delivered a Sunday morning sermon at the Duke University chapel in Durham.
(6) "Baptist Students' Struggle Looks Like Long-term Tiff," The Daily Tar Heel, January 7, 1954, 1. "Baptist Warned to Hold Center," The Christian Century, January 20, 1954, 68.
(7) The other six members of the committee were H.B. Anderson, pastor of the Grace Baptist Church in Durham; Ralph A. Herring, pastor of the First Baptist Church in Winston-Salem (the church at which the 1953 BSU convention had taken place); Boyce Brooks, pastor of the Albemarle Baptist Church; Mrs. Gordon Maddrey, president of the Women's Missionary Union (WMU); Mrs. W.K. McGee, stewardship chair of the WMU; and John E. Lawrence, an attorney who also served as pastor of the First Baptist Church of Shelby.
(8) "Liberalism under Fire at UNC," The Daily Independent [Kannapolis, NC], Match 16, 1954, 1
(9) "Baptist Press," April 1, 1954 (See note 2). Also see; "Report of the Special Student Committee to the General Board of the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina," Herrin Collection, Box 5, Folder 6; and "Recommendations of Committee Concerning B.S.U. Secretaries," Biblical Recorder, April 10. 1954, 9.
(10) Charles Kuralt, "Calvary Hill, 1954," Daily Tar Heel, March 14, 1954, 2. The editorial ended with the following statement: "The Daily Tar Heel supports these three Baptist leaders. We support their right to their own convictions."
(11) Joseph Mitchell, The Firing of Max Wicker and Two Other North Carolina Baptist Student Union Secretaries in 1954, unpublished manuscript, 2003, 75-76, in the J.C. Herrin Papers, American Baptist Historical Society. For a collection of letters from North Carolina pastors and others in support of the three campus secretaries, see Herrin Collection, Box 4, Folder 6.
(12) On views of communism by Christians during the 1950s, see John Edgerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), 566; Angela M. Lahr, Millennial Dreams and Apocalyptic Nightmares: The Cold War Origins of Political Evangelicalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 12; and Joshua B. Freeman, American Empire: The Rise of a Global Power, the Democratic Revolution at Home, 1945-2000 (New York: Viking, 2012), 98-103.
(13) Interview of J.C. Herrin, 1985. Interview F-0019, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007), Southern Historical Collection, Louis Round Wilson Special Collections Library, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill.
(14) Peter J. Thuesen, In Discordance with the Scriptures: American Protestant Battles Over Translating the Bible (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 93-120. It would appear that the "Bible burning" took place in several churches. See Robert E. Seymour Jr., "Whites Only": A Pastor's Retrospective on Signs of the New South (Chapel Hill, NC: Chapel Hill Press, 2011), 52-53.
(15) On Ferre's views on the virgin birth, see Nels F.S. Ferre, The Christian Understanding of God (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951), 190-95. On the view of southerners for their fellow southerners who did their theological studies in the North, see Seymour, "Whites Only," 59. David Stricklin points out that Southerners educated in northern seminaries were more likely to use their liberal values to affect racial issues than were their northern counterparts. See A Genealogy of Dissent: Southern Baptist Protest in the Twentieth Century (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1999), 23.
(16) J.C. Herrin, "Student Action in Race Relations," The Reveille, April 1949, 15-16, Herrin Collection, newspaper clippings.
(17) "The Birth of Christianity in the White Church," The Carolina Times, March 27, 1954, 2. See also "Noted Liberal Baptist Minister at North Carolina College Sunday," The Carolina Times, October 8, 1955, 1, 8.
(18) Mitchell, The Firing, 126-32.
(19) Interview between the author and Miriam Hollis Pritchard, Raleigh, November 12, 2012; interview between author and former UNC BSU students at the Cash home, Chapel Hill, November 13, 2012.
(20) On March 19, 1954, Warren Carr was the invited guest speaker at a BSU meeting in Chapel Hill where he defended the three BSU secretaries. Herrin Collection, Box 5, Folder 6.
(21) Some influential members of the Chapel Hill Baptist Church expressed their support for Herrin: W.G. Privette, a former deacon who circulated a petition in support of Herrin; Dr. Preston H. Epps, a former deacon and a professor of Greek; Dr. M.K. Berkut, a member of the UNC medical faculty; and William Friday, the future president of the university.
(22) Charles P. Roland, The Improbable Era: The South since World War II (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1975), 133; Samuel Southard. "Segregation and Southern Churches," Journal of Religion and Health 1, no. 3 (April 1962): 197-221; and Bill J. Leonard, "A Theology for Racism: Southern Fundamentalists and the Civil Rights Movement," in Southern Landscapes, ed. Tony J. Badger (Tubingen: Stauffenburg-Verlag, 1996), 191-193.
James W. Trent Jr.
James W. Trent Jr. is retired as professor of sociology and social work at Gordon College in Wenham, Massachusetts.
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|Author:||Trent, James W., Jr.|
|Publication:||Baptist History and Heritage|
|Date:||Sep 22, 2019|
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