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Death and the Cardinal: The Two Bodies of Guillaume d'Estouteville [*].

This article examines the circumstances of the death of Cardinal Guillaume d'Estouteville (d. 1483) and his plans for burial in his Roman church of Sant'Agostino and in the Cathedral of Rouen of which he was archbishop. I argue that the cardinal planned for his body to be interred near the high altar of Sant'Agostino, in a monument since lost, while his heart was to be taken to Rouen and buried in the crossing of the cathedral. By means of an analysis of burial practices in Italy and France, I propose that d'Estouteville's designs anticipated such grandiose sixteenth-century projects as those of Julius II (d. 1513) and Cardinal Georges d'Amboise (d. 1510).

On Tuesday, 14 January 1483, the preeminent Cardinal of the Sacred College, Guillaume d'Estouteville, lay ill in Rome. On this day, he roused himself to sponsor four successive wills and several related acts; these were duly witnessed by French members of his household and by his executors. [1] In succeeding days, as he lingered in the half-world between the living and the dead, d'Estouteville registered four additional codicils. These variants were each binding in their turn. [2] Yet his chosen resting place, the church of Sant'Agostino, was not quite ready. [3] As his constituents in both Italy and France waited, probably with some acquisitive curiosity, for word of his end to come, he must have weighed his choices of tomb monuments. Despite the prayers of his conventual community at nearby Sant'Agostino, the cardinal died eight days later. How was he going to be remembered?

D'Estouteville's death -- as with his long life as a whole -- constitutes an intriguing episode in late fifteenth-century cross-cultural relations. [4] His passing illustrates the tenacity of medieval views regarding the treatment of the corpse, while demonstrating at the same time how indigenous burial practices could be, and were, transmuted through translation onto foreign soil. The death of this great figure, who had been Archpriest of Santa Maria Maggiore, Protector of the Augustinian Hermits, and Archbishop of Rouen, foreshadows the actions and motivations of high churchmen of the sixteenth century churchmen in whose interests it might have been to extinguish his long, Gallic shadow. [5] Italy's warrior-pope, Julius II (formerly Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere and d'Estouteville's successor as Cardinal of Ostia) could well have been among such churchmen. So, too, could Cardinal Georges d'Amboise (d. 1510), premier ministre of France and d'Estouteville's successor in various French titles, including Roue n. D'Estouteville's actions in life, further, were at least as indicative of the performance of his death as his testaments. Together, his actions and final words illuminate the social construction of death in a period in Rome often falsely construed as transitional -- even retardataire -- with respect to the sixteenth century.

Death was a cleric's preoccupation. D'Estouteville's pious colleague, the Augustinian Hermit and Observant, Cardinal Alessandro Oliva, buried near the high altar of Sant'Agostino in 1475, had made a secret daily practice of contemplating a painted image of himself, dead. He had hidden away in his domestic chapel a tomb in the form of a scrigno which could be easily opened. Inside, he was portrayed deceased, in cardinalate dress, and on the side was the text: "In omnibus operibus tuis memorare novissima tua et non delinques in aeternum." [6] This was his sobering check on worldly vanity, his reminder of life's transience, and of its physical end. D'Estoureville was less outwardly devout than Oliva, and he had possessed a celebrated -- some might even have said meddlesome -- public profile. If our actions in life constitute a part of our death, d'Esrouteville's dying, unlike Oliva's, was ordained to be complicated, politicized and, employing a word often used to introduce him, worldly.

The earliest surviving record of the Frenchman's intentions was not kept in Rome but had been sent, in 1470, to the cathedral chapter of Rouen. He wished, he stated, to be interred in the nave of the cathedral or, in the eventuality of his death outside France, that his heart be returned there. Despite his attachment to Italy, where he had been more or less permanently based since mid-century, and where he lived with his mistress and Romanised family, he did not categorically intend to be buried on Italian soil:

Petitions presented to the Chapter on the part of Cardinal d'Estouteville requesting that, should he end his days in France, his body be buried in the nave of the cathedral where the tomb commonly known as the tomb of Saint Maurile is located, and, in the case that he dies outside the realm, that his heart be placed here and a structure similar to that of the king be made in which the heart of the said lord be kept in the manner of a tomb ["en maniere de sepulture"]. [7]

As he lay dying in Rome on 14 January, he repeated the request for the separation of his heart and body and for the transportation of the heart to Rouen for interment at the cathedral. [8] He chose Rome, then, at the last, as the destination for his body -- a possible outcome that the circumstances of his illness precipitated but which he had entertained for a decade.

He had been rebuilding the church of Sant'Agostino since the middle of the century when he settled at his palace at Sant'Apollinare across the piazza. The project came swiftly to conclusion only following an accelerated burst of building, beginning in November 1479. The new apse was erected in February of 1482, and the facade that bears his name ("GVILLERMVS DE ESTOVTEVILLA EPISC. OSTIEN. CARD. ROTHOMAGEN. S.R.E. CAMERARIVS FECIT ... MCCCCLXXXIII") concluded the decisive campaign, announcing the year of his death. In fact, the final spurt of activity at Sant'Agostino and the Augustinians' methodical record of its stages in their conventual accounts seem to have coincided with the moment at which the Protector must have felt some urgency in the matter of his funerary arrangements. [9] But although the legal declaration of his wishes in the Roman context was made late, it did not contradict the previously articulated design of this assimilated expatriate and Roman prince to end his life as a royal Frenchman, o ne whose body would be eviscerated in a practice dating back to Roman times and later customary for medieval royal families in northern Europe. [10]

In such instances, the place of death could govern the treatment of the body: in the fourteenth century, for example, Clemence of Hungary had asked in her will that, should she die in Provence, she wished to be interred whole; if in Paris, her corpse should be divided into three and her heart sent to Provence, to a chapel that was a sequel to her father's. [11] In fact, it had probably been a French prelate's preferences that propelled Boniface VIII, already suffering a troubled relationship with the French monarchy, to promulgate his futile Bull Detestande feritatis (1299) against the heathen separation of entrails and the boiling of bones after death. [12] So futile was the Bull, in fact, that one can say that separate destinations for body parts was more the rule than the exception, certainly in the French thirteenth century but also in Italy into the era of the Avignonese papacy. The Avignon tomb of Cardinal de la Grange was, after all, an entrail tomb; his bones went back to Amiens. The tradition of sep aration of the body was tenacious, perhaps, in accordance with the rank of the patron in his or her native France, and it was one, furthermore, that had its earliest roots in Normandy where it seems to have been more common than in the Ile-de-France. After a brief dying out of the tradition in the early fifteenth century; and shortly after d'Estouteville's time, Charles VIII and the French royal family revived it. [13]

Aside from his testamentary bequest, the death and funeral of d'Estouteville prompted some surprising criminal behavior among his Roman neighbors. The Roman chroniclers, Jacopo Gherardi and Gaspare Pontani, marveled at the events of d'Estouteville's funeral of 23 January, in which the body was seized upon by both the canons of Santa Maria Maggiore and by the Augustinians. The vividness of their accounts suggests that even the ritual pillaging of the churchman's material memory was taken to indecorous extremes -- indecorous in part, perhaps, because it was acted out in the profane setting of the street. Yet even there, such "'difference, combustions, and debates'" in funeral processions of the powerful were a familiar sight to urban dwellers in both Italy and in France. [14] These events were heralded, on 20 January, by an ostentatious theft by Bernardo de' Massimi, a Lateran canon, in the palace at Sant'Apollinare where the ailing d'Estouteville was laid up. Silver objects, valued at 30,000 ducati, were take n. "Robbed in life as in death," as Pontani sympathized, his body was then seized upon as it made its way to Sant'Agostino on the 23 January, at first by the canons of Santa Maria Maggiore, who appeared to covet the precious vestments, and subsequently by the Augustinians. The latter seem to have attempted to fight off their competitors but then also to have energetically participated in the thieving frenzy. The corpse lost its rings -- for a cardinal, a marked symbolic loss -- and then, later, its miter in the sacristy of the church:

that when the body was carried to Sant'Agostino the brothers of Santa Maria Maggiore and those of Sant'Agostino set to fighting each other, because the former wanted to steal some of the gilt brocades in which the body was covered from head to foot, and they went at each other for a while with torches, and many swords were unsheathed; then the body was seized and carried into the sacristy and was there robbed of the ring from the hand and they say that they took from him there the miter which he wore on his head. [15]

The theft of these items parallels similar contemporary spoliations taking place in Rome after the death of popes and high churchmen. Similar misfortunes befell the person and vestments of Jean de Bilheres-Lagraulas, the patron of Michelangelo's Pieta. [16] That the thefts took place at the funeral itself, instigated by participants in the cortege, apparently by those closest to the bier, was not uncommon to Italian burial rites. On the death of a religious dignitary; his church's property -- like the dignity of his office -- falls into a vacuum, devolving to his superior, to the Church universal, or to the head of the Church. [17] This momentary lapse into speculative ownership during such an interregnum, before the body was buried and a successor named, must have spurred on, and seemed to give an advantage to, existing aggravations and aggressions among the churchman's competing associates.

Yet the convent's records report the spilling of blood, and claim that the canons of Santa Maria Maggiore envied the fact that d'Estouteville's tomb (sepultura) was in Sant'Agostino rather than in their basilica (eorum Ecclesiam). [18] This suggests, albeit from a partisan point of view, that the fighting may have been over more than processional precedence and the appealing glint of the cardinal's attire. The skirmishes evoked the old conflicts between urban clergy and friars that funerals occasioned over issues such as the mortuary fee that belonged to a parish. Erasmus famously castigated such vulture-like predations in "The Funeral," in which a parish priest must confront the regular clergy, united in a rare instance of mutual greed, at the bedside of George, who is not making a good death. The tensions revolved around the priest's sense of proprietorship of his parish, and his right to dispense the Sacraments, as well as over the dying man's goods which the bickering mendicants coveted (764-79). There m ay have been, too, in d'Estouteville's case, a vestige of the papal right to reclaim objects from a cardinal's chapel for the pontifical sacristy -- such as the highly significant ring -- should the cardinal in question die intestate. [19]

In one of his wills of 14 January; d'Estouteville had, in fact, made mention of a tomb or burial location (sepultura) in Santa Maria Maggiore. But in the same document and in two other wills, as well as in two acts, he had also decreed his burial and future monument to be in Sant'Agostino. [20] In a contemporaneous testament to Santa Maria Maggiore, however, he makes no mention of a tomb monument, nor of the division of his corpse. [21] There emerge a number of possibilities. The cardinal may have intended, or even begun, a commemorative monument for the patriarchal basilica, in his Chapel of SS. Michele Arcangelo e Pietro in Vincoli. Supervising the renovation of the chapel in the mid-1460s, he may have already been evaluating his options, among which was his entitlement to burial here. Nearly twenty years later, he meant to be buried in Sant'Agostino with an as yet unrealized tomb to be erected by his executors. He may even have been playing off his various Roman constituents against one another by a proce ss of omission, perhaps anticipating monuments at each foundation, and even preparing in each a fitting funerary context, but preferring at the last a sepulcher in Sant'Agostino. Following such a line of reasoning, aware of his own reputation, he becomes, in a sense, responsible for his own damnatio memoriae. It was not unusual, in any event, and for whatever reason, for a cardinal to change his mind about his place of interment. The Cardinal of Portugal, Antonio Martinez de Chiavez, oscillated between Santa Maria sopra Minerva and the Lateran where, after his death in 1447, he was buried in the transept: "fieri fecit cappellam cum sepulcro." [22]

That d'Estouteville wavered in deliberate ways is particularly likely since he was using two extremely well-connected notaries with distinct loyalties, Baldassare Rocca and Camillo Beneimbene, and since he must have foreseen a potential danger in the inevitable squabbles over his prestigious legacy and his innumerable and widespread possessions. In one version of his will, executed by Beneimbene, the relevant clause regarding a tomb in the Marian basilica is carefully cancelled with a line -- a change with which that notary, whose son married d'Estouteville's daughter, Giulia, is likely to have concurred. [23] Perhaps the hidden power of the legal presence makes itself known here in the written -- but also deleted -- clauses of the wills.

The issue of the existence and location of a tomb in Sant'Agostino for d'Estouteville has been shrouded in mystery and obscured by extensive renovations, as well as by the moving and, ultimately, the removal of numbers of tombs from the church. While he had requested, in at least three places, that a monument be made for him, it is unclear whether his executors ever satisfied his request. Given the survival of such important late Quattrocento memoriae as the Piccolomini tombs and the recovery of others, as well as the extensive eighteenth-century documentation of the inscriptions and tomb slabs of Sant'Agostino, it is highly unlikely that his tomb, had it been finished, would have been lost without a trace. In 1778, a prior at the convent, Tommaso Bonasoli, collected and recorded the location and inscriptions of all of the sepulchral remains within the church, paying care to note those preceding 1759 (including a number of fifteenth-century examples) when a new pavement had been installed. D'Estouteville's p lace of burial, or even fragments from it, receive no mention. [24]

In any case, on 24 January, his physically maligned and humiliated body made its way into the church, eventually to be buried there. The theologian and future General of the Order, Silvestro da Bagnorea, delivered a funeral oration. [25] On 28 January, there were payments for the exequies that included twenty lances, sponges, four wooden bowls, and nails of varying sizes. [26] On 10 February, Francesco de Como muratore received payment for wood and torches for the castrum doloris, or "castle of grief," an ephemeral funerary structure. He had previously been engaged in the construction of the church. [27] Even while d'Estouteville was ill, Francesco had begun to receive funds, suggesting that he may have already been working on this project for the temporary construction surrounding the corpse, the main function of which, unlike the more tomb-like catafalque, was to support a host of lights around the body. During the course of the extended exequies, numerous torches illuminated the structure -- perhaps the r equisite hundred candles. The corpse would have been on display dressed in black or violet, wearing gloves and sandals (depending on what had survived), stretched on a bier draped, perhaps, with cloth of gold exhibiting his coat of arms. During the obsequies, the castrum doloris might have been displayed under a cappella ardente, in which burning lights above the coffin were placed on a tabernacle-like wooden framework attached to the bier. [28] The natural and God-willed demise of his person and the perpetual dignitas of his office were simultaneously made manifest.

Processional or temporary articles fashioned immediately following d'Estouteville's death had to be repaired after the violations of the 23rd of January. During the succeeding months of 1483, changes to the castello were made. In August, there was a payment for some taffeta used, probably in the canopy above the body, as well as for more torches to be burnt in the cardinal's honor. [29] Typical of the castrum, and redolent of carved tombs, d'Estouteville's may well have contained cushions at his head and feet, each supporting a cardinal's hat. As late as 1487 and 1491, there were services in d'Estouteville's name, including one for a French congregation. One might imagine that these were held in connection with the site of this ephemeral creation, which was maintained through the 1490s. [30] The upkeep of the commemorative arrangement, or its regular resurrection in some form, indicate that it must have had an integral connection to the burial site. By 1488, or shortly thereafter, there was still no sign of any permanent tomb monument. This is so if we are to accept the veracity of an ironic conversation between a friend of Gherardi (and famigliare of Sixtus IV) and a touring Frenchman who was wandering futilely about the interior of the church looking for d'Estouteville and mistakenly admiring Oliva's tomb. [31] Perhaps by then, the site of d'Estouteville's grave was obscured, but it is also possible that neither visitor had made inquiries or explored the church behind the altar, as far as the choir.

At late as October 1496, a payment was made by the convent for "a large table to support the benches holding the torches around the body of the Reverend Cardinal of Rouen." [32] In the mid-1490s, therefore, elements of the castrum doloris were still in use, and the mention of a "body" alludes to the burial site and perhaps to a temporary effigy which commonly took part in the castrum. [33] Where such a site was located, however, and in what relationship to a tomb, unfinished or otherwise, must remain uncertain. D'Estouteville's fideicommissum appears to have been extremely slow in carrying out their charge for his monument or, at least, for a monument should he have intended a grandiose one. In such instances of delay, an effigy, in regalia and displaying the "dignity" of the deceased's person, that which never dies, served a particularly useful purpose, in part as an interim tomb. Effigies were introduced to France at Rouen, in fact, in 1422, when one was laid on the coffin of Henry V. [34] The efforts of d 'Estouteville's executors, had they made any, may have been halted altogether by the death of one of them, Giovanni Arcimboldo, in October 1488.

The castrum doloris, comprising such elements as heraldic banners and torches, could have been built in relation to a simple floor monument, or preparations for one, in the manner of Cosimo de' Medici's tomb of the mid-1460s, and of at least one contemporary Frenchman's grave in Rome. Jean de Montmirail (Giovanni di Montemirabile), the Bishop of Vaison and a neighbor of d'Estouteville's, possessed a floor tomb in the Chapel of S. Giovanni Battista in the Augustinian church of Santa Maria del Popolo. The slab was completed after his death. [35] The heart of another northerner, the learned German, Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa (Kues) (d. 1464), was returned to his birthplace from Rome, and buried in the choir of the chapel of the hospice of St. Nicholas. A plaque and portrait commemorated the site in Kues. His body was buried in his titular church, San Pietro in Vincoli, and its location marked by a sepulchral slab and relief sculpture. Later, in 1499-1500, the tomb slab was the manner of monument also preferred b y Jean de Bilheres-Lagraulas for his chapel in St. Peter's (fig. 1). [36]

D'Estouteville's testaments and legacies of 1483 never described the form or materials of the tomb in Sant'Agostino or its exact placement -- a legacy that contrasts, as we shall see, with the meticulous specifications, albeit on the part of his French Chapter, for a highly expensive monument in the Cathedral of Notre-Dame in Rouen. It remains, then, an open and tantalizing question not only whether a Roman monument for d'Estouteville had been initiated or was ever completed, but whether he had ever intended a large or otherwise conspicuous tomb in Rome at all.

He clearly expected to be buried in prestigious proximity to the high altar. Should he have chosen a large, sculpted wall monument, he may have envisaged it as similar to that of the influential model by Andrea Bregno and others of 1465 for his friend and relation, Cardinal Louis d'Albret, in Santa Maria in Aracoeli (fig. 2). Cardinal Alain de Coetivy, a relation of d'Estouteville's, also possessed a monument of this type. [37] Perhaps he had also admired Montmirail's tomb, in which case he was honored with a simple gilded and painted floor slab. Given the survival of the Piccolomini wall tombs from Sant'Agostino and the lack of any trace of a tomb for him, the latter option is a more plausible one. With a modest solution, he placed himself at the end of a long line of cardinals who specifically asked in their testaments to be buried under a pavement (even if by the high altar), "Humile et depressum," in one medieval instance and, in others, with no hedificium whatsoever. Having nothing to do with economics, these desires were principled ones: the elevated body bespoke a proud soul. [38]

Cardinal Oliva initially shared the sentiment, as did Cardinal Jacopo Ammannati Piccolomini, whose wall tomb of 1479 was clearly destined for the new transept of Sant' Agostino. These ostensibly diffident requests ran counter to the tenor of the ambitious edifices that were ultimately installed, particularly in the case of Ammannati. His undated will stated his hope to be buried in St. Peter's on the right of the tomb of his patron, Pius II, and with no monument. It is possible that, on the death of Ammannati's mother, Costanza, in 1477, a woman who had been affiliated with the church's confraternity of Saint Monica, he changed his mind. He then commissioned a sequel for himself that reenacted Augustine's devotion for his forbearing parent. It may well be that Jacopo cared more for honoring his mother than for commemorating himself alone. [39]

In the new church, in the later 1470s, both he and d'Estouteville appear, in fact, to have been consciously reviving Monica's last utterance (as recorded by Augustine), reinventing her as an exemplar of Augustinian piety and by way of recognizing their own professional mendicant context. In her unworldly way, Monica had wanted to be buried without a marker at Ostia: "All I ask of you is that, wherever you may be, you should remember me at the altar of the Lord." [40] Her prestigious relics, fortuitously uncovered in 1429, were the oldest of the church's attractions. As their fifteenth-century curial custodian, Maffeo Vegio, once remarked, even Eugenius IV had not been persuaded by the idea of an ornamented sculpted tomb for himself; the writer, however, couldn't help but applaud such a thing. But for the pope, a man like Oliva with Observant sympathies, it was the location of his remains -- near his namesake, Eugenius III -- that counted. Nicholas V was similarly impatient with the idea of a worldly memorial , a feeling with which even the urbane classical enthusiast, Leon Battista Alberti, concurred. [41] By the late Quattrocento, these would be lonely instances, and perhaps deliberately ambiguous ones, of a desire for self-abnegation after death.

It is likely that d'Estouteville was -- or intended to be -- buried in the choir, a highly honorable location for which even he, as archbishop, seems to have been ineligible at Rouen, possibly because he was not a monarch. A location in the choir (which meant, in Rome, behind the tribune) was already gradually becoming known, and d'Estouteville must have been aware of Florentine and even Venetian antecedents. This was the commanding site in SS. Apostoli favored by the Della Rovere and Riario network, several members of which, including Raffaele Riario, had taken up residence in d'Estouteville's palace at Sant'Apollinare in the 1480s. [42] Doge Moro, the major benefactor of the cappella maggiore of the Observant church of San Giobbe, was buried there in the sanctuary in 1471, and, to rake a Florentine example, in the tribune of Santa Maria Novella, the Tornaquinci and then the Tornabuoni in the later 1480s had also staked their claim. [43] Moreover, across the Alps, there was quite a tradition of burial behin d the high altar. There was, too, the royal tradition of burial in the choir, this usually being in the central nave. In this respect, we need only think of the tomb of Charles the Bald in the Gothic choir of Saint-Denis. Moreover, d'Estouteville's immediate family had chosen burial in the choirs of several Norman abbeys in the fifteenth century, asserting thereby their royal lineage. [44]

Burial both behind the high altar and in the choir, if this had been the case with d'Estouteville, would have been a vital precedent, a northern one, for his successor as Cardinal of Ostia, Julius II, whose projects rendered the choirs of Santa Maria del Popolo and St. Peter's architectonic and decorative unities. Giuliano's own interests in France, including the bishopric of Carpentras and archbishopric of Avignon, as well as his legations there in the later 1470s, meant that he kept French culture in his sights, even though he was not initially a promoter of the royal cause. In conscious emulation, perhaps, of his older, French alter ego, Julius II made the cappella maggiore an autonomous work of art. [45] D'Estouteville's own contribution of lavishly carved choir stalls to Rouen bears witness, as we shall see, to the same artistic impulse. In favoring this place in Rome, he would have called attention to himself as patron and founder, in a rhetorical sense, and brought to the city very early the quintesse ntially French notion of the free-standing tomb.

Had d'Estouteville's tomb ever been underway, its ideation would have certainly contributed to Sixtus IV's burial chapel and floor tomb of 1493 in Old St. Peter's, itself containing tantalizing analogies to royal French monuments. The analogy to Sixtus's bronze effigy also recalls the type of Pietro Foscari's tomb, dating to after 1485, originally located in the small chapel to the left of the apse of Santa Maria del Popolo where the bronze effigy lay on a low marble bier. [46] Indeed, even though it is to the Della Rovere model that we look for surviving Roman antecedents for interment in the choir, given d'Estouteville's ties to the nipoti through Sixtus IV, and the early date of the 1450s for the beginnings of his interventions at Sant'Agostino, who is to say that he, a Frenchman, was not the logical originator -- the missing Roman first link -- in the development of this idea?

After his death, from Easter 1483 until at least as late as February 1489, the convent received regular payments from his cappella through the bankers to the Sacred College, the Franciotti, and the Medici. [47] The convent continued to honor their great benefactor through the mid-eighteenth century with a daily Mass ab antiquo at the high altar. [48] As he had requested, his heart traveled back to Rouen, departing Rome on 6 March:

on a mule, in a coffer covered by black drapery with the cross, and all the monks of Sant'Agostino saying the Office with many torches, and behind the heart went many mounted bishops in company, and it was taken to France. [49]

As far as his spiritual possessions in France were concerned, d'Estouteville had controlled a far-flung web of financial and political influence orchestrated from Rome through the actions of proxies. His ties to his archbishopric at the Cathedral of Notre-Dame were actively maintained and expressed through the actions of his agents, several of whom regularly traveled to and from Italy. He himself seems to have made only two visits to Normandy after settling in Rome in the 1440s. These distant ties were reinforced, however, by the longstanding seigneurial presence of his family. [50]

In the instances of his responsibilities held in commendam, such as the Norman abbeys of Montebourg in the archdiocese of Coutances, Sr-Ouen in Rouen, or Mont-St-Michel on the coast, there is little or no evidence of his presence, but rather of actions in his name carried out by vicars general and suffragans. [51] Nicholas V officially sanctioned the situation. His Bull of April 1454 authorized procurators to visit the "cathedrals, monasteries, priones and other sacred places" in the cardinal's French provinces. [52] The able and learned men who represented him at Rouen, men such as Guillaume Auber and Jean Masselin, governed in both the spiritual and temporal spheres. They conducted services, carried out ordinations, made judgements in cases of doctrinal error, collected the accounts of the farming properties of the archbishopric and supervised the financial life within their jurisdictions. [53] They watched over the artistic and architectural changes at the cathedral, and probably selected the master mason s, for example, and the woodworkers. This situation compares with those of the sites of several of d'Estouteville's building programs in Italy, such as those at the Augustinian convent of Sant'Oliva at Cori, in which his name lent prestige to visible architectural renovations but his personal involvement was minimal. For these French projects, as with his Italian ones, the cardinal preferred the work of local artists, in the French instance, those employed by his family. [54]

Rouen was the preeminent diocese of France and, before the Revolution, it was one of the most populous and extensive. D'Estouteville's patronage at his archbishopric, following his appointment by Nicholas V in 1453, illuminates his Italian projects and rounds out the character and mechanisms of his artistic tastes. Under him, the revival of the diocese became the expression, perhaps, of revived Norman pride, and it led to increasing prosperity By 1455, the diocese had lost more than half the revenues it had claimed fifty-five years earlier. Yet the revenues collected during d'Estouteville's time, primarily from urban sources and in the form of silver, must have become the means for his ambitious restoration program in Rouen. [55] Furthermore, and in a sense comparable with fifteenth-century Rome, the need for restorations to the foundations under his sway, whether abbeys, monasteries, priories, or hospitals, must have been tangible, and had been so since the end of The Hundred Years' War. [56]

Since becoming archbishop in controversial circumstances in 1453, d'Estouteville undertook extensive renovation programs at the chateau of Gaillon, the country retreat of the archbishopric. [57] Most prominently, he made provisions for considerable rebuilding at the episcopal manor in Rouen, adjacent to the cathedral, including the addition of a new wing. Following his visit to Rouen in the mid-1450s, he had requested plans for the palace to be sent to him. In 1459, Guillaume Mesard carried "le devis" (the design) of the new palace to Rome, "dresse" (drawn up) by the master mason of the cathedral, Geffroi Richier. In 1464, the works were finished and "la painture dudit hostel" was sent to Rome. [58] By this time, the archbishop's arms had been liberally distributed throughout the compound, inset into the windows of the episcopal chapel, for example, and painted on its doors. For the absent patron, such insignia functioned as active surrogates for him. In November 1461, he wrote to the Chapter of Rouen from R ome regarding the palace project:

You know that we have had built a rich and sumptuous work, in our episcopal palace in Rouen, and that this continues each day; and we hardly doubt that you will not greatly agree, since this contributes in no small way to the beauty and honor of the Church, and to the satisfaction of the whole city. And because this depends on us, we have decided to have completed all that is necessary there, and that can make it pleasant; and to that end abundant water is necessary .... [59]

Inside the cathedral, he instigated changes to the interior while visiting from Rome for a year, in 1454. On 2 September, on an inspection there, he opened the tabernacle of the Sacrament, and looked at the reliquaries, especially the relics of the ancient bishop of Ravenna, St. Severus, before which he made an act of veneration. He gave a sermon to the canons on the text: "Estote in caritate radicati et fundati." [60] He later endowed the foundation with sacred objects and at least thirty silk and velvet vestments, including chasubles and tunics, and altar cloths, many out of cloth-of-gold, richly embroidered and decorated with pearls. Many of these were brought from Italy by his officials returning from Rome, and several were manufactured in Florence. [61] As his subordinates moved through the Mass wearing these robes, the congregations at Rouen observed palpable signs of his stewardship.

In August 1470, d'Estouteville initiated the construction of lavish wooden choir stalls, carved by Laurent Adam, hucher, with the contributions of the Flemish woodworker, Gillet du Chastel, and Jacques Thouroulde. These supported an extensive iconographic program and eventually cost more than 4,500 livres. Within these stalls stood d'Estouteville's new episcopal throne, painted by Jean le Moyne. Both the throne and the stalls were largely destroyed during the Revolution. [62] In the choir, at least one king was already buried, and an alabaster image of the Virgin was placed on one of the tombs. [63] D'Estouteville provided, then, a glorious modern setting for these remains and, with virtuosic material embellishment, enhanced the liturgical life of the cathedral.

On 20 January 1455, he gave permission for the cleaning and regilding of the images of Our Lady placed on the high altar, "et bene avertat ne fiat fraus." [64] The many works of repair and restoration taking place in the cathedral during his tenure included the repainting of the faces of the "ymages" of the Virgin on the high altar, and of the alabaster image beneath the Crucifix. [65] His Marian interests were expressed in a number of ways and in accordance with the dedication of the cathedral. These included the gift of "sept ystores de Notte-Dame-des-Neiges" in 1466-1467, a reference which suggests that he may have commissioned a painted altarpiece or, perhaps more likely, a set of tapestries. He established the feast of NotreDame-des-Neiges on 5 August in direct relation to his appointment at Santa Maria Maggiore, a foundation that owed its legendary Early Christian beginnings to a miraculous August snowfall. [66] Through d'Estouteville, in January 1476, the feasts of the Annunciation and of the Visitatio n were established, succeeded in the following month by a celebration of the indulgences granted the cathedral for its Marian calendar by Sixtus IV, and by the sounding of the Ave Maria at midday, most probably on the newly-cast bells in the Tour St. Romain, on the left of the cathedral's portal, known as "d'Estouteville" (later "Guillaume") and "Marie." It even seems to be an appropriate commentary on his ambition that, in 1469, a "gratification" was paid to a man who had found a way to make the bell "d'Estouteville" swing with only four men where previously ten or twelve had been required. This was the bell that he wished sounded at his funeral services. [67] In all of these enterprises, the cardinal made himself ever present to his Rouennais diocese through his special appeal to their senses -- his absence necessitated it.

D'Estoureville shared the attention he gave to the cathedral with the French monarchy. He warmly welcomed his cousin Charles VII to the cathedral, reaffirming the see's new obedience to the French throne and symbolizing the degree to which Normandy was once again claimed for the French kings. [68] In October 1461, Louis XI pronounced himself simultaneously affectionate towards the cathedral and towards the duchy of Normandy, with which he later effected a treaty, and he named the cardinal lieutenant general over matters of judicial and administrative reform. The monarch himself was received in the cathedral in August 1462. [69]

On 14 August 1465, Louis XI heard Mass and Vespers in the Chapel of the Virgin behind the choir, which he again honored in May 1475. [70] On the feast of Corpus Christi in 1467, the king placed on the same altar of the Virgin 15 ecus d'or and, on the ledge of the altar of Corpus Christi behind the high altar, 31 ecus. [71] In April 1475, a gift from him of 1,200 ecus d'or was announced "so that this sum can be used for the foundation of the church," and in June 1481, he sent 124 ecus d'or to the Chapter, destined as alms and as a mark of his piety towards the Virgin. [72]

D'Estouteville's sense of precedence as archbishop and, more importantly, of the historical continuum of which he was a vital part, are definitively expressed in his wishes for a tomb, for which he had now prepared an edifying stage. In the early 1460s, his mother (d. 1421) and his sister had been commemorated with tombs erected over their burial sites at the Benedictine abbey of Notre-Dame at Valmont, the cardinal's birthplace and the seigneurial seat of the family. [73] He, however, had a different and more audacious plan for himself.

On 18 October 1471, sixteen months after he had sent his initial statement to the Chapter from Rome regarding the burial of his body in the nave of the cathedral, and of his heart in "a structure like that of the king," his obits were instituted at the cathedral. [74] The king whose tomb d'Estoureville proposed to emulate was Charles V (d. 1380), whose body was buried at Saint-Denis and whose heart came to rest in the choir at Rouen, in front of the high altar. The effigy clutched his heart in his hand. [75] On 13 and 14 May 1474, the Chapter deliberated over the matter of d'Estouteville's tomb. The commission, composed of five of the Archbishop's agents, including Guillaume Auber and Jean Masselin, decided to erect a model "en planches" which was subsequently accepted. [76]

By enclosing his heart in a permanent memorial, the cardinal was acknowledging his royal origins and representing his status, his self-image, in unambiguous terms. "That of himself which is most noble" as the Chapter had written to him -- a turn of phrase that resounds not only in burial customs among his peers, but more ubiquitously and emblematically in his culture at large: the heart as poetic form (burning or devoured) or as a political form (the traitor's heart excised by command of a monarch), and with resonances in New Testament symbolism whereby the heart is not only "the seat of vital forces" but the focus of "moral conscience, of unwritten law, of encounters with God." [77] D'Estouteville elected Rouen, then, as the home of his true "self," his political and ethical essence as he wanted them publicly remembered. In Rome, on the other hand, in equally symbolic terms, the body politic stayed behind.

In 1475, Pierre le Sinierre, "machon," was recompensed for a depiction on parchment of the tomb ("ung pourtraict en parchemin de la sepulture pour escriptura") which was destined for the nave of the cathedral ("en la nef des son eglise de Rouen"). [78] Alabaster from Grenoble was purchased, together with marble from Amiens, for a tomb in black marble to support the gisant ("pour une tumbe de marbre noir pour faire le gesant de la sepulture"). The image of the cardinal himself was carved from alabaster: "to make out of alabaster both the representation of Monseigneur and the figures who are around the tomb, and all the other things that are needed for the tomb." [79] At least seven masons were occupied with the project and the total cost of the materials, the attendant travelling and its expenses, came to more than 500 livres for the year 1475 alone. The selection of alabaster -- presumably gypsum alabaster -- allied the cardinal with the European elite of his time, particularly the upper strata of French soci ety. Claus Sluter, to take an astoundingly inventive example, fashioned the tomb for Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, in Dijon from alabaster. The brilliant white marble of the royal tombs in Saint-Denis must have quickened his preference. [80]

In 1477, expenses were again incurred "a cause de la sepulture de monseigneur" of at least 80 livres, which included the journeys of Pierre le Sinierre and Guillaume de Bourges, "machon et ymaginier" from Saint-Nicolas of Rouen, to Lyon, Grenoble and Rouanne to find more alabaster. [81] In April 1480, a place for d'Estouteville's body was being made ready, as he had requested, in the place known as the Tombe S. Mauril. This locus was that of the venerated, eleventh-century and posthumously canonized Archbishop of Rouen, Maurile, situated at the first right pier of the crossing, across from the entrance to the choir. Above the tomb, a Crucifix was located. [82] At the site, in 1480, the workmen preparing d'Estouteville's grave found a sealed and covered stone sepulcher in which the canons established the presence of Maurile's bones, fragments of a wooden cross and of a chasuble. The Chapter resolved to continue the work at this sacred and, for a new tomb, somewhat presumptuous, location. [83]

On the last day of January 1483, Jean Gouel, an officer of the bailiff of Rouen, came to inform the Chapter of the vacancy of the seat through the death of their archbishop, and instructed them, through the king, to make preparations for an election. [84] On April 12, shortly after the election of the canon and archdeacon, Robert de Croixmare, to the vacant archbishopric, the cardinal's heart was ceremonially received for burial in the cathedral.

The secular clergy processed to the city gates to receive the heart, which was in its coffer and covered by red-flowered cloth of gold. This was followed by the reading of the accompanying Bull of Sixtus IV verifying his permission and the heart's authenticity. [85] Among his famigliari accompanying the pallium from Rome, as the cardinal had requested in a codicil to his will, were Nicola Saraceni and the canon of Rouen, Robert Fortin. The pallium was received "in the choir in front of the high altar and the tomb of King Charles V" in view of a multitude of barons, prelates, nobles, and notable persons. [86] The nave would be draped in black for a year. [87]

D'Estouteville's heart, his "most noble part," was buried beneath the sculpted monument by Pierre le Sinierre at the prestigious site outside the choir. [88] The site was not only that of Archbishop Maurile's tomb but it was also believed to be that of the earlier high altar. It had been Maurile himself, in fact, who had moved the original altar in circa 1063 in order to extend the east end of the church. [89] In having his heart interred at this holy location, d'Estouteville reaffirmed his role as a munificent patron in the cathedral's history and, symbolically, his pivotal relationship to its fifteenth-century fabric. The location in the nave might also have recalled to him that of Martin V's floor tomb in San Giovanni in Laterano. [90] A French patron and builder a century and a half before him, Cardinal Renaud de la Porte, had equally selected burial beside the high altar, in the choir arcade of the Cathedral of Limoges, his bishopric. When he died at the Curia in 1325, his body was taken to Limoges, to a polychromed, double-sided tomb that he must have had a hand in before he died. Within an arcade, six figures are ranged along the tomb base, while two angels display the effigy wearing pontifical vestments; they pull aside curtains at each end of the bier. At the second level, another pair of (lost) sculpted figures was placed in niches, while four paired narrative reliefs decorated the inside ends, one above the other. A canopy hung suspended above. [91]

As a curial forbear with Italianate preferences, Cardinal de la Porte reminds us of the enduring intermingling of northern and southern tastes, of the preexistence of well-placed, figured memoria for churchmen long before d'Estouteville was making his choices, and of the availability; too, to French sculptors of variants -- in Cardinal de la Porte's case, the high and thus rather awkwardly viewed object -- on which they might improvise. While the fifteenth-century Norman chose comparable sites close to the high altar in churches in Italy and France, the evidence for his tomb at Rouen suggests that it was a single-storied structure in which the figures simply stood in niches around the tumba beneath the effigy; or accompanied it on the same level. These variants, in more complex guise, were explored in such French monuments as that of Charles VIII (now destroyed) by Guido Mazzoni of 1498, of Francis II of Brittany and Marguerite de Foix of 1499 (fig. 3) in the Cathedral of Nantes, by Michel Colombe and Girola mo da Fiesole, and of the children of Charles VIII in the Cathedral of Tours of 1506 (fig. 4). If the heart tomb of d'Estouteville exhibited the Virtues, as Charles VIII's had done, these would, in turn, have preceded the king's, and have been, therefore, their earliest known northern instance. [92] Unlike a wall tomb, which, in its earliest Roman incarnation, was exclusive to clerics, this lower construction also permitted the open embrace of the airy crossing, and all the figures' participation, by association, in the ceremonies at the altar. [93] D'Estouteville had, then, "the whole church as a grand tomb," as Paolo Giovio had encapsulated Cosimo de' Medici's occupation of the nave of San Lorenzo. [94] With regard to his chosen site, d'Estouteville communicated his awareness of Maurile's roles as builder, opponent of heresy and patriotic survivor of a war with the English that led to the victory of France. This was an outcome that d'Estouteville himself had seen re-enacted in his formative years on the bes ieged Norman coast. [95]

No trace of his heart monument survives. Some part appears to have been moved shortly after his death since, on 18 July 1493, it was decided that the body of the newly-deceased archbishop, Robert de Croixmare, would be buried in the Chapel of the Virgin, near d'Estouteville's tomb. [96] The eastern chapel, behind the choir and the high altar, was a worthy site for him. At the entrance, the holy archbishop and friend of St. Louis, Eudes Rigaud, was buried after his death in 1275. D'Estouteville's predecessor, Raoul Roussel, was buried there on the right side, with an epitaph, in 1452. [97] In 1465, Pierre de Breze, the grand senechal of Anjou and Normandy and a favorite of Charles VII, was also buried there, on the left, in a large tomb by an unknown sculptor which, like all but six of those in the cathedral, has suffered the ravages of the sixteenth and then the eighteenth centuries. [98]

In 1525, Georges I d'Amboise, the Archbishop of Rouen since 1493, and Cardinal and premier ministre of France since 1498, would be honored by a colossal, three-storied, highly ornate, marble and alabaster tomb set against the right wall in the chapel (fig. 5). He designated the chapel in his will: "ou sont enterres mes predecesseurs." [99] On a platform of black marble, the alabaster figure of Georges I, on the left, and the white marble figure of his nephew (who was buried below some thirty years later) kneel within a structure that combines figures in niches and elaborately-carved decorative relief panels. Above them, a gilded, coffered dais projects outward, supporting a third figural zone. [100]

The lower zone is in marble, and here six theological Virtues reside in niches which bear several inscriptions, including a dialogue between France and a voyager, and verses alluding to the cardinal's achievements on both sides of the Alps through reference to the gold fleur de lys and the oak, the Della Rovere emblem. [101] D'Estouteville's monument, which equally comprised black marble and an alabaster image of the patron -- "the representation of Monseigneur and the figures who are around the tomb and all the other things" -- must have been, as far as can be ascertained, the immediate predecessor, as a sculpted tomb for an archbishop, of that of Georges I d'Amboise. As with d'Estouteville, d'Amboise's heart (and entrails) were removed from his body; they were taken to the Celestine convent at Lyons: "and a statue and figure from life was taken to all the churches of Lyon, being in height and aspect like that of our Sire the Legat," accompanied, according to one account, by 11,000 priests, 1,200 prelates, and 200 gentlemen. [102]

Any effort to reconstruct d'Esrouteville's tomb by looking back from an elaborate construction of the High Renaissance must, of course, be tempered with caution. The surviving descriptions make clear, however, that the alabaster gisant of the cardinal reclined on a marble slab, surrounded by alabaster figures of the theological Virtues. According to one seventeenth-century source, the tomb was "a little below the Crucifix, and the figure of the Cardinal one saw there in relief, under an iron grate." [103]

The great cardinal chose at Rouen an ostentatious site that celebrated him as both magnanimous builder and holy reformer. This site, too, seemed to proclaim, symbolically, his place at a juncture in the medieval and Renaissance history of the cathedral. In Rome, on the other hand, his burial site in the choir of Sant' Agostino -- had this been where he had intended to lie -- represented a dignity which even he was not permitted in his native Normandy. In each city Rouen and Rome, he thought about local practice and local tradition and capitalized on them, while bringing to each place an international elan. He furthered his posthumous profile and made, even at the last, in his burial designs, two characteristically assertive and culturally incontrovertible legacies. His selection of site in Rome contributed to and perhaps even helped to shape an evolving pattern of conspicuous burial in the choir. This was a selection that arose from his northern instincts but that nevertheless confirmed Italian trends and wo uld play a profoundly influential role in the choices made by high prelates in Rome in the Quattrocento and early Cinquecento.


(*.) This article was completed while I was a Fellow at Villa I Tatti (The Harvard Center for Italian Renaissance Studies) in 1997-1998. I wish to thank, in addition to the director, Walter Kaiser, and the staff and Fellows of I Tatti, both Eve Borsook and Kenneth Gouwens for their close and insightful readings of an early draft. I continue to be deeply grateful to Benjamin G. Kohl for his insights regarding archival practice and Renaissance patronage. With great patience and generosity, John Monfasani lent his expert eye to the Latin texts. David Chambers and Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt graciously waived their anonymity as readers for the Renaissance Quarterly; the manuscript benefited immeasurably from their suggestions.

(1.) See appendix 1. His executors were Rodrigo Borgia, papal Vice-Chancellor, and Giovanni Arcimboldo, Cardinal of Novara and Cardinal Priest of Santa Prassede. Borgia was d'Estouteville's successor as Cardinal Bishop of Porto and Archpriest of Santa Maria Maggiore and was guardian of d'Estouteville's sons. Giovanni Borgia, an Apostolic Protonotary, also appears as a witness in the documents. Arcimboldo was made cardinal by Sixtus IV on 7 May 1473 on the wishes of the Duke of Milan, and he was, through this connection, a political associate of d'Estouteville, See Platina, 410; Ansani, 435.

(2.) This was a legal state of affairs that distinguished the later Quarttrocento from the preceding century when the first articulation was definitive. Gardner, 1992, 5.

(3.) On 14 January, Mass was said for d'Estouteville "qui graviter Infirmabatur" (Archivio di Stato, Rome, Agostiniani in S. Agostino [henceforth ASA] 107, Exitus, fol. 19v); "Die xxiii. [January) hora ottava mortuus est Cardinalis Rotomagensis 1483" (ASA 107, Introitus, fol. 33v). Both the wills and an act refer to the church as "quasi perfecta."

(4.) By the early Cinquecento, non-Romans (including Italians) dominated Rome's natives numerically and politically. It was common knowledge in Vatican circles that there was a political disadvantage in hiring Italians. Cortesi recommended as servants to cardinals Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Germans. See Lee; d'Amico, 51.

(5.) For the cardinal's biography, in brief, see: Jouen and Fuzet, 261-88; Esposito; Darricau; Muller: Morandiere. 321; Cardella, 3:88-91.

(6.) Campano in Raponi, 193.

(7.) Document of 13 June 1470 (Rouen, Archives Departementales de la Seine-Maritime [henceforth ADSM], G 2138) in Mollier: "Demandes presentees au chapitre de la part du cardinal d'Estouteville requiert pour le cas ou il finiroit ses jours en France que son corps soir inhume en la nef de l'eglise ou est une tombe qui vulgairement est nommee la tombe Saint-Moril, et on cas qu'il mouroit hors le royaulme, que son cueur audit lieu fu pose et que l'a l'en peult faire une elevacion comme celle du Roy la ou tendroit le dit sieur son cueur en maniere de scpulture" (37). Calendar given in Beaurepaire, Archives Departmentales, 2:236. All translations are my own unless otherwise noted.

(8.) See appendix 1: Separation of the body.

(9.) The capitular archives in Rouen record that the cardinal was seriously ill as early as the end of 1480 when he had planned a visit to that city. Already in May 1481, the Chapter discussed the election of a successor; see Jouen and Fuzet, 287-88. Muntz (3:156-58) originally published extracts of the building records; see Gill, 1997, 121 n. 16.

(10.) In 1452, his secretary cunningly communicated to the Milanese that the cardinal's heart, in fact, lay in Italy: "Io non poria dire la summa affectione che ha Monsignore a le parti de Italia e corte romana, perche quantunche qui sia fra li soi, che sono di sangue regale, et riceva grandissimi honori, pur nienedimeno nullo altro singular desiderio ha che di pensare lo suo retorno in Italia dove a lui pare consista ogni suo vivere e felicitade ... conosco lui essere piu italiano che francese" (Giovanni Battisra degli Artizagani da Cremona to Cicco Simonetta, the Duke's chief secretary. Bituri [Berry], 16 June 1452, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Italien, Cod. 158, fol. 133, qtd. in Ilardi, 1130 n. 11). D'Estouteville was known to speak marvelous Italian; see Canensi, 33.

(11.) Gardner, 1988, 58-59.

(12.) Ibid., 1992, 10-11; see especially Brown; Park, 10-11. According to Park, Boniface VIII reacted to a French bishop's request regarding his brother's corpse by forbidding that it be cremated, boiled "or even cut into." The Bull had no effect in Italy, according to Park, as compared to France where, by the fifteenth century, the tradition reasserted itself.

(13.) Gardner, 1988, 57-58; Aubert and Desfayes; Erlande-Brandenburg, 93-96, and 118-19.

(14.) Metcalf and Huntington, 177.

(15.) See appendix 2c. On Bernardo de Paolo de' Massimi, see Adinolfi, 56. Camillo Beneimbene, a prominent Roman citizen and Priore delli Caporioni in 1482, was also the Massimi's notary by 1493 (see appendix 1, wills 1, 3, and 4; second codicil). See also Frommel, 1973, 2:233 n. 7. A nephew of Bernardo, mentioned in a codicil to the cardinal's will, married d'Esroureville's daughter, Margherita, in December 1481; see Von Reumont, 3.1:256. In October 1481, Bernardo's brother Francesco de' Massimi, received, as d'Estoureville's banker, 3,000 ducati from d'Estouteville; see Rome, Archivio Colonna, perg. LXV, 20. The theft was perpetrated, then, by someone from within the circle of d'Estouteville's acquaintance, and by someone who knew what he was looking for. These circumstances reinforce the impression, too, of the notaries' vested interests in the cardinal's testaments; see n. 23.

(16.) On the death of Cardinal Lodovico Trevisan (d. 1465), Paul II, a long-time enemy, seized the cardinal's goods, including a jewelry collection. The tomb was later broken into by a canon of the church who stole the corpse's vestments and ring; see Davies, 78. For another account, see Gaspare da Verona, 25-26. Sixtus IV's apartments were plundered after his death in 1484 by his officials and servants such that the corpse required guards; see Burchardus, 1:12. See, too, the contemporary account of Marco Barbo's death (d. 1490) in Zippel. For the prelate's death in general, see Herklotz, 1990a, 223-48; Gardner, 1992, 12. On the funeral of Jean de Bilheres, see Schiavo, 41 n. 1.

(17.) Kantorowicz, 314-17.

(18.) See appendix 2a.

(19.) Gardner, 1992, 5ff; Rodocanachi, 17. Compare the will of 1483 of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga who asks to be buried "cum anulo in digito" (Miintz, 3:297).

(20.) See appendix 1; Gill, 1996. On 20 Februar, the convent paid for a copy of the will and a part of the will of Beneimbene, ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 20v.

(21.) Will 1, BAV, Fonda S. Maria Maggiore, Cart. 74, perg. 246.

(22.) Kiihlenthal, 108-12.

(23.) See appendix 1: The Deletion. Cf. Marini: "Questo Benimbene... come dice lo stesso Burcardo, ha il suo Epitaffio nella Chiesa di S. Agostino ... dove anche la Cappella... Fu Gentiluomo Romano, e si rogo di tutti i contratti della Famiglia Borgia nel Pontificato di Alessandro... [si vede] un suo epigramma, nel cui titolo lo chiama 'utriusque juris consultissimum, Poetam, almae Urbis Conservatorem, Gymnasiique Romani Reformatorem'" (270). Beneimbene recorded d'Estouteville's plans for burial in that church in will 3 and in the codicil, and he made out will 1 for Santa Maria Maggiore in which there is no mention of a tomb at all. Rocca, the notary for Santa Maria Maggiore, recorded d'Estouteville's allusion to a "sepultura" there only in will 2.

(24.) Bonasoli, 1760.

(25.) Gherardi, 11. See also 114: "Ad xxix eiusdem et diem mercurii [January], funeralia sacra de more capta sunt, apud eandem Augustinensium edem; Balues cardinalis Andegavensis rem divinam egit, Silvester eius ordinis procurator orationem habuit, pontificis familia sacris interfuit, quod (ut audio) consuetum non est." On Silvestro, an oratore preclarissimo, see Quintarelli, 67ff; Perini, 1:84-85. Silvestro became General in 1485, after Ambrogio da Cori, but he died later that year. See Bonasoli, 1778: "An. 1483, die 22. Jan. Obiit Cardinalis Guilelmus de Estoteville Benedictinis. Hic agebat annos 80 sepultusque est in ecclesia S. Augustini de Urbe, in qua post exequias peractas orta est inter Fratres, et Clerum S. Marie Majoris, magna controversia, arque, tumultus circa funeralium supellectiles, ita ut omnes ad eas dirigiendas properabant" (268). See also Torelli, 7:328.

(26.) See appendix 3f.

(27.) See appendix 3e.

(28.) On the discinction between castrum doloris, cappella ardente and catafalque, see Berendson, 1ff; 20-21.

(29.) See appendix 3i.

(30.) See appendix 3n-p.

(31.) The encounter, occurring probably between 1488 and July 1490, is narrated by Timoteo Balbano in a letter (BAV, Vat. Lat. 56411, fol. 93r) to Giovanni Lorenzi. See Pasehini, 173-84.

(32.) See appendix 3p.

(33.) On this practice, see Kantorowicz, 4l9ff; 425 n. 367.

(34.) Kantorowicz, 421-24; Woodward. Until the death of Louis XII, the effigy remained on top of the coffin. This was the case for Charles VII (1461) and Charles VIII (1498), at least for part of the funeral. At the funeral of Francis I (1547), the coffin, draped in black, preceded the effigy in triumph at the honorific rear position.

(35.) Bentivoglio and Valtieri, 163-64; XXIX fig. 73. In a copy of his will (16 September 1480), Montmirail requested that: "in celebratione dictae Missae solemnis, aureum sive alium honorabilem pannum sive pallium. . . super sepulturam dicti dnj Iohannis epi sub positis lignis extendere, ac cuibus laterj dicri panni arma prefati dnj ep.i in carta papirea, seu aliis depicta affigeretur ...."

(36.) On Nicholas of Cusa, see "Essai de liste generale," 149; Roll; Weil-Garris Brandt, 112, fig. 9.

(37.) On 25 October 1482, d'Estouteville received money as an executor of d'Albert's will: "carlinos papales centum ordinem Reverendissima ex intimatione [?].... domino Cardinali Rothomagensis Protectoris nostro a domino Guglielmo gallico Auditore Rothae: executoribus quondam bone memorie Reverendissimi domini Cardinalis de Libreto sepulti in ecclesia Sancte Marie de Araceli ... depositatos presente priore ... Summa ducati xi, bolognini xxxiii" (ASA 107, Introitus, fol. 31v). See also Toesca.

(38.) Herklotz, 1990b, 229-30.

(39.) In 1477, he had written to Gregoria Lolli after Costanza's death of his intentions: "faciundum nunc curo ejus sepulchrum, breveque epitaphium jam cogitavi, quod mitto ad te ..." (Gnoli, 429-31). The inscription on the very lowest socle zone of his tomb (albeit a late addition) states that both tombs were finished before his death.

(40.) English trans. by Pine-Coffin, 1961, 199; "'Ponite' inquir 'hoc corpus ubicumque: nihil uos eius cura conturbet; tantum illud uos rogo, ut ad domini altare memineritis mei, ubiubi fueritis.'" The story of Saint Monica's death is covered in Confessionum, bk. 9, chaps. 10-11, pp. 147-49.

(41.) This is noted by Herklotz, 1990b, 230.

(42.) On SS. Apostoli and the Della Rovere, see Frank; on the nipoti at Sant'Apollinare (including Raffaele Riario, Girolamo Basso, and Leonardo Grosso della Rovere), see Adinolfi, 1863, 106-09; Burchardus, 1906, 368 n. 3; Albertini.

(43.) On Moro, see Cicogna, 728. This location behind the tribune was thought to be where Giovanni, Cardinal of Aragon, was buried in Santa Sabina in October 1485. See also Pontani, 50 n. 15. There are a number of medieval precedents in Italy for burial in the choir. In the Trecento, for example, Bernabo Visconti, buried in the apse of San Giovanni in Conca in Milan, makes a proprietorial claim to the east end and to the church as he gazes commandingly over the high altar. He earned this privilege following renovations. The Carrara of Padua, also in the Trecento, earned by their unchallenged status as the local signori, the right to burial in the apse of Sant'Agostino. See Longhurst, nos. M. 10 and 11; Dellwing, 60-63. So, too, did a visiting foreigner, Henry VII, who was buried in Tino da Camaino's tomb, commissioned in 1315, in the Cathedral of Pisa. See Kreytenberg, 33ff.

(44.) Frommel, 1977, 47. On Saint-Denis, where eight Carolingian and eight Capetian kings and queens were buried in the second half of the thirteenth century, see Sommers Wright, 224-43. A predecessor as Archbishop of Rouen, and Cardinal of San Lorenzo in Lucina, Jean de la Rochetaillee, was buried in the choir of Saint Jean in Lyons in 1439. To this foundation he also left his gilded cross, valuable liturgical objects and 800 gold ducats for the celebration of his anniversary; see Pommeraye, 550-51.

(45.) On Giuliano, see Gallia Cristiana 1, col. 829-30; Bourgin, 304; 308-10. For French-Italian relations, especially after 1483 (but not d'Estouteville), see Poeschke.

(46.) Bentivoglio and Valtieri, 35 n. 37; XXXVI fig. 94.

(47.) [June 1483] ASA 107, Introitus, fol. 37v; [(October] fol. 41r; [November] fol. 42r; [January 1484] fol. 44r; [March] fol. 45r; [July] fol. 49v; [September] fol. 51r; [December 1488] fol. 91r; [January 1489] fol. 91v; [February] fol. 93r. The Franciotti were related to the Della Rovere through Giovanni Francesco Franciotti, Depositarius of the Camera Apostolica under Sixtus IV; see De Luca, 74-90; Baurgin, 317-18.

(48.) Rome, Archivio della Curia Generalizia Agostiniana, Libro dello Stato degli Obblighi del 1775, A 26, fols. 457-58.

(49.) Pontani, 24-25: "... sopra un mulo, in una cassa coperta di panno negro con la croce, et tutti li frati de Santo Agostino dicendo l'offitio con molte torcie, et dereto a detto core andavano in compagnia molti vescovi a cavallo, et fu portato in Francia."

(50.) Apart from his legation to France in 1451-1452, he visited Rouen in 1454-1455 and in May 1456. Morandiere, 414-15. According to Jouen and Fuzet (cc; clvi; ccvi), he made only one visit, from 27 July 1454 to 17 June 1455: "cela est si vrai que d'Estouteville qui vivait a Rome prit ses dispositions pour accomplir une fois le cycle des fetes pontificales dans sa cathedrale: il officia le jour de Noel, 'le jeudi absolu, les jours Pasques, Penthecouste et Saint-Sacrement."' In his absence, d'Estouteville's brother, governor of Normandy, lived at the archbishopric. Guillaume Auber, who came from a family of vassals at Valmont, seems to have been in charge of the family possessions; see Beaurepaire, 1887, 1:63.

(51.) At Mont-St-Michel, Louis, the cardinal's brother (described by Morandiere, a chronicler of Mont-St-Michel, as "le plus riche homme d'argent comptant, ce disait-on, du royaume de France" [486]) was Captain. By 1478, "le lambris de la nef" (348) was "paracheve" (393), "et aux 2 cotes les armes de Mgr" (452). In 1462, d'Estouteville became abbot of Saint-Ouen, obtaining a papal Bull of indulgences in 1464. He constructed the vault of the nave and a jube (ruined in 1562 and 1791): "enrichi d'excellentes figurs et de rares embellissements ... Les armes de ce magnifique Cardinal etaient sous le Jube, dans la porte du choeur" (Pommeraye, 444-45). He received the Benedictine abbey at Montebourg in commendam from Louis XI in 1472, and he was prior in commendam of Saint Martin-des-Champs in Paris from 1457, sending there precious vestments; see Morandiere, 468 and 485.

(52.) ADSM, G 2135 [1454-60], fol. 269v; also in Beaurepaire, 1868, 2:233; Pommeraye, 567. Where available, the notes will include cross-references to Beaurepaire, 1868, and will appear in parentheses after the primary citation.

(53.) These men were either vicars for the diocesan administration or officers for the spiritual jurisdiction. Auber (d. August 1482) was vicar general of d'Estouteville, canon and chancellor of the Cathedral of Rouen and parish priest of Saint-Michel, Rouen. Masselin was a canon lawyer, canon of Rouen, vicar for Cardinal Jean Balue in 1470, and treasurer for d'Estouteville in 1477. Guillaume Mesard was a secretary of d'Estouteville and his vicar general at the abbey of St-Ouen, Rouen from 1460. Many such proxies were bishops in addition to acting as vicars general or suffragans; see Beaurepaire, 1868, 2:21-39.

(54.) On Cori, see Fiorini and Palombi, 107 n. 21; Giovannoni; Correspondance de la Famille d'Estouteville, 6-8 n. 9; Jouen and Fuzet, 353.

(55.) D'Estouteville had jurisdiction over 388 parishes divided into 28 doyennes and six archdioceses. See Beaurepaire, 1868, 2:3. On the earliest history of the archbishopric, which represented a third of the territory of Normandy, see Pommeraye, 1-27; Tabbagh.

(56.) See Denifle, especially 1:66-90.

(57.) Records of the works at the chateau of Gaillon, which had been devastated by the English, and of the estate revenues, begin with d'Estouteville's appointment (ADSM, G 53 [1455], ff. 40r-42v; G 58 [1460-1461], fol. 33r if). He spent 7,377 livres on Gaillon alone between 1455-1464; see Tabbagh, 213.

(58.) ADSM, G 59 [1461-1462]-G 64 [1466-1467]; G 70 [1474-1475]; Jouen and Fuzet, xxix-xxxvii, and 288-370. Between 1461 and 1465 alone, approximately 400,000 francs were spent; see ADSM, G 653 and G 51 (Beaurepaire, 2:153 and 2:17).

(59.) "Vous scavez que nous avons fait construire un riche & somptueux ouvrage, dans nostre Palais Archiepiscopal de Roiien, & qui se continue tous les iours; & nous ne doutons point que vous ne l'agreerez beaucoup, puisqu'il ne contribue pas peu la beaute & l'honneur de l'Eglise, & Ia satisfaction de toute Ia Ville. Et parce qu'en-ce qui depend de Nous, nous avons resolu de la faire accomplir de tout ce qui y est necessaire, & qui le peut rendre agreable; & qu'a cet effet l'abondance des eaux y est necessaire, Nous exhortons vos bienveillances ..." (Pommeraye, 569). Two copies of d'Estouteville's will in Rome (will 2 by Rocca [fol. 374v] and will 4 by Beneimbene [fol. 382v]) record his continuing patronage at Rouen, induding gifts to the episcopal manor and to several Benedictine foundations, such as Mont-Saint-Michel, held by him in commendam.

(60.) He issued proscriptions regarding the cathedral: that the poor, as Christ's brethren, should nor be cast out of the building; that candles should not be sold; that the choir boys be granted the feast of the Holy Innocents; see ASDM, G 2135 [1454-1460] (Beaurepaire, 2:231); Jouen and Fuzet, 275 n. 4; 276.

(61.) ADSM, G 58 [1460-1461], fol. 32r; 33r; G 67 [1471] (Beaurepaire, 1:21): "A Jehan Dufour, marchand de draps, pour avoir apporte trois chappes de pers brocques d'or depuis Fleurence jusques a Genesve, 10 livres 5 sous, er depuis Genesve jusquez a Rouen, 6 livres 12 deniers, lesquelles chappes Monseigneur a donnees a son eglise de Rouen. A Jehan Dufour, broudeur, pour avoir fait les armes de Monseigneur aux dites chappes, 13 livres 10 sous" See also ADSM, G 2135, 39v; fol. 270r; G 2136, fol. 90r; G 2138, fol. 171r; G 2141 [1480-1482], fol. 85r; fols. 188r-v; G 52, fol. 48r; G 68 [1470-1471] (Beaurepaite, 1:22); Pommeraye, 568.

(62.) ADSM, G 52 [1454-1455]; G 56 [1458-1459]; G 2501 [1465-1466]; G 64 [1466-1467] (Beaurepaire, 2:17-18 and 21); ADSM, G 2138 (Beaurepaire, 2:236); G 2501 [1465-1466] and G 2502 [1466-1467]; G 2503 [1467-1468] (Beaurepaire, 2:353-54); G 2139 [March 1476] (Beaurepaire, 2:237). Morandiere gives the final sum of 6,961 livres for the choir stalls.

(63.) ADSM, G 2491 [1432-1433] (Beaurepaire, 2:350): "... in sepultura regis Henrici, existente in choro versus latus capelle Sancti Pauli." In July 1476, the tomb of a king in the choir was repaired; see ADSM, G 2138 (Beaurepaire, 2:237); ADSM, G 2497 [1462-1463] (Beaurepaire, 2:352). In 1485, payment was made: "Pour avoir double le drap estant sur la tombe du roy Charles, au choeur de l'eglise" (ADSM, G 2511 [1484-85]; Beaurepaire, 2:356). This was probably the tomb of Charles V mentioned in 1432-1433; see ADSM, G 2491 (Beaurepaire, 2:350).

(64.) ADSM, G 2135 (Beaurepaire, 2:231-32).

(65.) ADSM, G 2509 [1478-1479] (Beaurepaire, 2:355): "A Jehan Cotain, paintre, tant pour sa paine d'avoir paint les visaes des ymages de Notre-Dame estant sur le grant autel de l'eglise et aussy pour avoir paint l'image d'allebastre estant sous le crucifix de la dicte eglise, 6 sous."

(66.) D'Estouteville projected himself into this miracle in a narrative relief carved by Mino da Fiesole in the 1460s. The cardinal appears at the shoulder of Pius II as Pope Liberius. On the ciborium, most recently see Caglioti; Zuraw.

(67.) For the Marian feasts, see ADSM, G 52. See also ADSM, G 53 [1454-1455]; G 2139 (Beaurepaire, 2:237-38); Jouen and Fuzet, 285. The bell "d'Estouteville" cost more than 1,918 livres: "pour ung drap de toille ou a este paint la grandeur et facon de la dicte cloche pour envoyer a Monseigneur tant pour le drap que pour la peinture, 37 sols 6 deniers" (ADSM, G 64 [1466-1467], fols. 23-25); see also ADSM, G 2503 [1467-1468] (Beaurepaire, 1:353); G 2138 (Beaurepaire, 1:236); Morandiere, 485-86. In May 1470, he established a donation to the cathedral of his miter and silver cross, valued at 678 livres; see ADSM, G 2138 [1468-1472], fol. 127r-128v (Beaurepaire, 1:236); Pommeraye, 568-69.

(68.) Pommeraye, 562.

(69.) ADSM, G 2136 [1460-1465] (Beaurepaire, 2:233).

(70.) Ibid.; ADSM, G 2137 [1465-1468] (Beaurepaire, 2:234); ADSM, G 2139 [1472-1476] (Beaurepaire, 2:237).

(71.) ADSM, G 2137 [28 May 1467] (Beaurepaire, 2:235); G 2491 [1432-1433] [Beaurepaire, 2:350).

(72.) ADSM, G 2139 [1472-1476] (Beaurepaire, 2:237); ADSM, G 2141 [1480-82] (Beaurepaire, 2:240).

(73.) ADSM, G 58 [1460-1461], fol. 32v (Beaurepaire, 2:19): "A Jaquet et Guerouldin ditz Theoruldes pour une tombe pour Madame de Estouteville, mere de Monseigneur, 40 livers. -- A Regnault pour avoir porte la dicte tombe de Rouen jusques a Valmont, 9 livres 7 sous 6 deniers; pour avoir assis la dicre tombe en l'eglise de Valmont au lieu ou la mere et Ia soeur de mon dit seigneur sont en sepulture, 30 sous." His mother was buried behind the altar on the epistolary side. See Morandier, 430.

In the late 1470s, d'Estouteville's older brother, Robert, and his wife were buried there, in the choir, in a sculpted tomb: "... elevees sur une pierre, ledit Robert represente en habit de cevalier selon l'ancienne mode, portant panons ou deux escussions sur les espaules, auxquelles les pleines armes sont insculptees et gravees, et les coussins ou gisent leurs tetes et leurs vestures sont semes desdits armoires d"Estouteville" (Memoire du dix-septieme siecle, Papiers Bornot, in Morandiere, 64; 502-03).

D'Estouteville's brother Louis (d. 1464), and his wife had their tombs placed in the center of the choir of the abbey at Hambye, rebuilt in the fifteenth century: "ils etaient representes au trait sur une plaque de cuivre, place sur une immense dalle en pierre de Caen, de 7 8 pieds environ sur 3... par la beaute des materiaux et leur eloignement, donne une grande idee des richesses et de la magnificence des fondateurs" (in Morandiere, 454).

(74.) ADSM, G 2138 [1468-1472] (Beaurepaire, 2:236); "Verse au Chapitre par commandement de Mgr, la somme de 2,500 ecus d'or pour la fondation de ses obits" (ADSM, G 66; G 67, in Jouen and Fuzet, 284 n. 5). The following year, 1,056 ecus were spent. According to Pommeraye (568), the final figure was 4,800 livres: "pour acheter une Terre qu'il destina pour la fondation de 12. Obits Solemnels, a l'insrar de ceux de Charles V. lesquels Obits seroient dits a pareil iour du mois qu'il decederoit." The Chapter replied: "qu'ils sont heureux qu'il elise cette eglise pour depositaire de ce qu'il y a de plus noble en lui-meme; que cette place est auguste, pour ce que l'ancien grand autel y etait, et qu'ils ne la voudraient donner a personne qu'a l'insigne et principal bienfaiteur de leur eglise" (Morandiere, 486).

(75.) Deville, 1833, 218; Aubert and Desfayes 19-20. D'Estouteville's maternal grandmother was a sister of Charles's wife; see Jouen and Fuzet, 261.

(76.) ADSM, G 2139 (1472-1476] (Beaurepaire, 2:237); Jouen and Fuzet, 285.

(77.) Le Goff, 16; Jager, 4-26.

(78.) ADSM, G 70 [1474-1475], fol. 31r (Beaurepaire, 2:23). Sinierre and many of his colleagues mentioned here also worked at Gaillon. See Deville, 1850; Aubert and Chirol.

(79.) ADSM, G 70, fols. 31r-v: "... pour faire tarn la representacion de monseigneur que les ymages qui sont entour la tumbe que toutes aultres choses quil fault dallebastte pour la sepulture... pour ung cheval... pour aller a Grenoble achater de lallebastre."

(80.) Penny, 60-64.

(81.) ADSM, G 72 [1476-1477], fat. 20v (Beaurepaire, 2:23): "voyage du promoteur a la cour du Roi 'pour le fair de l'allebastre achate a Grenoble afin d'avoir la deliverance de Monseigneur l'admiral de l'arrest qui y avait este mis, 14 jours, 50 sous."'

(82.) Jouen and Fuzet, 288.

(83.) ADSM, G 2141 [1480-1482] (Beaurepaire, 2:240): "... sed quia locus ille et tumba antiqua de super erecta vulgo la tumbe S. Moril vocabatur, quod etiam pie creditur, ne fama et memoria depereat, cum ipse vivens, licet canonicus non existat, vite sanctissime fuerit, atquehuic ecclesie, ut invenitur, bona maxima contulerit, fiat aliquod signum aut epitaphium ve1 sepultura quo ejus memoria et inhumatio perpetuo conservari valeat"; Deville, 1833, forward.

(84.) ADSM, G 2142 [1483-1485) (Beaurepaire, 2:241).

(85.) Described in ADSM, G 2142, fol. 26v; Pommeraye, in Morandiere, 524.

(86.) ADSM, G 2142, fol. 26v: "... in choro primum altare maius et sepulturam Caroli Regis quinti depositum et collocatum extitit." On Saraceni and the pallium, see ASR, ACNC 175, fol. 370r. Fortin was probably related to d'Estouteville's secretary, Jean Fortin of Normandy, buried in Sant'Agostino in 1476. Jean traveled between Rouen arid Rome; see ADSM, G 59 (Beaurepaire, 2:19). On the composition of the pallium, bestowed on the incumbent by the pope, and its significance for the archbishops of Rouen as a mark of their authority over the bishops in their province, of their humility and pastoral care in proportion to their great dignity, see Pommeraye, 20-22: "L'usage est d'enterrer les Prelats avec le Pallium, & s'il a passe d'un Siege a un autre, de le revestir de tous les deux." Pope Mark, in the fourth century, instructed the Bishop of Ostia (which d'Estouteville was) to wear the ancient vestment since he had the prerogative of consecrating popes.

(87.) ADSM, G 2142, fol. 26v. In 1485, Robinet Pinel was reimbursed for linens or canvas, on which were the cardinal's arms, placed at the pulpit and at the base of the nave on the day of commemorative services; see ADSM, G 2511 [1484-1485] (Beaurepaire, 2:356).

(88.) ADSM, G 2142 [1483-1485], fol. 25v; fol. 26v; "pro lapidis levandis ad inhumacionem cordis domini archiepiscopi defuncti, ... qui sepulture opus ... Maitre Pierre chigneure;" "... cor ipsum ad locum de presente sepulture in eiusdem ecclesiam deportatum" (ADSM, G 2142, fol. 26r; Beaurepaire, 2:241).

(89.) Devil1e, 1833,7. D'Estouteville's treasurer and a benefactor of the cathedral, Masselin (d. 1500) wished to be buried in the choir and only succeeded after un arret from the Court of the Exchequer forced the Chapter to give in. Masselin was allowed neither tomb nor epitaph; see Deville, 1833, xxii (Beaurepaire, 2:32). Just behind the high altar, for example, were buried Richard-Coeur-de-Lion and the son of the king, John, Duke of Bedford.

(90.) Montini; Poeschke, 88-89.

(91.) Gardner, 1988. 37-42.

(92.) See Panofsky, 75.

(93.) On the evolution of the earliest Roman ecclesiastics' tombs, see Herklotz, 1990b, 170-200.

(94.) Poeschke: "... avesse tutta una chiesa per larghissimo sepolcro" (91).

(95.) In gilt letters on black marble, on the opposite pier to that of the inscription commemorating d'Estouteville (see below), was another: "IN MEDIA NAVI/ E REGIONE HUJUS COLUMNAE JACET/ BEATAE MEM. MAURILIUS/ ARCHIEP. ROTOM. AN. MLV/ HANC BASILICAM PERFECITI /CONSECRAVITQUE ANNO MLXIII./ VIX ENATOS BERENGARII ERRORES/ IN PROVIN. GONCIL. PR/EFOCAVIT./ HOC PONTIF. NORMANNI/ GUILLEL. DUCE ANGLIA POLITI SUNT/ANNO MLXVI"; see Deville, 1833, 186, and 204-05.

(96.) ADSM, G 2144 [1488-1494] (Beaurepaire, 2:243; 353). This chapel had originally been enlarged by Archbishop Guillaume de Flavacourt (buried on the left of the entrance) in the fourteenth century to house the flocks of visitors. In it were placed painted and gilded sculptures, including two angels in front of the altar, cherubim, and prophets. According to Deville, 1833 (185, 236-37, and 247-48), the entrails of Jean III d'Estouteville were buried in 1517 in the nave of the cathedral beside the cardinal's tomb; his body was carried to the abbey at Valmont. The heart of Jean d'Estouteville of Villebon was also buried in the cardinal's tomb in 1566. These suggest that some part of the monument survived until 1566 and that the moving of part of it in the late fifteenth century (if this source is correct) did not alter the upkeep of the original burial site in the nave.

(97.) Deville, 1833, 26; Pommeraye, 562.

(98.) De Breze's entrails were buried at Anet, his heart at the Abbey of Coulombs, near his father, and his body in the Chapel of the Virgin at Rouen. Here, his grandson, Louis de Breze (d. 1531) would be buried in a dramatic extant tomb of alabaster and black marble, comprising an equestrian statue above a representation of the corpse. Deville, 1833, 57-59; fig. V; and 203-63. Those buried in the cathedral before the desecrations of the mid-sixteenth century included three kings, members of the families of the Norman dukes, several cardinals and many archbishops.

(99.) Testament quoted in Deville, 1833, 90. See also Bottineau-Fuchs.

(100.) Deville, 1833, fig. VI; 73-101. From 1520-1521, there were as many as 18 masons or stonecutters employed on the tomb. These were gradually reduced to four. Georges II d'Amboise initially commissioned a marble statue of himself as archbishop from Jean Goujon in 1541. In his will of 1550, he requested that a second statue of himself as cardinal (the present one) be substituted. The cardinals are buried at the foot of the wall monument. The burial site was violated in 1793.

(101.) Deville, 1833, 77-78. On the next zone, behind the two prelates, in niches, were figures including the Virgin and Child, St. John the Baptist, the local saint, Romain, and three archbishops. The figures in the attic zone above the dais included the apostles in twos between single prophets. Georges I was himself a generous patron at Rouen, donating, like d'Estouteville, many sacred vestments and church furnishings, and a bell. He was responsible for the sculpted portal of the cathedral and patron of several civic buildings, above all the rebuilding of the chateau of Gaillon. See Deville, 1833, 100-01; Sirmond; Baudier, especially 246-63, for a description of his will, death and obsequies. The inscription reads: "Pastor cram Cleri, populi Pater, aurea sese/Lilia subdebant, Quercus & ipsa nihi./Mortuus en iaceo, morte extinguntur honores,/At virtus mortis nescia, morte viget."

(102.) See appendix 4.

(103.) Pommeraye, in Morandiere, 524: "un peu au-dessous du Crucifix, et la figure du Cardinal s'y voit en relief, sous un treillis de fer." See also Pommeraye, 576: "on avoit couvert ce Tombeau d'un treillis de fer au milieu de la Nef, pour le mieux conserver, & il y demeura jusques en l'an 1562." The two silver plates ("plats"), berween which the heart was enclosed, were sold after the destruction of the monument by Calvinists. An inscription in gilt on black marble was once legible on the pier: "PERENNI MEMORAE/ D.D. GUILLELMI D'ESTOUTEVILLE/ S.R. ECC. CARDINALIS,/ ARCH. ROTOM. AN. MCCCCLIII,/ A SUM. PONT. NICOLAO V/ AD CAROLUM VII GALLIARUM REGEM/ LEGATI A LATERE,/ QUI ROTOM. ECCLESIAM/ AMANTISSIMI CORDIS HAEREDEM/ ROMAE MORIENS INSTITUIT/ ANNO MCCCC LXXXII./ RECONDITUM EST IN TUMULO/ B. MAURILII ARCHIEP" (Deville, 1833, 181-82). These are the only descriptions of the appearance of the original monument. There is now a modern inscription in front of the railing leading to the high altar, in the center of the crossing at the end of the central never "IN PROXIMO. COR. EST RECONDITVM GVILLELMI. CARDINALIS. DE. ESTOVTEVILLA ARCHIEPISCOPI. ROTOMAGENSIS ROMAE. QVI. OBIIT. ANNO. M.CD. LXXXIII EO. PONTIFICE. AB. OMNI. CRIMINE NON. QVINTIL. AN. M.CD.LVI VINDICATA. EST. IOHANNA. DE. ARC." There was also a funerary stone erected to him at Valmont: "dans les ruines de cette eglise plusieurs fragments d'une pierre richement sculptee, sur lesquels j'ai Pu lire ces mots: Guillaume............ cardinal archevesque de Rouen lequel trespassa l'an mu CCCC LXXIII............ en lhonneur duquel.......(Deville, 1833, 183-84). In April 1944, bombardment destroyed a large section of the eastern end of the cathedral, including the right pier of the crossing and all but one chapel in the south nave.


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1. Citta del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana [BAV], Fondo S. Maria Maggiore, Cart. 74, perg. 246 [14 and 22 January 1483 by Camillo Beneimbene]. (Sections transcribed by Marx.)

2. Rome, Archivio di Stato, Archivio del Collegio dei Notari Capitolini [ASR, ACNC] 175, fols. 371r-76r [14 January 1483 by Baldassare Rocca].

3. ASR, ACNC 175, fols. 377r-78v [14 January 1483 by Camillo Beneimbene].

4. ASR, ACNC 175, fols. 379r-84r [14 January 1483 by Camillo Beneimbene].

The Codicils

ASR, ACNC 175, fol. 370r; fol. 384r [16 January]. The first codicil reflected d'Estouteville's concerns for the distribution of his property, including vestments ("omnia sua paramenta que in domo ipsius") and pallium. Some of these he wished returned to Rouen.

ASR, ACNC 175, fols. 401r-v [19 January]. The second codicil was made out for his bishopric of St-Jean-de-Maurienne in Savoy, held in commendam, and for Francesco de' Massimi and Ludovico de' Mattei, both of whom were entrusted with significant responsibilities in connection with the legacies for the cardinal's family. (Seen. 15 above.)

ASR, ACNC 175, fols. 405r-v [19 January]. An alteration of the will.

ASR, ACNC 175, fols. 409r-v [22 January]. In the fourth codicil, d'Estouteville made further arrangements for the guardianship of his children.


a. "... Sepulturam sibi eregit in ecclesia Sancti Augustini per ipsum testatorem a fundamentis instaurata ... Monumentum ac sepulturam sibi statui voluit ac mandavit. ... operis ... et [ecclesia] iam quasi perfecta ..." ["Legata conventui et ecclesie S. Augustini et pro sepultura," 14 January] ASR, ACNC 175, fols. 369r-v.

b. "... animam suam omnipotenti deo ... commendando ... [quando] corpus dissolui contingent sepulturam sibi elegit in ecclesia sancti Augustini, per ipsum testatorem a fundamentis non solum instaurata sed ... renovata, in eo loco quem sui fideicommissarii, heredes, et exequutores elegerint, quorum arbitrio monumentum ac sepulturam sibi statui voluit ac mandavit ..." ["Particula legatorum pro Sancto Augustino," n.d.] ASR, ACNC 175, fol. 387r.

c-g. Another act of 14 January comprised a legacy to his familiari (fols. 386r-v), while others dealt with endowments, including property in Florence, tutoring for his children (fols. 391r-v; fols. 392r-v; fols. 395r-97r) and dowries for his daughters (fols. 399r-v).


[will (2)] "Item asserens idem reverendissimus dominus testator ita obtinuisse ex spetiali dispensatione sanctissimi domini nastri pape, iussit et mandavit postquam fuerit anima ipsius a corpore separata, cor suum a corpore ... et separari et in aliquo vase, prout dicti fideicommissarii et executores ordinaverint, ad sepeliendum in sepultura ecclesiae suae metrapolitanensis transmicti et exportari." [fol. 371v; also in will (4)].

[will (3)] "Item asserens idem reverendissimus dominus testator ex spetiali dispensatione obtinuisse a sanctissimo domino nostra pape ut possit, separata anima a corpore, cor suum in patriam transferri facet, constituit et ordinavit ut dictum cor suum a corpore discerptum in aliquo vase, prout ipsi exequutares et fideicommissarii ordinaverint, ad sepelliendum in sepultura ecclesie sue metropolitane exportitur et in dicto monumento seu sepultura reconditur [fol. 377v].


[will (2)] "... cum ab hoc seculo migrari contigerit corpus suum sepelliri iussit in ecclesia beati Augustini, per ipsum testatorem a fundamentis instaurata ac noviter constructa, in eo loco quem infrascripti fideicommissarii er executores elegerint et deputaverint, quorum arbitrio et voluntate monumentum ac sepulturam sibi statui voluit et mandavit." [fol. 371r; also in will (4) fol. 379r].

"Ordinavit ac statuit dictus reverendissimus dominus testator quad post eius mortem fiant sibi exequiae cum solemnitate prout episcopis cardinalibus et camerario fieri solent, tam in loco sepulturae quam et in ecclesia basilica Sanctae Mariae Maioris, cum salemnitate missarum per novem continuos dies et quad presbiteris et clericis intervenictibus candele solite distribuantur et conferantur" [fol. 371v].

[will (3)] "... Sepulturam quoque in ecclesia beati Augustini pro ipsum testatorem a fundamentis instaurata ac renovata sibi elegit in eo loco quem sui exequutores constituent, quorum arbitrio monumentum et sibi constitui iussit. Cui ecclesie ultra alias maximas impensas quas fecit pro operis incepti et quasi perfecti totali et integrali absolutione et perfectione ..." [fol. 377r].

"... quod post eius mortem fiant exequiae ut moris est et quales episcopo, cardinali, et camerario fieri solent et debent et prout dissertioni exequitorum et fideicommissariorum suorum visum fuit et placebit ... et in ecclesia S. Mariae Maioris eodem tempore celebretur missa per unum antistem cum sollemnitatibus in similibus exequalibus officiis consuetis" [fol. 377v].


[will (4)] "... prout episcopis cardinalibus et camerario fieri solent, tam in loco sepulture quam et in ecclesia basilica Sancte Marie Maioris, cum sollemnitate missarum per novem cantinuos dies et quad presbiteris et clericis intervenientibus candele mare solito distribuantur et conferantur..." [fol. 379v].


a. [23 January] "...propter rumores et percussiones usque ad sanguinis effusionem in funeralibus Reverendissimi D. Cardinalis Rothomagensis hac presenti die defuncti circa viii. horam et sepulti, insurgentibus contra Conventum propter quedam cervicalia pavonatia de velluto imbrocato de auro canonicis ex capitulo cathedralis Ecclesie Sancte Marie Maioris de Urbe, invidentibus de sepultura supradicti Reverendissimi Domini Cardinalis in nostra et non in eorum ecclesia, cum illius ecclesie est Archipresbiter, et nostram ecclesiam fundasset, cum maximo totius populi scandalo, quod nunquam fuit auditum, et in eorum maximum prejudicium et infamiam..." (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 19v). [A short fragment of the last sentence was published by Muntz, III, 42.]


b. "Ipse autem cardinalis nocte diei mercurii, qui XXII ianuarii fuit, in suis edibus apud Apollinarem moritur; pater non minus annis (octuagenarius erat) quam omni pretiosa suppellectile et locupletibus sacerdotiis onustus, quippe qui ultra annos octo et triginta in cardinalatu fuerat, maximis regum et principum clientelis clarus camerariatum etiam, defuncto Latino Ursino, ademptus est; cenobia multa, quibus prefuit, precipue extra Italiam, ornavit et ampliavit et sacris vestibus decoravit. Rome testimonium perhibent basilica beate Marie Maioris, cultu precipuo et religione semper a se habite, et templum Augustinensium paulo ante obitum a fundamentis instauratum. De hoc patre plura dici possent, que nunc narrare non est instituti mei. Defuncti corpus in edium suarum aula cum episcopalibus insignibus positum, de more. Oratio ibi matutina pro defunctis, patribus presentibus, dicta; inde cadaver in proximam Augustinensium edem delatum. Tumultus ibidem excitatus a canonicis beate Marie, asserentibus sibi vestem sacram deberi, que pretiosa admodum crat. Audio in eo tumultu annulos e defuncti patris digitis detractos esse; tamen prevaluerunt Augustinenses, cum in edibus propriis esset contentio, quamvis dictum fuerit eos postea convenisse" (Gherardi, 114).

c. "Alli 23. more lo cardinale de Roano, camorlengo di N. S., quale stava a Santo Apollinare, et fu robbato da messer Bernardo de' Massimi nanzi la sua morte; entro per la chiesa de Santo Apollinare et robbb argenti lavorati per trentamila ducati in circa et portateseli a Venetia.

Alli 24. lo povero cardinale de Roano fu rubbato in vita et in morte, che quando fu portato lo corpo a Santo Agostino si appicciarono li frati de Santa Maria Maiore con quelli de Santo Agostino, che quelli volsero tollere certi capitali di broccato d'oro quali portava lo corpo da capo et da pede, et fu fatto tanto romore che se dettero un pezzo con le torcie, et furno poi sfoderate molte spade, adeo che se fu pigliato lo corpo et portato in sacrestia et li furno robbate le anella che teneva in mano et dicesi che li fu tolta la mitria che teneva in capo" (Pontani, 23-24).




a. [23 January 1483] "Dialmatica et tunicella istorum paramentorum fuerunt posita in sepulcro et induto ipsius Cardinalis Rothomagensis 1483. xxiii. mensis Ian" (ASA 34, fol 241r).

"Item duo panni seu paramenta de setani nigro, quod fuit in castro doloris, in funeralibus Reverendissimi quondam Cardinalis Rothomagensis quorum unum et ad usum lecteriae in officiis defunctorum, aliud vera ad usum vexilli crucis quando aguntur defunctorum funeralia, foderati de tela nigra ..." (ASA 34, fol. 254r).

b. [16 January 1484] "Item una statera grande che fu di fra Girolamo, la quale ... e presenta al modo che fa la sepulture di monsignore de Roano" (ASA 34, fol. 315r).


c. [5 January 1483] "... fratri Angela predicto procuratori carlinos papales centum quinquaginta per manus magistri Francesci de Chumo muratoris et ducatos duogenta ... per manus magistri Baptiste de Roma. Summa ducati xvii, bolognini xlv" (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 19v).

d. [early February 1483] "... fratri Angelo de Roma procuratori Conventus ducatos currentes decem, bologninos triginta per manus magistri Francisci de Cumo muratoris. Summa ducati x, bolognini xxx" (ASA 107, Exicus, fol. 20v).

e. [10 February 1483] "... carlinos papales centum per manus patris provincialis a magistro Francisco de Chumo muratore de lignis castri doloris Reverendissimi domini Cardinalis olim Rothomagensis, protectoris nostri, et lignorum, torticiarum, corporum [?] ecclesie ac cupulei [?]. Summa ducati x, bolognini xxx" (ASA 107, Introitus, fol. 34r).


f. [28 January 1483] "Item dedi die Martis xxviii mensis pro bocchali [?] sedici, quatro grandi pro quatrinis sei l'uno de unpetitto l'uno, dodici de mezzo petitto l'uno pro quatrini cinque ciaschuno bolognini vintiuno, et bolognini quaranta pro dieci lancie longe, et bolognini vinticinque pro dieci lancie mezane, et pro spongnie bolognini quindici, et bolognini undici pro quatro catini de legno, et bolognini octo pro bollecte large et corte, et bolognini doi pro supradicto et bolognini dicisepte et mezzo pro cinque stutatori de ferro staginato pro quatrini quatordici l'uno, et hec pro le exequie de la Reverendissima ... del Cardinale supradicto ..." (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 19v).

g. [January 1483] "Item dedi eodem die carlinos papales vinticinque pro libre septa cinque de ferro lavorato et vinti doi ferri pro le corde de paramenti de la sacristia incomensati con li paramenti ... de la bona memoria de Reverendissimo Cardinale de Roano devoluntati ... con libri cinque et mezza de chiodi, et bolognini ... sei pro libri doi de chiodi de quaranta pro lo castello dolore [sic.] ..."

"Item dedi eodem die pro reacconciare li stutatori de ferro guasti in le prime exequie ..."

"Item dedi pro cinque altre uncie de spongnia bolognini quartordici pro le exequie et produce [?] le prime comparate in le prime exequie ..."

"Item dedi eodem die carlinos papales tres pro doi fiaschi grandi de vetro et dieci para de ampolline pro le supradicte exequie Reverendissimi domini Cardinalis Rothomagensis ..." (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 20r).

h. [14 February 1483] "... carlinos papales centum quadraginta quatuor a Francisco de Rugeriis aromatario in platea Sancti Laurentii in Damaso et fratribus per manus et magistri Baptiste de Roma de ducentis sexdecim libris torticiarum et facularum venditarum die Sabbi. viii. presentis mensis pro bon [?] quinque qualibus libris per manus patris provincialis et fratris Angeli de Roma, procuratoris Conventus. Que cera fuit de exequiis Reverendissimi domini domini Cardinalis Rothomagensis, protectoris nostri supradicti ... Summa ducati xv. bolognini" (ASA 107, Introitus, fol. 34r).

i. [3 August 1483] "Item dicti [mensis] eodem die ... bolognini diciocto presente lu padre provinciale ad uno Matteo tentore che tenze una di quelle pecie di taffecta pro levarne via l'arme che stectero intorno allo castello aliundo fo facto lo offitio della bona memoria de monsignore nostro de Roano et della sopradicta pecia di taffecta havemo facto fare uno pano per lo legio et uno altro per la croce ..." (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 22v).

j. [15 July 1484] "Item dedi die Iovis xv. mensis carlenos papales quinque per manus fratris Angeli de Roma ad pellegrina[m], sorella de Juliano Spangnolo, pro certa quantita de francia de seta negra pro lo panno de seta negro de la croce ad uso mortoro facto de novo deli funerali Reverendissimi olim domini Rothomagensis ..." (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 28v).

k. [January 1487] "... bolognini octo et mezo allo sopradicto Gabriele spitiale pro una libra de candele date assiculiri Franciosi in aniversario della bona memoria dello Reverendissimo Cardinale de Rouano celebrato die marti xxiii presentis mensis. Summa ducati bolognini viii" (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 36v).

l. [July 1487] "Item dedi die Jovis xxvi. mensis ... bolognini cinque a madonna Marta molglie che fo de Johanni Piccinino pro acconciatura di dui pianete antiche, videlicet, la pianeta gialla che se usa ogne die et una la pianeta biancha di seta ... che la sua diamaticha et tunicella forano messe a monsignore de Rouano quando fo seppellito. Summa ducati bolognini v" (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 38v).

m. [8 August 1483] "... ducati vintiquattro ad bolognini septanta cinque pro ciasche ducato presentibus lu patre provinciale et lu patre priore et frate Angelo procuratore pro quattrocento libre di cera, cioe torcie et facule dell'assequio della bona memoria de monsignore nostro de Roano pro bolognini quattro et mezo la libra venduta ad Juliano spitiale in Sancta Maria Rotonda nella portica de Pietro de Massimo ... Summa ducati xxv" (ASA 107, Introitus, fol. 39r).


n. [23 December 14901 " una lancia pro lo palio grande di Roano..." (ASA 107, Exitus, fol. 54r).

o. [31 October 1491] " mastro Iacomo carpentario bolognini octo pro adconciare le banchette pro tener ii torci allo offitio di Rouano. Summa ducati o, bolognini viii" (ASA 107 Exitus, fol. 59v).

p. [October 1496]"... bolognini trenta septe e mezo per uno tavolone grosso per fare le banche da tenere le torcie in torno al corpo del Reverendissimo Cardinale de Rouano in presentia del patre soperiore fratre Giovanni de Valentia... Summa ducati o. bolognini xxxviii..."

"... bolognini dicisepte e mezo per septe piane per fare una trabacche [?] per mettere lo palio de monsignore de Rouana per quatrini [?] dieci l'una per mano de mastro Augustino falename. Summa ducati o, bolognini xvii, denari viii" (ASA 108, Exitus, fol. 4v).



"... et fut mene une statue et personne en vie par toutes les grandes Esglises de Lyon estant en la stature et semblance de mondict Sieur le Legat... Toute l'Esglise des Celestins estoit soursainte de velours noir, et Monsieur le Legat estoit couche en un lict de camp encourtine de velours noir, et de ses armes, pendant qu'on enterroit ses entrailles ausdicts Celestins, et monte la despence dudict obit a trente mille francs: ledict Legat ordonne trois cens francs par iour, pour la despence de ceux qui le meneront despuis Lyon iusques a Rouen, et le sont allez conduire trois cens hommes pauvres vestus de noir portans torches, cinq Evesques et un Cardinal ... et Messieurs ses nepueux montant a cinq cens chevaux qui le menoient tous houssez de noir iusques enterre, et quatre chariots de quatre Mandians et un personnage en Archevesque, tout revestu de son habillement qu'il portoit en son vivant, et marche chacun selon son ordre" (Baudier, 253-54).
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Publication:Renaissance Quarterly
Geographic Code:4EUIT
Date:Jun 22, 2001
Previous Article:Shakespeare after Theory & Practicing New Historicism.
Next Article:Elections of Abbesses and Notions of Identity in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Italy, with Special Reference to Venice [*].

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