Cultural clientelism and brokerage networks in early modern Florence and Rome: new correspondence between the Barberini and Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger.
Recent patronage studies by social historians and anthropologists have theorized the mechanics and the role of patronage in the politics and societies of early modern Europe. (1) The historiography of Renaissance Florence, in particular, uses patronage to analyze social interaction in public life, hierarchical organization, friendship and kinship bonds, sociocultural identities, and the culture, structure, and politics of early modern courts. (2) The discussion has focused in part on systems of clientelism and on brokerage networks and the broker-agent figure in a distribution system of information, power, services, and products. (3) Terms such as patron, clientele, clientage, patron-client relationship, broker, brokerage, and clientelism have long since entered into common scholarly usage. Their application to systems of patronage to explore the social context of art, literature, theater, music, and science can be equally revealing, even though the tendency has been to focus on the patron-client relation, thus bypassing the role of agents and brokers. (4) Patronage studies on music and theatrical spectacle in early modern Italy, for example, have tended to concentrate on specific patrons and their clienteles at different Italian courts and cities and on their musical production and consumption, but with little discussion of the role of brokerage and brokers in this complex. (5) Specifically, the concept of brokerage as applied to the cultural functions of musical and related patronage in early modern Italy requires much further investigation.
The discovery of a remarkable, hitherto-unpublished correspondence, comprising over 100 letters between a Florentine poet and the Barberini court in Rome, provides a case study for exploring the wider concepts of clientelism and brokerage and their application to cultural patronage in seventeenth-century Florence and Rome. Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger (1568-1647), a Florentine poet and grandnephew of the artist, developed a lifelong relationship with Maffeo Barberini (1568-1644), the future Pope Urban VIII, and with other powerful members of the Barberini family, including Maffeo's brothers Carlo and Giovan Donato, his nephews Francesco, Antonio, and Taddeo, and his nieces Camilla and Clarice. (6) Their correspondence reveals the complex workings of patrons, brokers, and clients amid an intricate web of social structures, economic systems, and the politics of power in early modern Italy. However, the patronage formulas for the early modern period need to be better identified, and the concepts they conveyed, the conventions they employed, and the situations in which they were used, require much further investigation beyond the purview of this examination. This study explores the nature of the Buonarroti-Barberini relationships, in which clientelism--that is, a system of patron-broker-client ties and networks (7)--is revealed as a central component, and demonstrates the fluidity of roles embedded in the patronage system. It reconsiders the definition and role of a seventeenth-century cultural broker, as epitomized by Michelangelo the Younger, who acted on behalf of the Barberini in lobbying significant figures such as Lodovico Cardi ("il Cigoli") and Galileo Galilei. Spanning nearly half a century and peppered with formal rhetorical courtesy phrases that reflect a Seicento world of clientelism, this new archival documentation offers fresh insights into the inner workings of Florentine families, who used the Roman context to redefine their social identities and to promote their Florentine connections; and into their strategies for family advancement, which allowed them to reinforce their status in the otherwise precarious world of Italian Seicento power brokerage.
2. THE BARBERINI AND THE BUONARROTI
Both the Barberini and the Buonarroti families provide the archetypes for a pattern evident in the early modern period: Florentine self-invented patricians who redefined themselves via Rome. The Barberini, who originated from the small Tuscan town of Barberino di Val d'Elsa, enjoyed moderate prosperity as wool and textile merchants in Florence for several generations prior to Maffeo Barberini. The change in family fortunes was propelled by Monsignor Francesco Barberini (1528-1600), Maffeo's uncle and apostolic protonotary, who had moved from Florence to Rome, where he obtained lucrative offices at the papal court, amassed a fortune, and purchased a small palace in the center of the old city. (8) The Barberini began to systematically obscure their unremarkable Tuscan origin and to reinvent their family as a Florentine noble house. (9) The form of their name, originally Tafani da Barberino Val d'Elsa, was changed to Barberini to imply that they had been major landowners and even feudal lords, and their coat of arms was altered from three silver horseflies on a red field to three gold bees on blue, dropping the rustic woolshears that indicated the original source of their wealth. (10) In addition, a tenuous connection with the fourteenth-century poet Francesco da Barberino (1264-1348) was sought to establish the family's intellectual and literary heritage.
Likewise the Buonarroti, originally known as the Simoni--and on rare occasions the Buonarroti Simoni or the Simoni Buonarroti--constituted a minor Florentine patrician family that dated back to at least the thirteenth century. Their position of minor prestige in Florentine society was secured by the important civic offices held by a long line of Simoni: Michele di Buonarroto Simoni was a member of the Council of the Capitano in 1260 and served at Montaperti, while his son, Feo, was a member of the Council of the Commune in 1304; Simone di Buonarroto Simoni (sixth in descent) held numerous civic posts, and his son, Buonarroto, occupied the Priorate in 1390, 1397, and 1404, as well as being podesta (elected chief magistrate) of several districts. Despite all this, by the late Quattrocento the family had lost status and lived in meager conditions: the artist Michelangelo (1475-1564) inherited a family name of some distinction, with a recognized coat of arms, a family chapel in Santa Croce, and an ancestral country residence outside of Settignano, but with ailing fortunes and a waning standing in the city. (11) He secured a change for the better, reestablishing his family by investing in properties, backing a family wool business, and increasing their social standing through respectable marriages. He posited the descent of the Buonarroti family from the noble Counts of Canossa (close to the German Emperor Henry II) in order to establish the family's noble heritage. (12) After 1534 he moved from Florence to Rome, where he amassed a patrimony comparable to the wealthiest patricians of the day. (13) His fashioning of his family extended to a definitive change in the family name from Simoni to Buonarroti, for he restyled himself a Buonarroti from as early as 1497, and especially when he lived in Rome. This was probably in an effort to dissociate himself from his family's socially inadequate background, and the name change was adopted by later family generations until the nineteenth century. (14)
The Barberini figured prominently among the powerful families whose patronage was sought by Michelangelo the Younger during his lengthy career as a prolific poet, art patron, and academician. An influential figure in the musical and literary circles of early modern Florence, from at least 1592 (if not before) until well into the 1640s Buonarroti was regularly commissioned by the Medici court to produce a variety of theatrical spectacles in collaboration with numerous court composers and musicians. (15) He also frequented the Gonzaga court in Mantua, seeking the protection of Duke Ferdinando Gonzaga (1587-1626), with whom he negotiated the commission of his play II giudizio di Paride to be performed at the 1608 Mantuan wedding of Prince Francesco Gonzaga and Margherita of Savoy; he also provided Ferdinando with several texts for musical entertainments and occasional poetry in his honor. (16) Buonarroti's extraordinary literary productivity not only led to his contributions to Florentine innovations in music-theater, which culminated in the birth of opera, but also found expression in an extensive collection of unpublished lyric poetry, much of which was produced for specific court occasions and was set to music by the contemporary pioneers of monody. As a distinguished member of both the Accademia della Crusca and the Accademia Fiorentina, he frequently associated with important members of the Florentine patriciate, and his literary expertise was widely sought, particularly as a contributor to the Crusca's publication of the Vocabolario della Crusca (1612). The Vocabolario was the first significant Italian language dictionary to provide a homogeneous lexicon for Italian literature and to place emphasis on the pure vernacular classicism of the Florentine dialect, and became the basis for a series of Italian dictionaries produced in its wake. Michelangelo the Younger was also a dedicated proponent of the myth of his granduncle. While his interest in poetry fueled the publication of the first (and controversially falsified) edition of Michelangelo's Rime (1623), Buonarroti's commitment to glorifying the name of his famous ancestor, developing strategies for networking, and articulating a pattern of family identity and cohesion, led to his extensive patronage of Seicento Italian artists and sculptors for the creation of the Michelangelo galleria (still in existence today in the Casa Buonarroti in Florence).
The roots of Buonarroti's relationship with Maffeo Barberini (both born in 1568) can be traced back to their early childhood, spent in the same quarter of Santa Croce in Florence. (17) Maffeo was the fifth son of Antonio Barberini and Camilla Barbadori, wool and textile merchants who lived on Piazza Santa Croce near the Buonarroti household on the via Ghibellina. Between 1583 and 1585, Buonarroti studied with the Florentine scholar Francesco Bocchi, a writer, philosopher, and art historian, and later with Jacopo Borghini, who taught Latin literature and grammar. (18) As he studied "with the same maestro as Urban VIII," it is likely that he attended the Jesuit School in Florence (and maybe even the Collegio Romano) together with Barberini, who showed great enthusiasm for classical literature. (19) In 1586, Buonarroti left Florence to enroll in a degree in literature at the University of Pisa for five years, a period that enabled him to nurture his literary talents and to meet other influential contemporaries such as Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), only four years his senior and with whom he developed a lifelong friendship. Meanwhile, Barberini's father had died in 1571, only ten years after his marriage to Camilla, leaving her a widow with six young sons. The firstborn, Carlo (1562-1630), and Maffeo showed the most promise for developing the family fortunes. Following a familiar pattern of familial management, Carlo was groomed for a career in business and for marriage by his uncle Taddeo Barberini in Ancona; at sixteen Maffeo was sent to live with his uncle, Monsignor Francesco, in Rome and to find his future in the Church. Maffeo completed his education at the Jesuit Collegio Romano and subsequently pursued studies in law at the University of Pisa, where he lodged together with Buonarroti in the house of Giovanni Uguccioni during the late 1580s. Buonarroti recalls these times in his Albero di famiglia:
It turned out that because of his haughtiness it was our lot to sleep on the brick floor ... oh dear, oh dear, if I had ever guessed that he expected to be pope one day I'd have gone and spent the night under a bridge or on the furthest roof-tile. (20)
Another time Buonarroti lent his ferraiolo (a type of sleeveless winter coat worn by the upper classes) to Maffeo and never got it back: he refers to this in a sonnet, "Son quarantatre anni a dire 'l vero," written forty-three years later in Rome, in which he adds jokingly that the time has passed but the pope has not remembered to return the coat. (21) Both competitive and eager to excel, they were apparently not always compatible, for Barberini was prone to frequent outbursts of temper, an ingrained flaw in his character and later evident in his dealings with the Galileo affair. (22)
The basis of their relationship, however, was surely cemented by their mutual literary and intellectual interests. Maffeo was a gifted poet, writing in Italian, Greek, and Latin, and published as early as 1606 by the Perugian Accademia degli Insensati in a volume of collected poetry by his mentor Aurelio Orsi and other authors (fig. 1). (23) At the turn of the century, Buonarroti and Barberini both attended meetings of an informal literary group in Florence, known as the Pastori Antellesi. (24) Initially led by Andrea Sannini, its members consisted of noble Florentines, each with an academic pastoral name--similar to those found in Sannazzaro's Arcadia and later used by the Arcadian Academy in the late Seicento--including Buonarroti (Alfesibeo), Piero de' Bardi (Selvaggio), Lelio Giraldi (Opico), Jacopo Soldani (Tirsi), Averardo (Dafni), and Giovanni de' Medici (Silvio), together with Francesco Nori, Giovanni Altoviti, Marcello Adriani, and Maffeo Barberini, whose academic names are unknown. (25) The Pastori gathered during the holidays at various villas around Antella, including the Bardi villa, and their activities were divided among the recitation of original poetry--often on pastoral themes about the surrounding countryside--discussions about literature, singing of canzonette, and reading other works by authors such as Dante or their own contemporaries Giambattista Marino and Gabriello Chiabrera. The Pastori also indulged in other recreational pastimes such as hunting, walking, and fishing in the river Ema. (26) The group had no formal constitution, and its membership appeared to vary according to the occasion and circumstance: this informality was surely a welcome respite from the pettifoggery of official city academies such as the Accademia della Crusca and the Accademia Fiorentina, both of which already counted Michelangelo the Younger an active member.
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3. MAFFEO AND MICHELANGELO THE YOUNGER: FROM FRIENDSHIP TO A PATRON-CLIENT BOND
After graduating from the University of Pisa, Maffeo returned to Rome as protege of his uncle, Monsignor Francesco Barberini. Maffeo's surviving correspondence with Buonarroti, which begins in 1599 and runs through 1623, expresses evident affection in its language and tone: the timespan may be a more direct indicator of the enduring nature of their patron-client bond, rather than an index of their feelings. A genuine friendship had clearly been forged during their early years together in the 1580s and '90s, before their extant correspondence begins; they were already bound by a mutual respect, fondness, and a common interest in literature, but this bond was not absolutely necessary to either of them for social or economic gain. However, as Maffeo moved up the political ladder, their social status widened, the balanced reciprocity changed, and a natural patron-client bond soon developed. By the time Maffeo was elected to the papacy in 1623, their relationship, albeit personal and emotional, had become a voluntary, vertical alliance between two participants of unequal status in which the patron (Maffeo) provided material benefits and protection and the client (Buonarroti) provided loyalty and service in return (even though the definition of the latter exchange remained fairly vague). (27) The progression from friendship to patron-client relationship was surely a gradual one, and it is difficult to distinguish in their correspondence where one left off and the other began: patronage bonds were often so ingrained that the difference between friendship and clientelism, or kinship and patronage ties, was often blurred. (28) Seventeenth-century documents are consistently permeated by the use of formal and rhetorical courtesy phrases, which expressed the language of clientelism and usually emphasized loyalty, friendship, gratitude, affection, honor, respect, and trust. (29) For example, in early April 1599 Maffeo thanked Buonarroti for his congratulations on having been assigned to some affairs by the pope, remarking: "The affectionate office of congratulations from Your Lordship has further indebted me to you; however, I have never been more certain of the benevolence that you have shown me, of which I have had sure signs on other occasions. I offer you the most sincere thanks in my capacity, and I am less wanting than obliged to serve you." (30)
Maffeo's references to Buonarroti's "benevolence" and his state of being "obliged to serve" already denote a language of clientelism, whereby he assures his client of his esteem, gratitude, and willingness to serve; Buonarroti's offer of congratulations not only celebrates the patron's increased power, but serves as a well-timed reminder of his veiled request for patronage. On the death of his uncle, Francesco Barberini, in 1600, Maffeo thanked Buonarroti for his condolences, remarking "It does not make me any surer of the great affection which you bear for me, since I have long been very sure of it," referring to his "loving demonstration," and asking "please command me if I can serve you here." (31) Numerous other examples of these courtesy forms are evident, in which Maffeo refers to "the loving affection of Your Lordship," "your continued affection for me," and "your open willingness," and notes that "you live continuously in my soul," "I am always ready on any occasion to be your servant," "you deign to give me your affection which is clear to me as the light itself," "great is the affection and willingness I have to employ myself in your service," and "I should like to prove my affection and esteem for you." (32) Buonarroti's replies are equally loaded with expressions of loyalty and affection for his patron, albeit clearly from an inferior position: "I come to pay reverence," "the reason I should like your favorable order so as to justify that I should live in the benignity of your grace," "I desire your orders with great thirst," "my feeling of devotion," and "the affectionate devotion that I hold to honor reverence on any occasion." (33) But while this language often indicated a patron-client bond, it is problematic in deciphering the real nature of the relationship, for, though there do appear to be gradations in the rhetoric, the terms are ambiguous and lack precision, especially for modern readers. Moreover, Barberini would not always have written his own letters (only two of a total of twenty-three letters are autographed), although a good secretary knew the etiquette and how to write in his employer's voice. (34) The language of early modern patronage often employed terms that deny the mutual interests of the patron-client exchange and instead imply a voluntary and disinterested bestowal of a freely-given gift, but these terms hide the obligatory nature of the exchange. (35) While the courteous use of these formulas helped to reinforce and maintain relationships--and their absence often indicates the nonexistence or termination of relationships--a patron was in fact expected to reward materially or in other ways the loyal service of a client if he wanted to keep it, and a client was obliged to repay with loyal service if he wanted to receive future patronage. (36)
Buonarroti began a pattern of regular gift-giving, which consisted largely of literary works he thought Maffeo might enjoy. These literary gifts, which reflected Buonarroti's status as a poet, were personal and individual, thus reinforcing the personal bond they helped to create. Whether these gifts symbolized a patron-client bond or merely one of friendship is difficult to ascertain, for the gifts were only reciprocated later in the relationship. Certainly by the culmination of Buonarroti's dedication of his 1623 edition of Michelangelo's Rime to Barberini, his gift-exchange showed the definitive characteristic of a patronage relationship, the concept of which follows a traditional pattern of courtly behavior. As Giovanni Ciampoli, private secretary to Urban VIII, once remarked, "There is something that holds true everywhere in the world: you need to give gifts to those in power.... Blessed are those who can accelerate their success by giving gifts!" (37) Scholars have noted that relationships often began when a patron accepted the gift of a client without reciprocating, in this way incurring a debt that had to be paid later. An exchange of token gifts was a ritual symbolizing the actual exchange on which the bond was based. Gift-giving was considered to be a client's investment because the patron was bound to reciprocate gifts in proportion to his own status, not the client's. (38) The documentary evidence suggests that the Barberini-Buonarroti exchange remained one-way for many years, with Buonarroti sending copies of his latest works-in-progress: in April 1599 Barberini thanked Buonarroti for his "tragedia," presumably his translation of Euripides' Hecuba. (39) Over a year later in September 1600, Barberini heaped his praise on the work, elegantly expressing his admiration: "I remain much obliged to Your Lordship that you have favored me by sending me your tragedy, and I offer the greatest thanks I can. Having gone through it several times I can say to Your Lordship that if outside it is gilded, inside it is golden, and if it were seen by its original father he would deem it not less beautiful in this foreign dress than it was in its own. I do not intend to make any copies for anyone else, for in this way I am able to take all the pleasure for myself, and I kiss your hands with the desire to see you soon." (40)
As the poet's career at the Florentine court flourished, he continued to send Maffeo gifts of copies of his most important commissions for the Medici. Thus, in December 1600 Buonarroti sent Barberini his published Descrizione of the Florentine wedding of Maria de' Medici to Henry IV, King of France and Navarra, an account designed primarily to glorify the deeds of Grand Duke Ferdinando I, who imposed a heavy censorship and a series of corrections. (41) The significance of the 1600 Florentine wedding festivities lies in the performance of one of the earliest forms of opera, with its new, recitative style. In his original draft, Buonarroti was liberal in naming composers, particularly with reference to Ottavio Rinuccini's Euridice (with music by Jacopo Peri and Giulio Caccini), which introduced a new style of musical entertainment to Florence, the through-composed music-drama. However, the grand duke tersely reminded the poet "it is not necessary to name so many musicians," no doubt because the work had not been entirely sponsored by the court. (42) Later, less than a month after the next Florentine wedding, that of Prince Cosimo and Maria Magdalena of Austria in October 1608, Buonarroti eagerly sent the cardinal a copy of his play with intermedi, Il giudizio di Paride, which had premiered to great acclaim in the Uffizi Theater in a performance lasting five hours during the nuptial celebrations: "That the present favola has been honored by the names of the Most Serene spouses will render it bolder to present itself to Your Most Illustrious Lordship, to whom I offer it while I come to reverence you with the present letter. It is a humble and unadorned work, and thus requires Your Most Illustrious Lordship's discrete favor and benignity. However, if you should be so kind as to point out the most obvious errors during your reading, I shall reap great fruit from its poverty." (43) Maffeo quickly acknowledged the receipt of his letter on 14 November, saying that Michelangelo the Younger had failed to enclose the play and that he held no belief in the author's judgment of its worth, which was surely masked by modesty: "I will await with special desire the play that Your Lordship says he will send by another route, as it was not together with your letter. I do not believe in the modest judgment that you express as I have yet to see it, but suppose it is well-dressed in those conceits and adornments as are to be expected from your most happy genius. Your Lordship's asking my judgment is an attribution of excess; I am certain that it comes out of such creativity that it will have no need of a finer filing." (44) Maffeo's help with editorial questions was later sought in August 1614, when Buonarroti was discussing with him two specific stylistic errors in his epistola "Felice te che 'n si remoto lido," addressed to his brother Cavalier Francesco Buonarroti (a Knight of Malta) on the occasion of the death of Prince Don Francesco de' Medici (1594-1614): "There is no doubt that the epistle which I sent to my brother, the knight, on the occasion of the death of his Most Excellent Prince Don Francesco is such that it can be only called a complete mistake. The specific errors are numerous, however I wish to draw your attention to two in particular, which is my reason for sending the work to you ... I do not think it is a good idea to make copies for as far as I know it will soon be printed." (45) And in January 1622 Buonarroti sent him a copy of his Delle lodi del Gran Duca di Toscana Cosimo II, recited at the Accademia Fiorentina on the grand duke's death. (46)
In the meantime, Maffeo made use of his uncle's prestige and quickly rose through the ecclesiastical and political hierarchy, being appointed by Clement VIII Governor of Fano in 1592 (at the age of twenty-four), archbishop and nuncio to France at the end of 1604, and Bishop of Spoleto in 1608. When his uncle Francesco died in 1600, Maffeo inherited a fortune and the Casa Grande ai Giubbonari, which he set about enlarging. He also commissioned a family chapel in the Theatine church of Sant'Andrea della Valle, which was regularly attended by the Florentine colony in Rome. (47) This was all in keeping with the Barberini family's strategies for family advancement, which followed a traditional pattern evident among the late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century patriciate in their articulation of family identity and cohesion. (48) His years spent in France--first in 1601 as papal representative assigned to bring congratulations and papal blessings to the court of King Henry IV on the birth of the dauphin (future King Louis XIII), and again from 1604 to 1607 as apostolic nuncio--shaped his political outlook, an alliance symbolized by his adoption of the blue tincture of the French royal coat of arms for his own and the bees as his emblem. (49) (See figs. 2-4.) With heavy French backing, he was made cardinal in 1606, despite the death of his close patron Clement VIII. Following his promotion in 1611 to co-legate of Bologna, one of the most influential posts in the papal government, Maffeo returned to Rome definitively in 1617 as prefect of the Segnatura di Giustizia.
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4. FROM CLIENT TO BROKER
The impact of Maffeo's promotion to the cardinalate further widened his social distance from Buonarroti, opening the way for a full patron-client relationship to emerge. It is clear that Buonarroti's relation to Barberini was essentially a material bond, for had Buonarroti not hoped to gain both materially and in social status from his ties with Maffeo, he would surely not have persisted for so long when hopes of a pension did not seem forthcoming. With a patron-client bond in place, clientelism became an integral part of Buonarroti's relations with the Barberini, creating a distinct shift in the relationship, in which Buonarroti now emerged as the archetypal seventeenth-century broker. Brokerage formed an essential part of patronage. A patron-broker-client relationship consisted of a three-party, indirect exchange in which a broker mediated between parties separated by physical, social, and political distances. (50) His resources were usually the people he knew who could provide access to power and place, a strategic location, and ample time to devote to managing his social relations. A broker brought about communication for profit by manipulating people and information. In the primary sources, Buonarroti is never referred to as, for example, a sensale or agente--or, indeed, by any other contemporary terms that might relate to brokerage--which underlines the uniqueness of this kind of broker role in the period: particularly as brokers were not necessarily defined by an actual profession, or even referred to or specified by any distinct label. We know little about the financial gain accrued from his activities as a broker, in contrast say to the activities of a professional sensale or agente, who essentially made their living from these roles. Neither do these labels, or other terminology that might have been applied to Buonarroti, render the full breadth of his broker role, since their range of meanings gives only a partial idea of the actual roles carried out by individuals of this kind. Instead, here the role of a broker is carried out by a patrician, working primarily to secure and maintain his social position with his patron and in a wider courtly context, and whose activity may be suited to the broader ideology of a nobility without a profession growing up around courtly circles during the early seventeenth century.
Brokers were usually important individuals in their own right with independent resources and large clienteles. Indeed, Buonarroti was already a well-known figure in Florentine literary circles, had his own financial resources from a sizeable family patrimony, was sponsored by the Medici court, patronized individual composers, such as Francesca Caccini (1587-ca. 1641), and was in the process of building up a notable clientele of artists for the decoration of the Casa Buonarroti. An early modern patron was often a broker, a liaison between the client and a more powerful patron. (51) Due to hierarchies of patrons and clients, a lowly client could not approach a powerful patron directly: hence the need for a broker to preserve the patronage etiquette. A letter from Galileo to Prince Cosimo de' Medici of 1605 indicates the role of brokers as preservers of social structures and status boundaries: "I have waited until now to write to Your Most Serene Highness, being held back by a respectful concern of not wanting to present myself as presumptuous or arrogant. In fact, I made sure to send you the necessary signs of reverence through my closest friends and patrons, because I did not think it appropriate ... to appear in front of you at once and stare in the eyes of the most serene light of the rising sun without having reassured and fortified myself with their secondary and reflected rays." (52)
5. BROKERING CIGOLI
But Buonarroti was much more than a go-between or distributor of power and privileges, for his brokering often consisted of manipulating, lobbying, and dressing up the image of the client whom he was recommending. He worked his Barberini connection to promote various fellow Florentines, all the while defending his own family interest. His brokering is evident in his recommending important painters to the Barberini circle, including Lodovico Cardi Cigoli (1559-1613) in February 1609. Buonarroti's relations with Cigoli date back to at least the early 1590s (if not earlier), as the painter Cosimo Gamberucci acknowledged the receipt of Varchi's Orazione funerale (Florence, 1564), sent to him by Buonarroti, via Cigoli, in April 1591. (53) In 1602, Buonarroti wrote verses in praise of Cigoli, which he sent to Giovan Battista Strozzi the Younger (1551-1634), who had met Cigoli through Galileo and who also recalled that Don Giovanni de' Medici had ordered a painting from Cigoli for a chapel at the Pitti Palace. (54) Buonarroti exploited his brokerage role both as a patron and a client, playing the role of patron-broker toward Cigoli and broker-client toward Barberini, arranging (at whose behest is unknown) an exchange of resources between men who were separated by distance, rank, and power. In his role as broker he acted as a patron in promising rewards to his client, and he acted as a client in securing their loyalty and service for his patron. (55) Cigoli, Galileo's favorite painter and occasional collaborator, was the leader of those Florentine artists who were breaking away from an early Mannerist style to a more rational and naturalistic technique. Michelangelo the Younger had already promoted a meeting between the cardinal and the painter the previous year, back in May 1608, when he wrote to Barberini regarding the completion of St. Peter's in Rome, an enterprise that had been undertaken by his granduncle, Michelangelo, and left incomplete with his death in 1564. Buonarroti thanked Maffeo for his staunch defense of Michelangelo's original architectural plans for the basilica: "With this letter I wish Your Most Illustrious Lordship happy holidays and kiss the hem of your robe and send my infinite thanks for the favor that you, in embracing a holy and noble cause, have done especially for me; as I have been told that you have, with such affection for his memory and glory, taken on the protection of Michelagnol Buonarroti in respect to following his architectural scheme for the building of St. Peter's." (56)
Indeed, a year earlier Maffeo had ardently fought against Paul V's intention to alter Michelangelo's original plan for the church and to add a nave as proposed by Carlo Maderno. (57) The original basilica as planned by Michelangelo had been finished under Giacomo della Porta, who was architect from 1573/4 to 1602, with the exception of the eastern arm and its facade toward the city. (58) Etienne Duperac's posthumous engravings recorded Michelangelo's plans for the eastern wing (which were nominally in effect after his death), but the artist never developed a final facade project and the engravings recorded what was known of his plans. (59) In any case, the rough plans were considered partially unrealizable and full of defects. With the election of Paul V in May 1605, the completion of St. Peter's was assured, for the young pope was ambitious to leave his mark upon Rome. While Sixtus V had put the direction of St. Peter's under a Congregation of Cardinals, an international college of sixty, Clement VIII reconstituted a smaller congregation headed by the archpriest, to which Paul then nominated new members of his choice. (60)
In his tactical letter of recommendation, Buonarroti enthusiastically described to Barberini a drawing by Lodovico Cigoli for the completion of St. Peter's that had been much admired by artists in Florence, particularly by the illustrious architect Bernardo Buontalenti. Buonarroti's brokering strategies to fashion an image of Cigoli are subtle and evident in his subtext, which aims to persuade the cardinal that Florentine architects (like Cigoli) are better than Roman ones, that the professionals have approved of Cigoli's work, and that one in particular (Buontalenti) has endorsed the drawing: "It is indeed true that Signor Cigoli has made a certain plan for the completion of St. Peter's, such that in this city, where it happens that there are men who know architecture as well as any in Rome, it has greatly pleased everyone, and especially those in the profession, and particularly Signor Bernardo Buontalenti the well-known architect, whom I myself have heard praise this plan to the skies." (61)
Back in the early half of the 1570s, Cigoli had attended some lessons in perspective and architecture given by Buontalenti during Cigoli's first stay in Florence, when he studied anatomical drawing under Alessandro Allori ("il Bronzino") in the cloisters of San Lorenzo. Buonarroti brokered Cigoli as an architect--because of the direct link to his ancestor Michelangelo, specifically through the project for the facade of St. Peter's--and not as a painter, which might have been a more obvious basis for their brokerage relationship given Cigoli's greater reputation in this field. (62) Pope Clement VIII had set up a competition for the facade, concluded under Paul V in 1607. (63) All the entries were to provide elements wanting in Michelangelo's model, including space for a sacristy, a choir for the canons, and a benediction loggia on the facade, while the possibility of a nave was left open. Cigoli, who was often in Rome in these years, evidently participated in the concorso, as he wrote to Buonarroti from Rome in January 1607, complaining about the continual alterations being made to Michelangelo's original design (which he blamed on the imprudent decisions of the deputati) and mentioning his two different projects for the facade of the basilica, which he intended to submit for review:
As concerns the building of St. Peter's, Michelagniolo needs no defending, but instead his successors, such as Jacopo della Porta and others, need to be fished out again. For this reason these Most Illustrious delegates have procured diverse opinions and drawings from the main architects in Rome, among whom is Giovan Anton Dosi of Naples. And all [these architects], who are of the same opinion, to accommodate the priests, alter that of Michelagniolo's design which has been done and remains to be done, placing the sacristies in the entrance of the church, one by making a nave, and one by making another church in front, and a thousand other unseemly things. And I in my [designs], of which I have made two, hollow out in the thickness of the walls, where [Michelangelo] made them thicker than necessary, the sacristies and infinite other things, like the choir and other things; without altering that [of Michelangelo's] which has been done and that which remains to be done, I maintain the frame and the framework. Now, having finished, at the first General Congregation of these delegates, I shall present [my designs] and [the delegates] will decide. (64)
From Cigoli's drawings, it is clear that he oscillated between two different solutions; from his above letter to Buonarroti, he evidently submitted both to the competition. (65) One concept (fig. 5), more faithful to Michelangelo's original criteria, introduced the benediction loggia in the form of a large serliana at the center of the attic above the lower order. Cigoli gives particular significance to the two outer tribunette, or small domed belfries, of the facade, noting: "these two small domed belfries, marked A and B, I would like to be used as belltowers, otherwise they have been made in vain, which would be unthinkable for Michelangelo." (66) Buonarroti's reference to Cigoli's "drawing to complete St. Peter's" is likely to have been one of the drawings that followed most closely Michelangelo's original concept and criteria, given his loyal defense of Michelangelo's original plans. In his letter of May 1608, he praises Michelangelo's designs to the cardinal and openly criticizes the "contamination" of his original concept, thus boosting Cigoli as a way of preserving Michelangelo's good name: "Because they see all of Michelagnolo's order, they expect all the good things and proportions and ornaments. The drawing was seen there too by these architects, and was perhaps copied, clumsily, in order to make stained wings from others' beautiful feathers.... And in truth to my Most Illustrious Lordship it is a great relief to my soul to unburden my thoughts now when I see the ideas of Michelagnolo Buonarroti, my relative, sundered and contaminated." (67)
[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]
At the end of January 1609, Buonarroti gave Cigoli a letter of presentation to pass on to Barberini at his meeting with the cardinal, again praising Cigoli's exceptional talent and his drawings for St. Peter's: "The merits of Signor Cigoli, who is currently with you--a person who favors those whose merits deserve it, like him--do not need recommendation. But so that he may not be alone in bowing to them, I wish to testify with this letter to Your Most Illustrious Lordship that I wholly love a man of such virtue and of such rare manners as he, and in loving I fully desire the best for him and his honor.... I believe that he will have brought with him his drawings for that church of St. Peter's; and I think that once you have seen them (you who know about such things), you will be left greatly pleased. Because here they have been considered beautiful, and you are the master of what is beautiful and good." (68) Cigoli may have been sent to Barberini to fulfill the cardinal's request of a fortnight earlier for Buonarroti to "list the names of Florentine cardinals and to find a painter to do their portraits according to my will," saying that his uncle Alessandro Barberini would specify later which cardinals' portraits were required. (69) At the end of February, Maffeo told Buonarroti that Cigoli had impressed him at their meeting, although the cardinal would only be inspecting the drawings when an eye infection improved: "You have found me in a gentle purge which I have begun owing to the descent of some humors into one eye. Whence I reserve seeing the drawings which he has brought with him for a better occasion." (70) In July 1609, Buonarroti was himself at the papal court for a couple of months, then returned a year later with Cigoli, who had already been working since 1604 among other Florentine painters in the service of Clement VIII (and subsequently for Paul V) until the artist's untimely death in 1613. (71) In the autumn of 1610, Jacopo Soldani commented to Buonarroti on the latter's good relations with his Roman patrons, despite something having gone awry: "The errors attributed to us in recognition of the effort sustained were not really so much that you could not have easily overlooked your part as you are accustomed to these grand things, and to such special favors from cardinal-princes with whom you have close commerce at such odd hours of the night." (72) In October 1610, the poet wrote to Galileo, promising to return to Florence soon, "not withstanding the attractions of Rome, which are not few," but complaining, "I shall keep an eye out for the Sirens. Signor Cigoli, together with some other friends, is one of those Sirens whose enticements can be helpful; his company has helped me very much when it has been available because he lights my way among the shadows of antiquity." (73) Buonarroti stayed in Rome at least until the end of November (if not later), but was certainly back in Florence at the Medici court for carnival in 1611.
6. BROKERING MICHELANGELO'S REPUTATION
Apart from visiting Maffeo Barberini and his brother Carlo, with whom Buonarroti was also on good terms, the poet was probably primarily occupied with transcribing his granduncle Michelangelo's poetry from copies in the Vatican Library in preparation for his forthcoming first edition, as well as with procuring works of art by Michelangelo and others that he intended to exhibit in the Casa Buonarroti in an aim to honor his famous ancestor with the construction and decoration of a galleria (carried out between 1612 and 1643). (74) Buonarroti clearly invested significant energy in collecting classical and Etruscan artworks for the decoration of the Casa Buonarroti, building up an impressive network of clients--including the painter Agostino Ciampelli, the canon Domenico Fedini, the sculptor Francesco Stati, and the secretary of Francesco Barberini, Piero Velluti (75)--that helped him to confront the difficult task of procuring these works in Rome. These clearly formed part of a wider strategy for family advancement through nepotism and the articulation of family identity and cohesion, not least to assure his status among the Florentine, if not Roman, patriciate. It was not so much the artistic value of Michelangelo that was significant and at the center of attention, but the fame that he had acquired, which reflected on the whole family and thus increased their prestige by nepotic association. Likewise, Michelangelo's poetry had never been published during his lifetime, so his grandnephew determined to do so nearly sixty years after the artist's death. (76) His motivation, to bring back the proper fame that he believed was due to Michelangelo, is expressed in a fitting epigram:
The beauty of nature having degenerated and having been completely caught up in the errors of commonality, I call it home with my bright torch and bring it back to its divine form. (77)
Buonarroti obtained leave to transcribe the Vatican manuscript sources in his own hand: he collated all the autographs and copies in existence, compared their readings, and formed a final text for publication by the Giunti press. (78) He enlisted Mario Guiducci (1584/5-1646) as his agent to negotiate with the printer, paying meticulous attention to and spending no small sum on the material appearance of the edition, as well as its contents and dedication, all further strategies of image brokering of Michelangelo and family fashioning. Guiducci met with Giunti in early November 1622 and reported back to Buonarroti with a detailed account of costs to be incurred for the edition:
In accordance with what Your Lordship told me yesterday morning, I discussed the work that you wish to get printed with Giandonato Giunti. He told me that it will cost no less than twelve lire per page, there being 300 pages. I thought that because they were verses, in which there is never a full line of letters, it would cost less, as this is the price of prose, but he showed me that he spends the same for setting in both cases. As regards the character size, I saw a slightly bigger one than that used for [Ottavio] Rinuccini's poetry, which would be suitable, although two sonnets will not fit on each side without leaving very little margin, which would make the work look ugly. If you should wish to have one per page, then the cost will double because one pays just as much for composition and printing from a forme containing eight sonnets, as one containing four sonnets. And adding everything up his total costs would come to twenty scudi, but if it would be eight for each forme then it would be forty. Despite having said it would cost twelve lire, nevertheless he says that he will leave it to me, which I did not accept, but did not totally reject either, but I will do what Your Lordship likes. (79)
The 1623 edition was eventually printed with one sonnet per page (together with other poetic forms in the volume) and, rather fittingly, was ultimately dedicated to Cardinal Maffeo Barberini. Prior to its publication, in August 1622 Buonarroti sent Maffeo "the sample of the compositions in our language by Michelangelo Buonarroti his uncle," presumably a manuscript copy of the Rime, and informed him of the planned dedication, which the cardinal politely refused; however, in February 1623 Barberini warmly thanked the poet for his dedication on receiving a copy of the published work from his brother Carlo. (80) The dedication makes Michelangelo the Younger's intentions clear, with a reference to the Horatian precept ut pictura poesis: "Not without reason did I judge that these verses of Michelagnolo Buonarroti, the work of a man great in other fields, were such that even many years after he passed away it is good to publish them and make shine another crown of his glories: especially considering how much poetry and drawing, in which he so excelled, have in common and are so similar." (81) Notoriously, Buonarroti substantially revised the original poems, making many additions and changes as he saw fit, primarily to safeguard Michelangelo's reputation amid the intellectual climate of Counter-Reformation Italy, where religious and moral orthodoxy were at a premium. (82) This climate was also exemplified in the condemnation by the Holy Office of the heliocentric views of Copernicus, which were championed by Galileo Galilei during this period. Thus, as indicated in its prefatory material (which contains the Licenzie in two full pages), Buonarroti's 1623 edition complied with the legal requirements of the Church, being licensed first by the Archbishop of Florence and then by the Inquisitor General of Florence as containing nothing against the Catholic religion or true morality. (83) At the same time, it protected his granduncle against any allegations of sexual impropriety or scandalous behavior.
7. BROKERING GALILEO
Back in Florence following the Roman sojourn of 1610, Michelangelo the Younger heralded Galileo's arrival to the papal city in March 1611 by writing to Cardinal Maffeo Barberini, again acting in the capacity of broker-client, and enclosing the gift of a copy of Giusto de' Conti's poetry, entitled La bella mano, to be delivered in person by the scientist: "Signor Galileo Galilei's arrival there affords me the opportunity to pay reverence to Your Most Illustrious Lordship and to extend my best wishes for the approaching holidays. The particular merit of the person who will perform this office for me will make me more worthy of your kind and habitual gratitude." (84) The poet's subtle reminder of his association with such an eminent figure as Galileo could only work to his advantage in the cardinal's eyes, while the delivery of the letter would have provided the opportunity of a meeting between Galileo and Barberini, both fellow Tuscans of similar age and alumni of the University of Pisa. (85) The purpose of Galileo's visit to the papal court was timed to cement the primacy of his claims regarding his discoveries of the four moons of Jupiter (called the Medicean Planets) and other planetary constellations through his telescope, which had been met by mixed reactions from fellow astronomers all over Europe. While Johannes Kepler, imperial astronomer to Rudolf II in Prague, supported Galileo's findings without his own confirmation, others questioned the satellites' very existence as they struggled to see them through inferior instruments and concluded that the moons must be optical illusions, suspiciously introduced into the sky by Galileo's lenses. Buonarroti composed an ode in honor of Galileo's discovery, "Quando 'l custode degli aurati pomi," which the scientist transcribed in his own hand and then warmly thanked him for on 16 October 1610:
When I received your very beautiful poem about the Medici Planets from Sertini's hand in Padua, I kept to myself my hopes of meeting Your Most Illustrious Lordship in Florence. After I arrived here, the same belief in your imminent return kept me from thanking you as I should have, as I hoped to be able to express in person a gratitude more in proportion to the favor [you have done me]. And finally today I saw two letters from Your Lordship, one to Canon Nori and the other to Sertini, in which there is not one word of your return, so I decided to write, if not to express the thanks owed, at least to acknowledge the obligation that you have added to many others by favoring me with this very fine composition; and if the discovery of these new planets does not bring any other good influence on this earth, it has been enough if it has been the occasion for Signor Buonarroti's art to give birth to such a lovely piece. I extend as great thanks to Your Lordship as may be contained within a small sheet of paper, the mind renders great thanks, and very great is the obligation that remains in my soul, trusting that my affectionate regards will make good the lack of a more effective response. (86)
Grand Duke Cosimo II supported Galileo's trip to Rome, hoping it would heighten his own stature there, where his brother Carlo currently held the traditional position of resident Medici cardinal.
Barberini admired the Medici court philosopher's scientific work and shared his interest in poetry. His approval was later expressed to Buonarroti on 2 April 1611, in a rhetoric of patronage toward Galileo inextricably bound up with his patron role toward Buonarroti: "Signor Galileo, for the qualities with which he is adorned, renders himself worthy of my good disposition toward him; and I have demonstrated this, just as I remind Your Lordship that I am most ready to do you service on every occasion." (87) Galileo and Barberini met subsequently the following autumn in Florence, when Maffeo was visiting his nieces, Camilla (1598-1666) and Clarice (1606-65), both residing at the local convent of Santa Maria degli Angeli. The visiting cardinal was Cosimo II's dinner guest at a banquet held on 2 October 1611, at which Galileo staged a debate with a philosophy professor from Pisa on the subject of floating bodies that differed sharply from the Aristotelian logic prevalent in contemporary philosophical thought. Cardinal Barberini took Galileo's side and later wrote to him from Bologna on 11 October 1611: "I pray the Lord God to preserve you, because men of great value like you deserve to live a long time to the public benefit." (88) His words ring with irony when read with hindsight of subsequent events, when their patron-client relationship was undone in 1633, and the pope resisted all efforts to have Galileo pardoned when the Inquisition tried him for heresy.
8. FROM BROKER TO CLIENT
When Buonarroti was back in Florence, he kept his affairs in Rome going through an intricate network of agents and contacts that informed him of current developments there. Prior to Barberini's election to the papacy, he built his reputation as a potential client by providing theatrical works and getting involved in musical activities at the papal court, which kept his name regularly circulating among his Roman patrons, even in his absence. On 14 July 1612, Matteo Caccini (1573-1640) wrote to the poet describing the successful performances of some religious compositions using Buonarroti's texts, including his canzonetta spirituale "Dogliosa Madre appie del trono immobile," before Pope Paul V (Camillo Borghese) and Cardinal Scipione Borghese: "Since some of the compositions which Your Lordship had already seen fit to send me were sung among others before the pope and in the presence of Borghesi and <Peri>, and after Our Lord asked who was the author of the words of that devout composition that you sent, which begins 'Dogliosa Madre appie del Trono immobile,' and having really liked it and given it much praise, when he heard that it was a work by Your Lordship, asked me to request some more of your compositions." (89)
Buonarroti's theatrical works continued to be performed over the years in Rome, weathering the continual shifts in power that threatened the precarious nature of patron-client status. He was clearly focused on pursuing ties with the Roman court well before (and after) Maffeo Barberini's election to the papacy, and his presence was felt in Rome for well over thirty years. The fluidity of roles in the patronage system is reflected in Buonarroti's adoption of a purely client role in the Buonarroti-Barberini relationship for some time after Barberini became pope, again by being commissioned to write theatrical works and texts for musical settings. On 3 February 1624, Mario Guiducci reported back to Michelangelo the Younger on the performance of some of his verses by the virtuoso singer, Francesca Caccini (and accompanied by her husband Giovanni Battista Signorini), in a private concert for Pope Urban VIII, which also included some texts by Horace and by Andrea Salvadori, and three Latin odes written by the pope himself: "Last Sunday, Signora Francesca [Caccini] sang for His Holiness in his private chambers and the first piece she sang was a madrigal about the Holy Virgin, a work by Your Lordship which very much pleased Our Lord and he inquired after the name of the author." (90) He even suggested that the poet might send some more compositions suitable for their musical forces and performance space in Rome, to be set to music by Caccini as she had done with verses by Salvadori: "If I had had Your Lordship's composition I would have been able to choose some appropriate ottava [rima] and Signora Francesca would have been pleased to sing it. Perhaps, if you please, if I could have something by Your Lordship in time and of your choosing, as long as it is fitting to the persons and the place, I can give it to Signora Francesca, who would be very pleased to honor her music with your poetry." (91)
Eleven years later in June 1635, Buonarroti's client relationship with Urban VIII was being supported by the pope's nephew, Cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597-1679), an enthusiastic music patron whose tastes ranged from the late Renaissance madrigal to baroque opera and cantata, hence providing the potential for a broad range of commissions. Buonarroti wrote an operetta sacra to be set to music for the following carnival celebrations in Rome in 1636. Orazio Magalotti informed the poet that Cardinal Francesco Barberini requested to see the scenario: "The free time in the villa has provided me with a good opportunity to speak of Your Lordship with the Most Excellent Cardinal Barberini, and to tell him that among your other virtuous recreations you were composing a sacred operetta that could be performed in music, and I told him the subject as well. Immediately His Excellency desired to see it, but I replied that it was not yet in its perfect state because you would not have completed the story if there were not an occasion, so he added that I should enable him to see the scenario, and I promised to write to Your Lordship as I am now doing." (92)
Cardinal Francesco was a notorious patron of new music and largely responsible for the great age of Roman opera between 1628 and 1643, regularly presenting at carnival one or even two operatic productions to texts by the young Pistoiese Giulio Rospigliosi (1600-69), the future Pope Clement IX, who dominated the Roman operatic scene. (93) Buonarroti would have been hard put to compete with Rospigliosi as a client for Cardinal Francesco's theatrical commissions. Indeed, despite Magalotti reporting toward the end of 1635 that Buonarroti's operetta had been approved with "much praise" by Barberini, nevertheless on 29 December he confirmed that the work would not be performed after all. (94) Instead, a different entertainment, Rospigliosi's Teodora--performed the previous year with music by Stefano Landi or Virgilio Mazzocchi at the Quattro Fontane--had been chosen instead. (95) The precariousness of the commission exposes a paradigm of the real nature of patron-client relations during this period, when status was not enough to guarantee security. Buonarroti's theatrical influence on the cardinal's choice of spectacles is partially evident in his presentation of Rospigliosi's La fiera di Farfa in 1639 as an intermedio for Chi soffre speri, with a set by Gian Lorenzo Bernini. Rospigliosi clearly modeled his work on Buonarroti's spectacle La fiera, performed at the Medici court for carnival 1619, which represented a moral satire of Florentine society and even served as a metaphor for Florence and the world in a teatrum mundi. In 1639 Buonarroti presented Cardinal Francesco with a copy of La fiera, which he praised as a fair "where each person may buy wisdom and prudence" and promised to publish. (96)
9. VARIED FORTUNES, VARIED ROLES AS BROKER AND CLIENT UNDER BARBERINI AS URBAN VIII
Following Maffeo's election to the papacy on 6 August 1623 as Urban VIII at the (comparatively young) age of fifty-six, his correspondence with Buonarroti apparently ceased. Once a patron ascended too high up the social ladder, direct access to him was denied except to the privileged few, and therefore other routes of access had to be opened. Thus Michelangelo continued his relations with Barberini primarily through Maffeo's brothers, Carlo and Antonio, and Maffeo's three nephews, Carlo's sons Francesco, Taddeo, and Antonio Jr. (97) Buonarroti offered his congratulations to both Carlo and Francesco in multiple letters which expressed the symbiotic interdependent nature of the patron-client relationship and represented a common epistolary genre in the period. (98) Contemporary handbooks on courtly letter-writing often refer to them, such as that of Panfilo Persico, who notes "all men run where they see prosperity go, and, in doing so, they signify their happiness [by writing letters of congratulation]." (99) Urban was ambitious in asserting his possession of church and state, using a combination of religious, military, and familial strategic programs, and followed a pattern of patronage already established by his predecessor Paul V, which increased his preponderance of wealth and power. (100) Thus he promoted his relatives with open nepotism: the elder Antonio, an ascetic Capuchin monk, was named a cardinal, Librarian of the Vatican, Grand Penitentiary, and eventually Cardinal Secretary of the Inquisition (and a member of the committee that sentenced Galileo); while the pope's other brother Don Carlo became general of the Church, Governor of Borgo, castellan of Castel Sant'Angelo, and later Duke of Monterotondo and Prince of Palestrina. The pope's promotions extended to his nephews: Francesco was created cardinal in 1623 and appointed vice-chancellor in 1632, Antonio was made a cardinal in 1627, and Taddeo remained a layman to perpetuate the family by marrying Anna Colonna, daughter of the Contestabile Filippo Colonna of Naples (head of the greatest Roman baronial clan), and on his father's death inherited Carlo's titles, properties, military posts, and their incomes. (101) The Barberini offices produced enormous revenues, much of which was spent on the usual conspicuous consumption associated with Renaissance princes: the construction and decoration of a vast family palace and villa, the building of a sumptuous family chapel in an important Roman church, the completion of St. Peter's, the patronage of numerous poets, artists, and musicians, the support of learned academies, libraries, and publications, and the funding of public events such as processions, theatrical performances, fireworks, banquets, and religious ceremonies.
The election of Maffeo to the papacy was met by strong opposition in Florence, and relations between the Medici and Barberini were strained. Despite his Florentine background, the new pope was considered an overt Francophile with pointedly anti-Medicean tendencies. (102) Buonarroti must have found himself with loyalties divided between his Medici and Barberini patrons in the midst of the gathering conflict. His subsequent patronage by both courts is testament to his ability as a shrewd broker in manoeuvring his favoribility in both camps, especially when Medici-Barberini relations dramatically declined following the dispute over each of their legitimate claims to the Duchy of Urbino and its eventual seizure by the Holy See. (103) No longer in direct contact with the pope, Buonarroti continued to build his papal relations through Carlo Barberini. Writing from Florence, the poet regularly exchanged ideas and discussed literary and antiquarian matters with him: in 1624 and 1625 Buonarroti was deliberating over the problems in producing Benedetto Varchi's Storia fiorentina--in collaboration with Cosimo Mannucci, a member of the Accademia della Crusca--and sending Carlo portions of the manuscript. (104) He also sent him gifts of copies of his own works, including Il passatempo in 1624 and an intermediate draft of La fiera in 1627. (105) Buonarroti was also collecting rare editions for Carlo that were presumably meant for the famous Barberini Library. In August he sent Carlo a copy of Boccaccio's Decameron, explaining that he had hoped to find the 1527 edition (printed in Florence by Filippo Giunti), but instead had bought one from the Aldine Press: "Here is the Decameron which Your Excellency lacks. I put off sending it to you in the hope of finding a copy of the 1527 edition, but have had no luck, and have found this copy in Signor Mannuccio's [Manuzio] bookshop; but the only difference between the '27 and this is that the spelling is more accurate, and when I have the chance I will substitute it." (106) The 1527 edition of the Decameron was indeed the most sought-after edition of Boccaccio's masterpiece during this period, considered far superior, in terms of printing and accuracy of text, to the earlier 1522 Aldine edition. Meanwhile, Buonarroti was already starting to reap the benefits of his client status: Francesco Barberini was busy helping the poet acquire a dispensation from Cardinal Maffeo, just two months before his election in June 1623, to read or print some prohibited texts: "I arrived in Rome just as my cardinal uncle had left to enjoy the villa at Castel Gandolfo, but as soon as he came back I gave him your letter and assured him of Your Lordship's continuing devotion.... I shall be awaiting his word regarding the licence for the prohibited books as it is my every desire to serve you." (107)
This was all to Buonarroti's benefit, who on his extended visits to Rome again in 1624 and later in 1629-30 enjoyed the lively, predominantly Tuscan, intellectual circles that Urban VIII had created, which included Gian Lorenzo Bernini and Pietro da Cortona, the composers Johann Hieronymus Kapsberger and Domenico Mazzocchi, the lutenist Giuseppe Baglioni, the poets Virginio Cesarini, Giovanni Ciampoli, and Gabriello Chiabrera, the antiquarian Cassiano Dal Pozzo, the rhetorician and historian Agostino Mascardi, the humanist Francesco Bracciolini dell'Api, the art collector Lelio Guidiccioni, the scientist-monk Tommaso Campanella, and Galileo Galilei. (108) Buonarroti had already established relations with, for example, the Florentine anti-Marinist sacred poet Giovanni Ciampoli (1589-1643), a canon of St. Peter's who was favored by Urban and nominated Secretary of Breves in 1623, and corresponded with him from 1623 to 1626. It is again evident how printed editions, whether serious or ephemeral, circulated as tokens in the commerce of patronage. On 5 February 1622, Ciampoli thanked the poet for sending a copy of his Delle lodi del Gran Duca di Toscana Cosimo II; then on 25 February 1623, Ciampoli thanked him again, this time for "the works of Signor Michel Agnolo Buonarruoti, whose name, so famous and admirable to everyone, Your Lordship renews, are adorned with such qualities"; lastly, on 22 July, Ciampoli sent Buonarroti a copy of his Oratio de Pontifice maximo eligendo, "which I read last Wednesday to the cardinals just before they entered into the Conclave." (109)
By April 1624, Buonarroti was back in Rome and evidently hoped to obtain a position in office or a pension. (110) Maffeo had already extended his patronage to favor Buonarroti's family members, recommending in late 1609 the poet's nephew (the son of his sister Caterina), Leonardo Barducci, to Pope Paul V for the title of Knight of Malta at the age of nine years old. (111) In June 1623 Cardinal Francesco Barberini supported the efforts of Buonarroti's brother, Francesco, with the gran maestro, Fra' Antoine de Paule, and other dignitaries of the Order of the Knights of Malta, who were particularly impressed with him. (112) Jacopo Soldani wrote to Michelangelo the Younger on 18 May 1624, discussing the poet's projects and ambitions in Rome and reassuring him of a positive outcome, despite an ambiguous reference to some dispute between Buonarroti and his Roman patrons that Soldani appeared to be trying to help resolve:
Your Lordship may assume that here all the favors and demonstrations of affection shown to you by these gentlemen are known, and also their desire to keep you in Rome and to give you some honorable employment. I do not believe that their intention has weakened because of the death of that person. But you must believe, and of this I assure you as you did not ask for anything, and your reluctance to leave your native land, freedom, and comforts in an age in which all the above things are more recognized and thus held more dearly, and still one sees the others so desired in the world for vanity's sake. I have remained within the terms that you wrote, and it is true that the trip to Castel Gandolfo was so obvious, as Cavaliere [Filippo] Magalotti referred to it, that I thought not to dissimulate it. For the rest I am inclined to sympathize with Your Lordship in this contrast and ambiguity that is in yourself and which seems the most difficult torments of the negotiations and the resolutions. But I see that Your Lordship is so governed by reason and is so steadfast and calm of spirit, that I console myself and suppose that this perplexity is moderate.... Nothing is new but the arrival yesterday of the Duke of Mantua [Ferdinando Gonzaga], whom I have not yet seen, but I understand that he is quite broken down and in poor health, and that he intends to do a purge and then go to the baths at San Casciano. (113)
The pope welcomed Buonarroti with protestations of friendship and took him to Castel Gandolfo. The poet described the artistic atmosphere at the papal court in a humorous, albeit somewhat embittered, tailed sonnet. This outburst against the Barberini, expressing a mixture of disillusionment and anger--the direct cause of which is unclear--points to the wider repercussions of having a patron too far out of reach from the client and too protected by administrative henchmen:
Music always, and always poetry, music and poetry morning and evening, music every season, and every day whether autumn, or spring. Nonetheless I survived the Pindarians, nonetheless I survived the odes of Chiabrera, nonetheless I survived the Ciampolians which have worn out my ears with mannerism. If I return to Rome this time there will be no one to pull my leg nor Castel Gandolfo to fool me. Oh dear there has been too great a collecting of Pindar, Helicon, and of Parnassus, and now it seems a sock in the eyes. To the song of the frogs first deafeningly from the ditches, and the swamps I would rather not hear basses and sopranos. I wash my hands of it, nor make music, nor mix with them, nor go anymore with you to Castel Gandolfo. (114)
Indeed, nothing seemingly came of Urban's promises, as Buonarroti wrote to his brother Buonarroto on 8 June 1624: "I am still in Rome, where one impediment after the other, one by one, always detains one here longer than expected.... I was always astonished at the heat, and shall surely return there roasted, you may marinate me with the fish for San Giovanni [June 24], which will be about when I arrive.... And with the thought of having a blessing from the pope tomorrow morning and with it more medals and crowns, I will bring his latest news to all." (115)
The visit would nevertheless have provided him with a chance of viewing the property on the Quirinal Hill for which the Barberini were already negotiating with Duke Alessandro Sforza, intending it as the site of their new palace. Although Carlo Maderno was the official architect in charge of the actual design and supervision of its development, the Barberini gathered the suggestions of a number of advisors (mostly amateur architects), among whom was Michelangelo the Younger, who in his role as client later submitted a detailed exploration of different ways of joining a "new palace" to the Sforza building, based on a theoretical concept of sprezzatura in architecture that was indirectly inspired from Baldassare Castiglione's popularization of sprezzatura as the foundation of aristocratic grace and manners in his II cortegiano (1528) and Giulio Caccini's musical adoption of the term (sprezzatura di canto) as consisting of dissonances over sustained harmony in the preface to his Euridice (1600). (116)
Michelangelo the Younger thus returned in mid-June 1624 to Florence, disillusioned by the lack of a firm result in Rome, and traveling in the company of Galileo and Francesco Nori, Bishop of San Miniato. On the return journey, he visited the pope's nieces, Camilla and Clarice Barberini, who had both become Carmelite nuns at the convent of Santa Maria degli Angeli, which had moved into the conventual quarters of Santa Maria Maddalena dei Pazzi. (117) He was clearly a close friend of the sisters, whom he looked out for as part of his Barberini client role, as attested to by Camilla Barberini's several letters to Buonarroti from 1636, in which she sends a payment of 103 scudi for a chain, asks him to recommend the name of a good goldsmith, and sends some imprese for Buonarroti to create a design upon. (118) But Michelangelo the Younger did not give up: in the spring of 1629 he returned to Rome, invited by Carlo Barberini to stay at his palace on the Quirinal Hill. (119) Jacopo Soldani wrote to Buonarroti on 14 May 1629, hoping that his stay in Rome would be successful: "In the meantime I thank Your Lordship ... for the good news of your wellbeing, and for the honors you have received from your host and all that most excellent house, which may prolong your stay in Rome more than your modesty would allow, but not without pressure from His Excellency, who wishes you to remain but would remain silent if the house were not to your satisfaction." (120)
However, all was not quite as positive as Soldani's letter implies. Buonarroti was continually at the pope's side, but although he clearly appreciated Urban's attentions, he also complained of having to listen to his Latin verses for hours on end, a tedious experience that was further exasperated by the pain of a kidney stone from which he was suffering. The scene is well depicted in a lively tailed sonnet by Buonarroti, which also reveals the perils for the client of the patronage system, namely a client who would not even dare to take to his sickbed because if he was not always present then he would surely be forgotten by his patron:
I go to the pope and drop to my knees, and he blesses me and bids me to stand, and then recites a hundred of his songs, paraphrases of psalms or translations. I listen very attentively and not without expressing wonder over and over, and very rightly I praise him, and it seems that he is pleased. I also dare to ask for a copy and he kindly promises it, perhaps flattered by the praise. And he refers me to Monsignor Ciampoli but trying to come to an agreement with him is as difficult as getting money from the treasury. In music he puts it, that is he exerts his judgment and the pope is well served. On Christmas day, or rather when the shepherd was supping, the singing lasted more than two hours. Of that mad pain in my spine that torments me there was a strange new attack. They live content the pope and others in Castel Gandolfo and I who have sulphur in my kidneys, so swollen, cannot go from Rome to there, mortified that I be seen in this great state, and so I remain dejected nor may I be with the cardinals on my behalf among those great royals. And perforce in the end I fall in favor, and in reputation, because one must stay solidly in the saddle and not without presumption go forward and not miss the occasion to appear. Whoever wishes to get a finger should take the hand, but one needs healthy kidneys. (121)
Buonarroti was also pessimistic about securing his pension: in a tailed sonnet to Tommaso Salviati, "Tutto di tutto di presenti, e doni," he complained of the pope giving him onions instead of a pension, which he ironically commented he would like to enjoy while he was still alive. (122) Finally, by the end of July his long-awaited pension had arrived, consisting of one hundred scudi "sopra il Vescovado di Massa." Soldani remarked that despite the modest amount Buonarroti should be pleased: "Your Lordship has not said a word about having received a pension of 100 scudi from the Diocese of Massa, and it seems that it must be true because I heard it in the Palace from the Malaspini. Perhaps you thought that because it was so small that I was not pleased for you? I know that you will have welcomed it as a spontaneous testimony of their good will, and so I, your servant, am also grateful." (123) The Bishop of Massa Marittima, Giovan Battista Malaspina, did not want to pay up and only after repeated requests did he finally carry out his duty in 1631. (124)
10. BROKERING FOR THE BARBERINI IN LATER YEARS
Michelangelo the Younger did not return to Florence immediately, for his illness worsened and he decided to spend the winter of 1629 in Rome, where he stayed until the following summer. He demonstrated his allegiance to the Barberini by commissioning in the summer of 1629 a portrait bust from the Carrarese sculptor and student of Gian Lorenzo Bernini, Giuliano Finelli (1601-57), which depicts the poet aged sixty-one years with a Barberini bee beneath his lapel (figs. 6-7). (125) The bee, symbol of the Barberini--whose coat of arms had been transformed from three horseflies to three bees--came to be attached to every example of their patronage after Urban VIII's rise to power (figs. 2-4). (126) The insertion of the life-size bee in Buonarroti's portrait, a relative anomaly in portraiture of its age, no doubt served as both a token of loyalty as a courtier and a symbol of gratitude for the long-awaited pension. The bust, later on exhibit at the Casa Buonarroti in Florence, may have represented a final, conscious choice of patron between the Medici and the Barberini: indeed, during the early 1640s, Buonarroti firmly took the pope's side when papal relations with the Medici deteriorated over the War of Castro, and he reprimanded the Florentines for being guilty of wishing "that the servant of all servants of God will die." (127) Buonarroti's extended stay in Rome was also in an effort to champion Galileo's cause with the Barberini. His relations with the scientist dated back at least to his student days at the University of Pisa (if not earlier), where he is listed among Galileo's pupils during the late 1580s. (128) By 1609, Galileo was already teaching at the University of Padua and regularly writing to Michelangelo the Younger with familiarity and affection, notably on 4 December, when he notes his imminent return to Florence for the holidays and of his work on developing the telescope: "My arrival there will doubtless be before San Giovanni, God willing that I remain in good health.... I will stay there all summer, that is until the end of September, now that I know the really honorable habits of the Florentine nobility.... I will bring some improvements in the telescope, and perhaps some new inventions as well.... To your most gentle letter I am not able to respond in words, and even less with actions; but if more than those, and not less than these, one can estimate the soul's devotion, certainly I shall not lack in paying the debt I owe to your infinite merits." (129)
[FIGURE 6 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 7 OMITTED]
Despite Galileo's triumphant trip to Rome in 1611, by the beginning of 1614 the Inquisition was investigating his work. Significantly, Buonarroti continually supported Galileo in the latter's attempts to deflect the papacy from its opposition to heliocentrism. On 15 May 1614, Galileo begged him to sound out the Florentine publisher Giunti, who had returned his book, Risposta alle opposizioni del S. Lodovico delle Colombe, without explanation: "I do not know what kind of run-around this is. But please will Your Lordship pass by the shop as soon as possible, pretending to know nothing of this fact, and go in and inquire if any of it has been printed yet, try nimbly to penetrate their thoughts, and the origin of these delays and impediments; and let me know what you find out when it is convenient for you." (130)
Buonarroti thus acted as a broker on behalf of Galileo in negotiating with his printer, just as he himself had delegated to Mario Guiducci to deal with Giunti back in 1622 for the publication of his granduncle's Rime, evidently making use of an agent as a risk-avoidance strategy. Of course, many reasons might account for this emerging pattern of delegating to agents to deal with printers: there may have been a fear of being exploited by tradespeople, so a neutral third party sought
to seal the deal while maintaining a distance useful for bargaining; or, perhaps, by requesting or forcing favors from a friend, this would preserve a balance in a relationship while also establishing who is in control at any given moment. Five months later, Galileo was still trying to get his work published as he pleaded with Buonarroti, in a letter dated 13 October, "to favor me with the Inquisition," in order to obtain the approval for publication. (131) Following his condemnation two years later in 1616 by the Holy Office for heresy and blasphemy concerning the nature of God, which resulted in a prohibition decree against publishing his work, Galileo again sought Buonarroti's help in May 1630, after rumors circulated that Galileo was associated with Orazio Morandi's prophecies--notably of the death of the pope and of his nephew Taddeo--based on astrological calculations as published in news items. (132) No doubt a fabrication of Galileo's enemies intended to discredit him in the eyes of the pope, Galileo was still so concerned that he had Buonarroti investigate how the Barberini were reacting to the rumors and explain directly to Cardinal Francesco Barberini that Galileo was innocent of any astrological foul play: apparently, the cardinal did not believe the stories for a moment. (133)
Buonarroti continued to champion Galileo's cause during the latter's indictment in 1632-33 and remained a constant presence even after his final trial and eventual exile at Arcetri. His stance must have put him in a dangerously awkward position at the Roman court, for he would not have wanted to compromise his own ambitions with the Barberini by being seen to support Galileo, whose condemnation by the Holy Office and perpetual confinement had been personally sanctioned by Pope Urban VIII. (134) The publication of Galileo's Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi (1632) was interpreted by the Holy Office not only as a compelling plea for the Copernican system, but also as a personal attack on the pope himself, who believed that he was one of the speakers represented--namely, Simplicio (the simpleton), who argues against the tides--and that the text was obviously intended to ridicule him. Nevertheless, Buonarroti effectively managed to negotiate his competing loyalties to the pope on the one hand and to Galileo on the other. In 1629, he was in Rome with Benedetto Castelli on behalf of Galileo's cause, investigating certain suspicious rumors of attempts at relieving Galileo of the grand duke's provision of 2,000 scudi, as Castelli wrote to the astronomer: "Just now I have understood the undue scruples of those who would, in the name of piety, take from Your Lordship the provisions that you enjoy from the kindness of our Most Serene Grand Duke. Fine thinking!... When Galileo's merit is not considered good enough by these scrupulous men for the University [of Pisa] (oh nasty ignoramuses!), but can be recognized by turning over a sum of 2,000 scudi, of the kind that His Most Serene Highness uses in the galleys, in favor of Your Lordship ... Michelagnolo has stayed in Rome for the winter, and even though weary of the court, he bows as low as he can in honor of Your Lordship, Signor Galileo, and prays that everything go well, and abhors the thought of declining old age." (135)
In the spring of 1630, Galileo returned to Rome to obtain the licence to publish his Dialogo del flusso e del reflusso, which subsequently became the Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi. Castelli, who was still with Buonarroti in Rome, had written to him in Florence on 6 April 1630, with words of encouragement: "As concerns coming here to Rome, I repeat the exact words of the Monsignore: that you are more welcome than any beloved damsel, and if you come, you will be master in his house, and may dispose of him and his things as if in your own home ... Signor Michel Angelo Buonarroti kisses your hand affectionately." (136) On 3 June of the same year, Buonarroti wrote to Galileo that he had spoken with Cardinal Francesco Barberini, who denied there being any ill-feeling on the part of the pope: "I had a chance to talk about the false charge against Your Lordship. He broke in and took the words out of my mouth, and told me there had been a fellow (can Your Lordship believe how far some will go) who had spoken of Your Lordship in the same manner as Your Lordship has heard by another means; and cutting him off, the cardinal said that Signor Galileo had no greater friend than the pope himself, and he knew who he was, and knew that he did not have these things in his head; and he showed himself contrary to everything, and the other was disappointed ... he said to me that these things did not offend Your Lordship, but rather himself, and that the slanderers would have to realize that a great mathemetician had come to Rome." (137)
It was not to be: the publication of Galileo's Dialogo in February 1632 stirred up further trouble, and on 1 October the Inquisitor of Florence served him with a formal summons on the part of the Holy Office to present himself in Rome within thirty days. Buonarroti rushed to his defense in a letter of 12 October 1632 to Cardinal Francesco Barberini, who was to preside over the judicial commission, saying that he had seen Galileo two days ago "very melancholic" and asking whether it was possible to deal with the matter in Florence in order to spare him the winter voyage due to his poor health and to the plague, which made travelling difficult: "I found him very worried because, given his advanced age of seventy years, he had been called to Rome by the Holy Office to account for his recently published book. I felt very sorry for him because of his sickness and these times of trouble, especially with the quarantines ... if Signor Galileo's business could receive some kind of compensation here, I am sure that it would be extremely welcome to many gentlemen, devoted servants of Your Eminence, who are very concerned for the virtuous old man's difficulties." (138)
Buonarroti's letter was actually included in the Atti del processo--an inclusion evident of him playing a dangerous game of divided loyalties in which his behavior appears to have been both immune from the Inquisition and never interpreted as disloyal to the pope--but to no avail: Galileo was tried in Rome and sentenced to exile at Arcetri under perpetual house arrest. (139) Some letters survive from this period. For example, Buonarroti had presumably written to Galileo in January 1637 asking him for his portrait (perhaps to include in the Casa Buonarroti), as Galileo replied: "I do not have any portraits of myself, save for a sketch that Giusto [Sustermans] from Flanders did a year ago." (140) Maybe exile did not prove to be too torturous for Galileo, who was at that precise moment enjoying a private reading arranged by Giovanni Carlo Coppola (1599-1652) and Prince Giancarlo de' Medici (1611-63) of the former's Le nozze degli dei, later performed at the wedding of Grand Duke Ferdinando II (1610-70) and Vittoria della Rovere (1622-95) in Florence in 1637: "I am with the poet Coppola who is favoring me by reading his story [Le nozze degli Dei] which I am greatly enjoying ... His Most Serene Prince Giancarlo [de' Medici] sent me Coppola, and left his carriage to drive him back later; the hour is late, and there are still three more acts to hear." (141)
The Barberini-Buonarroti correspondence exposes a poet maneuvering between different Italian courts and patrons and playing a prominent role in the brokerage systems of early modern Florence and Rome. Michelangelo the Younger emerges as adopting multifaceted roles as broker, patron-broker, and broker-client in his strategies for upward social mobility for his family by securing the Barberinis' patronage of his theatrical works, promoting his illustrious ancestor's name, and brokering on behalf of such significant figures as Lodovico Cigoli and Galileo Galilei. The Barberini-Buonarroti relationship, which developed from an early friendship into a traditional patron-client bond as their social status widened, exposes the ritualized gift-giving and exchange of literary works that was a prevalent form of behavior among the nobility in early modern Italy, creating the patron-client bond on which the exchange was based. The new documentary evidence, whose formal and rhetorical courtesy phrases reflect a world of seventeenth-century clientelism, reveals the self-fashioning, self-promotion, and networking of prominent early seventeenth-century Florentine families via Rome. It demonstrates the mechanics of cultural patronage, in which broker figures played an essential role, and thus provides a case study as a model for the characteristics of cultural clientelism and brokerage in early modern Italy. It suggests that the mobile, multiple-patron model--in which clients shifted from patron to patron in search of advancement and material benefits--was the prevalent form of patron-client relationships in early modern Italy, especially in the case of brokers, and reveals a fluidity in the patron-broker-client roles integral to the patronage system. However, further studies are needed on the roles, identities, and activities of specific Seicento cultural brokers in order to draw wider conclusions on, and to define the broader concepts of, brokerage in early modern Italy.
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*This article was written during my year as a Fellow at Villa I Tatti, The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies in Florence. I am particularly indebted to Tim Carter, Louis Waldman, Marco Gentile, Massimiliano Rossi, and Kathryn Bosi for reading early drafts of this study and for providing valuable comments and suggestions. Moreover, I thankfully acknowledge the constructive criticism of the anonymous readers who reviewed the manuscript for RQ. Joseph Connors, Alison Frazier, Eve Borsook, Sara Galletti, Darrel Rutkin, Cosimo Mazzoni, Monica Azzolini, Giovanni Pagliarulo, Pina Ragionieri, Lorenzo Grassi, and the staff of the Biblioteca and Fototeca Berenson at Villa I Tatti also have my gratitude for their expert assistance and support. The following abbreviations are used: I:Fb=Florence, Casa Buonarroti; AB=Archivio Buonarroti, in I:Fb; I:Fm=Florence, Biblioteca Marucelliana; I:Fn=Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale; I:Fr=Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana e Moreniana; I:Fuf=Florence, Galleria degli Uffizi; I:Rvat=Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; Barb.Lat.=Fondo Barberini Latini, in I:Rvat; GB:Lbl=London, British Library. All documents presented follow the original text throughout, although I have expanded intelligible abbreviations and contractions tacitly, except for the most common, such as titles of address. I have normalized the letters u/v and i/j according to modern usage, as well as the use of accents and upper and lower case. However, I have adhered to the original punctuation, syntax, and spelling, and have not corrected the innumerable orthographic inconsistencies found in the original manuscripts. Where the text was particularly difficult to read (due to damage or illegibility), I have given an approximate transcription in angled brackets. Totally illegible passages are indicated by ellipses. All dates follow the sources, combining, where necessary, Florentine and stile comune dating in a single formula. The new concept of cultural brokerage as explored in this article, is developed at length in the wider context of traditional patronage studies on music, theater, and literature in my forthcoming monograph.
(1) See Kettering, 1986; Lytle and Orgel; Schmidt et al.; Gellner; Eisenstadt and Roniger; Boissevain; Kent.
(2) See, for example, Trexler; Weissman; Kent.
(3) Boissevain; Eisenstadt and Roniger; Kettering, 1986; Dayton; Cools, Keblusek, and Noldus.
(4) With the exception of some recent studies that acknowledge the broker figure as an active participant in the early modern process of cultural transfer: see Goldberg; Peck; Biagioli; Fuchs and Trakulhun; Cools, Keblusek, and Noldus.
(5) See Hammond, 1994; Harness; Hill; Parisi; Kirkendale; Carter; D'Accone; Fabris; Cummings.
(6) The entire correspondence between Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger and the Barberini family is reconstructed from the Barberini letters in I:Fb, Archivio Buonarroti 42, nos. 173-282, and Buonarroti's replies in I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, ff. 1-79.
(7) My definitions of the patron-client system closely follow those found in Kettering, 1986, esp. 4-5. Difficulties arise in the use of patronage terminology and its definitions, especially between English and Italian studies. Historians of the Italian Renaissance have distinguished between mecenatismo, or cultural patronage, and clientelismo, or political patronage, while the English word patronage refers to both; see Ianziti, 300. More-recent Italian studies now tend to use the English term directly.
(8) Hammond, 1992, 68.
(10) On the change in the symbology of the Barberini coat of arms, see Pasini-Frassoni, 43; Pastor, 13:247; Pecchiai, 77.
(11) Hatfield, 225.
(12) The theory was backed up by Condivi and accepted in future biographies until the nineteenth century. Ibid., 7, incorrectly claims that the sculptor's first Florentine ancestor was a Messer Simone dei Conti da Canossa, who came to Florence as podesta in 1250: Condivi refers to a letter from Alessandro di Canossa to Michelangelo, dated 8 October 1520, confirming the descent and saying that he knew of a Simone in his ancestors who was podesta of Florence: Canossa addresses Michelangelo as "honoured kinsman" and writes "Turning over my old papers, I have discovered that a Messere Simone da Canossa was podesta of Florence, as I have already mentioned to the above-named Giovanni da Reggio": see Gotti, 1:4. Benedetto Varchi also refers to this descent in his Orazione funerale for Michelangelo (1564) and Giorgio Vasari in his second edition of his Vite (1568): for full details, see Vasari, 2:53-55, n. 40; Vliegenthart, 12. On the tradition of genealogical forgeries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see Bizzocchi.
(13) For a full study of Michelangelo's financial status and the patrimony he left, see Hatfield, esp. 175-76, 226-30.
(14) Ibid., 226, who suggests various reasons for Michelangelo's restyling himself a Buonarroti, including a wish to underscore his uniqueness, to dissociate himself from his poor family status, or to distinguish himself from another Simoni family from Santa Croce who were prominent during the first half of the sixteenth century. A simpler explanation may be given by the family's use of patronymics, which kept alive and perpetuated the memory of dead Buonarroti by the choice of names given to the children: hence the names Buonarroto, Simone, Lionardo, and Michelangelo recur frequently down the generations. Thus, by force of frequent repetition of the baptismal name Buonarroto for many generations, the name Buonarroti was added to the family's original Simoni and the family surname came to be changed from Simoni to Buonarroti-Simoni and then simply to Buonarroti.
(15) See Cole, 2004.
(16) Il giudizio di Paride was never performed at the Mantuan wedding, but instead at the Medici wedding of Prince Cosimo and Maria Magdalena of Austria in Florence, also in 1608. Buonarroti acted as a broker on behalf of Grand Duchess Eleonora Gonzaga in her unsuccessful attempt at employing Giulio Caccini's daughter Settimia in the Mantuan court at the end of 1608. On Buonarroti's relations with Ferdinando Gonzaga, see Cole, 2000, 63-65.
(17) A contemporary account of Michelangelo the Younger's life given by Carlo Strozzi (Guasti, 1884, 61) confirms his relationship with Barberini as dating back to their early days: "He was loved by Pope Urban VIII and his nephews, and he went to Rome during [Urban's] pontificate and was graciously received there, as he had been a close friend of His Holiness as a child, since he was his contemporary."
(18) A prolific writer, Bocchi is probably best known for his notable work, Le bellezze della citta di Firenze (Florence, 1591). For proof of Buonarroti's having studied with him, see I:Fb, AB 94, ff. 165-171.
(19) Ibid., AB 83, Albero di famiglia.
(20) Ibid.; Masera, 12: "Caso avvien che a noi toccini per burbanza / dormire in terra in su un mattonato ... / ohime, ohime che se 'l divinar mio / lui si fosse un di Papa immaginato / sarei ito a dormir sur una ponda / o 'n su l'estremo tegol d'una gronda."
(21) I:Fb, AB 85, ff. 82v-83r: "il papa non si ricorda di restituirgli il ferraiolo."
(22) Barberini was later known for his temper: see De Santillana, 161. Masera, 12, claims that one day there was such a violent argument that friends had to intervene to restore the peace.
(23) Orsi, ; on Maffeo Barberini's poetry, see D'Onofrio, 33-48; Pastor, 29: 408-20.
(24) Buonarroti talks of its genesis and development in I:Fb, AB 79, f. 94r. Other references to, and poetry written for, the Pastori Antellesi are in ibid., AB 84, ff. 59v-60r, ff. 60r-61r, ff. 202r-v, ff. 365v-367v, ff. 367v-368r, ff. 368r-369v, ff. 369v-370r, ff. 370v-372r, ff. 372r-v, ff. 382r-387v, ff. 387v-389v; AB 82, ff. 8r-11v, ff. 12r-13v, ff. 286r-v, f. 288r, ff. 290r-v, f. 291v, f. 295r.
(25) Masera, 36, points out that the names used by the Pastori--Alfesibeo, Uranio, Elpino, Mirtillo, Opico, Silvio, and Tirsi--were later adopted by seven of the fourteen founder members of the Arcadia, thus demonstrating that the Arcadi knew and imitated aspects of the Pastori; see also Crescimbeni, 5:308. However, these are conventional pastoral names, and it appears unlikely that the Pastori Antellesi would have been that well-known.
(26) The Pastori's activities are described in Buonarroti's Racconto o novella dei Pastori Antellesi, which consists of two books, in I:Fb, AB 90, ff. 1-63. See Masera, 36, who compares Buonarroti's Racconto to Boccaccio's Decameron. For further details on the Pastori Antellesi, see Cole, 2000, 119-24.
(27) Kettering, 1986, 13-18, who provides general characteristics of patron-client relationships for this period; Gellner.
(28) See Weissman, 1987, 27-30; Lytle; Kettering, 2002, vii-viii, II, III.
(29) See Kettering, 1986, 12-13; 2002, vii, 1:844-59, who discusses the language of patronage in seventeenth-century French documents.
(30) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 256 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 9 April 1599): "L'affettuoso offitio di congratulatione che V. S. ha voluto far meco mi impone nuovo obbligho ma non mi fa gia piu certo della sua benevolenza verso di me della quale ne ho havuti in altri tempi certissimi segni. Le ne rendo gratie se non quelle che devo quelle al meno che posso maggiori, et sono meno desideroso che obligato di servirla." See other examples of the language of clientelism and affirmation of friendship in ibid., no. 255 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 22 January 1599); Masera, 84: "L'amorevol dimostratione [di V. S.] ... mi accresce ben l'obligho che io le devo, ma non mi fa gia piu certo del affetione sua verso di me della quale ne ho havuti sempre indubitati segni. Mi e non dimeno gratissimo il veder la viva memoria che ella tien di me, del quale e contracambiata, et assicurisi che io grandemente desidero di servirla"; and I:Fb, AB 42, no. 262 (9 November 1607): "Io fo quel giuditio dell'allegrezza di V. S. nel mio salvo ritorno a questa corte che mi rappresenta il continuato suo affetto verso di me ... ella vive continuamente nell'animo mio con la corrispondenza che le devo et con la certezza che ho della sua dispositione di volonta."
(31) Ibid., AB 42, no. 258 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 26 June 1600): "non mi fa gia piu sicuro della molt'affettione, che molto prima ero sicurissimo che ella mi porta," "amorevol dimostratione," and "mi comandi se qui la posso servire."
(32) Ibid., no. 259 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 7 July 1600): "l'amorevolezza di V. S."; no. 262 (9 November 1607): "il continuato suo affetto verso di me," "ella vive continuamente nell'animo mio," and "la sua dispositione di volonta"; no. 263 (14 November 1608): "[sono] pronto sempre ad ogni occasione di suo servitore"; no. 266 (5 June 1609): "ella s'ingegni di darmi dell'affetione sua a me chiara quanto la luce stessa"; no. 267 (29 December 1610): "grande e l'affetto et la volonta che ho d'impiegarmi in suo servitio"; no. 273 (29 January 1622): "[sono] desideroso che faccia prova del mio affetto, et stima di lei."
(33) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 2 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 8 November 1608): "vengo a farle reverenza"; f. 4 (1 June 1609): "la cagione che mi faccia desiderare alcun suo favorevol comandamento in giustificazione che io viva nella benignita della sua grazia"; f. 14 (20 August 1614): "sto desiderando i suoi comandamenti con gran sete"; f. 21 (8 August 1623): "[il mio] affetto di devozione"; f. 28 (29 June 1624): "l'affettuosissimo desiderio che io tengo di reverire in ogni occasione."
(34) Of Maffeo Barberini's twenty-three letters to Buonarroti, two are autographed (I:Fb, AB 42, nos. 255 and 257) and twenty-one are in a secretary's hand (ibid., nos. 256, 258-77), of which six letters have an autographed postscript note before the final signature (ibid., nos. 256, 263, 265, 270, 275-76), suggesting that Maffeo would have checked over the contents of the letter written by his secretary and then added any final comments before signing it.
(35) Kettering, 2002, vii; Biagioli, 16.
(36) Kettering, 2002, 1:844. Other historians note the repeated use of the words amico and amicizia to express trust, loyalty, and patronage ties; however, it is not always clear which type of personal relationship the term describes: see ibid., 1:849; Burke, 100-01; Biagioli, 42; Lytle.
(37) Guglielminetti and Masoero, 232. The concept of gift-exchange has been widely studied: see Kettering, 2002, 2:131-51; Mauss, 31-45; Biagioli, 36-54, with an extensive bibliography at 37, n. 89; Trexler.
(38) Biagioli, 39.
(39) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 257 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 23 April 1599); Masera, 85 (but misdated 25 April). The manuscript of Buonarroti's volgare translation of the Hecuba is in I:Rvat, Barb.Lat. 3949, ff. 344-96; another draft is in I:Fb, AB 92, ff. 1-242.
(40) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 260 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 8 September 1600): "Resto con molto obligo a V. S. che mi habbia favorito di mandarmi la sua Tragedia, et le ne rendo quelle gratie che posso maggiori. Havendola io altre volte trascorsa posso dire a V. S. che se di fuori e dorata, dentro e d'oro, et se fusse veduta dal suo primo padre la stimerebbe non men bella in questo habito pellegrino di quel ch'ella sia nel suo proprio. Io non sono per farne copia ad altri parendomi pur assai il potermela da per me godere, et bacio le mani a V. S. con desiderio di vederla presto."
(41) See ibid., no. 261 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 15 December 1600); Masera, 85. For a full account of Buonarroti's Descrizione and the 1600 Florentine wedding, see Cole, 2000, 81-84.
(42) I:Fb, AB 88, ff. 84, 117, 119, 220v: "non occorre nominare tanti musici."
(43) I Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 2 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 8 November 1608): "L'essersi la presente favola onorata de' nomi de' serenissimi sposi la rendera piu ardita di farsi innanzi a V. S. Ill.ma alla quale io la porgo, mentre con la presente vengo a farle reverenza. Ella e per se cosa povera, e nuda et ha di bisogno del discreto favore, e benignita di V. S. Ill.ma. Ma se degli errori piu notabili leggendola si compiacera avvertirmi, dalla poverta di essa io cavero buon frutto di documento."
(44) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 263 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 14 November 1608): "Staro con particolar desiderio aspettando per altra strada la favola che V. S. mi scrive d'inviarmi, poiche non era insieme con la sua lettera. Non credo gia al giuditio ch'ella si modestamente ne fa, che deva comparir qua mi da, ma si bene vestita di quei concetti et adornamenti che si possono aspettare dal suo felicissimo ingegno. Col sottoporla poi V. S. alla mia censura, ella mi attribuisce di soverchio; et io son certo che viene da artifice tale, che non havra bisogno di essere rimessa sotto piu fina lima."
(45) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, ff. 14-15 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 20 August 1614): "Non e dubbio nessuno che la epistola indiritta da me al Cavalier mio Fratello in morte dell'Ecc.mo Sig.r Principe D. Francesco [de' Medici] e tale che si puo chiamare tutta uno errore, ma gli errori particolari son molti, ma due in particolare ne ho considerati poiche io gliele mandai ... Credo che non sia ben che ne dia copia massimamente che presto per quanto mi vien detto sara stampata." The manuscript of the epistle, "Felice te che 'n si remoto lido," is in ibid., Barb. Lat. 4080, ff. 67-74; it was subsequently published in Alcune poesie, 85-96.
(46) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 273 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 29 January 1622). Buonarroti also sent Maffeo other works, such as Raffaello Gualterotti's poem in fifteen cantos, "L'universo, ovvero il Polemidoro" (Florence, 1600), as Maffeo acknowledged: ibid., no. 259 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 7 July 1600). The poet also wrote much occasional poetry for Barberini, including a poem, "Chi veste il cor di gloriosa voglia" (I:Fb, AB 84, ff. 190r-v), on Maffeo's promotion to the cardinalate in 1606, and a lengthy spiritual poem, "Quando il barbaro quore" (consisting of twenty-five parts) written at Easter 1638 for the pope's seventieth birthday on 5 April (in I:Fb, AB 82, ff. 397r-400r, 433r-460r). Buonarroti also wrote an epistolary eulogy in eighty-two stanzas entitled "Nella creazione dopo Urbano VIII" (1624), celebrating Maffeo's election to the pontificate: I:Fm, A.37, ff. 278-88.
(47) On Maffeo's wealth and patronage of art and architecture, see D'Onofrio, 15-75.
(48) For a brief history of the Barberini, see Haskell, 24-62; Waddy, 1990, esp. 128-31. On Pope Urban VIII, see Pastor, 29:377-79.
(49) Since the Middle Ages the French royal coat of arms depicted three golden fleurs-de-lis on a blue shield: the bees were never adopted as heraldic charges, but were used by some of the French monarchs, including Henry IV, as a personal emblem or badge. See Magnuson, 1:377, n. 2.
(50) I use the term broker as applied to Buonarroti's activities in the context of wider brokerage studies, such as those by Boissevain, 147-69; Schmidt, 293-304, 305-23; Kettering, 2002, 7:419-447, 8:69-87; Kettering, 1986, 3-7, 40-67, 249, n. 10. The types of resources available to the broker are also central: see Boissevain, 155-58.
(51) See Biagioli, 19-20.
(52) Galilei, 10: nos. 131, 153-54; Biagioli, 20, who discusses Galileo's network of brokers, but without clearly defining the term.
(53) I:Fb, AB 48, no. 941 (Cosimo Gamberucci to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger [in Pisa], Florence, 6 April 1591): "Il giorno inanzi che ricevetti la lettera di V. S. (insieme col oratione del Varchi) il Cigoli mi avevava [sic] mostro il detto oratione che aveva trovato ai Giunti, et mi comise ch'io avisassi a V. S. che non pigliassi briga di mandarlo altrimenti, et insieme la salutava caldissimamente ora che ho riceutola da lei sono stato dal Cigoli et fatto quanto la mi inpone et mostrognene di maniera che a visto il buono animo et senza piu le diro che Ms. Lodovico Cardi e tutto tutto che <I. S.?> perche egli porta murabile riverenza al Buonaroti perche si nomina lei."
(54) Ibid., AB 54, no. 1887 (Giovan Battista Strozzi the Younger to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Pisa, 24 December 1602). The ode, "Cigoli, allor che 'l sole erge il crin d'oro" (in ibid., AB 84, ff. 132r-133r; AB 82, ff. 29r-29v, ff. 34r-34v), was sung by Francesca Caccini: see Cole, 2000, 545-46. Buonarroti also wrote an occasional poem, "Poscia che la Giumenta omai cavalca," headed "Al Cigoli Pittore, per i Pastori Antellesi" (see ibid., AB 84, ff. 365v-367v), thus indicating that Cigoli may have attended some meetings of the Pastori Antellesi. Cigoli wrote to Buonarroti between 1607 and 1613: see ibid., AB 44, nos. 543-47 (transcribed in Matteoli, 1965, 33-37, with no commentary).
(55) The definition is from Kettering, 1986, 42. This was not the first time that Buonarroti had acted as a broker for Cigoli: in December 1605, Camillo della Gherardesca asked Buonarroti to contact Cigoli to survey an architectural project to modify Filippo Salviati's Villa Le Selve, so as to judge whether it would compromise the beauty of the facade and gallery of the villa (see I:Fb, AB 46, nos. 722-23). In February 1604, Piero Falconieri asked Buonarroti to introduce him to Cigoli, having heard that the painter would be coming to Rome soon: I:Fb, AB 47, no. 831; see also ibid., no. 832, on Cigoli's arrival in Rome in April 1604.
(56) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 1 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 24 May 1608): "Io vengo con la presente col dar le buone feste a V. S. Ill.ma e col baciarle la veste, e renderle grazie infinite del favore, che ella con l'abbracciare una pia e nobil causa, ha fatto a me stesso particolare; mentre per quanto mi vien detto, ella si e presa in protezione con tanto amore la memoria, e la gloria di Michelagnol Buonarroti intorno al doversi seguitare il suo ordine d'architettura nella fabbrica di S. Pietro." See also D'Onofrio, 56, n. 17.
(57) Pastor, 12:691-92.
(58) Ackerman, 1:89-102, summarizes the history of the construction of new St. Peter's, which slowly replaced the Constantinian basilica between 1506 and 1615, up to the death of Michelangelo. For a full account of the history of the construction of St. Peter's from 1605 to 1629, and the role of Carlo Maderno, see Hibbard, 155-88.
(59) The Duperac engravings are in Ackerman, l:pls. 59b-61. These were reiterated in medals struck under Gregory XIII and Sixtus V: see Hibbard, 155, pl. 48b.
(60) On the various deliberations of the Congregation, see Hibbard, 156.
(61) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 1 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 24 May 1608): "E ben vero che il Sig.r Cigoli ha fatto un disegno tale per finir S. Pietro, che in questa citta dove per avventura non sono huomini meno intendenti del disegno che a Roma, e piaciuto grandemente a tutti, e massimamente a quei dell'arte, e particolarmente a ms. Bernardo Buontalenti architetto noto, al quale io stesso ho sentito questo disegno innalzare al Cielo."
(62) Cigoli is far better known today as a painter rather than as an architect, although his contemporary and eighteenth-century biographers note his enthusiasm for architecture over painting: see, for example, Baldinucci, 3:257. Cigoli also wrote an architectural treatise entitled Trattato pratico di prospettiva (in I:Fuf, Gabinetto dei disegni e delle stampe, ms. 2660A). Over twenty drawings by Cigoli of the facade of St. Peter's (in I:Fuf, GDS), together with two fragments at the Staatliche Graphische Sammlung in Munich (2330Z, 34875Z), illustrate the various related solutions. See Fasolo, 7, n. 6, who discusses Cigoli's design concepts in the Uffizi drawings, with technical descriptions; Siebenhuner; Hibbard, 157.
(63) The date and nature of the competition can only be surmised since the records of the Congregation governing the fabbrica are missing for these years: see Hibbard, 157.
(64) I:Fb, AB 44, no. 543 (Lodovico Cigoli to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 21 January 1607); Matteoli, 1965, 33: "Quanto poi alla Fabrica di S.o Pietro, Micelagniolo non a bisognio di difesa, ma bene i suoi succesori, come Jacopo dalla Porta et altri, d'essere ripescati. Onde per cio questi Ill.mi deputati anno volsuto diversi pareri e disegni de' principali Arcitetti di Roma, infra i quali e comparso di Napoli Giovan Anton Dosi. Et tutti di comune parere, per trovare le commodita dei preti, alterano il fatto et da farsi di Micelagniolo, mettendo le Sagrestie nella entrata della chiesa, et chi con il fare la navata, et chi con il fare altra chiesa davanti, et mille altre sconvenevolezze. Et io nei miei, che n'o fatti duoi, cavo nelle grossezze delle mura, la dove le fa piu di bisognio, le Sagrestie et infinite altre cose poi, come il coro et altro: senza alterare il fatto et del da farsi, mantengho il telaio e l'osatura. Ora, avendo finito, alla prima Congregazione Generale di questi deputati, li presentero et loro risolveranno." For more details, see Matteoli, 1985, 42.
(65) See Fasolo, 3-4; Matteoli, 1985, 42.
(66) Inscribed in Cigoli's hand in fig. 5: "Queste due tribunette piccole contrasegniate A et B vorrej servissero per campanili, altrimenti sono fatte invano, la qual cosa non si puo credere in Michelagniolo."
(67) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 1 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 24 May 1608): "Perche veggendovisi tutto l'ordine di Michelagnolo, si aspegnano tutte le commodita, e tutte le proporzioni, e ornamenti che si posson desiderare. Il qual disegno fu veduto anche costa da cotesti architetti, e forse imburchiato, ma goffamente, per farsi con le belle penne d'altri l'alie macchiate.... E 'l far fede a V. S. Ill.ma al presente di questo mio pensiero mi fia poi di grande sgravamento d'animo quando io vegga dilaniato e contaminato il concetto di Michelagnolo Buonarroti mio consanguineo." Piero Dini reported to Buonarroti in January 1612 on the progress of work at St. Peter's and how people were crying at seeing Michelangelo's original work being destroyed: I:Fb, AB 46, no. 799 (Piero Dini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 14 January 1612); see also ibid., no. 800 (Piero Dini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 28 January 1612).
(68) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 3 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 29 January 1608/09): "I meriti del Sig.r Cigoli, appresso di lei, che tanto favorisce chi vale assai, come vale egli, non hanno bisogno di raccomandazione. Ma perche egli non sia solo ad inchinarsele, io vengo seco con questa, testificando a V. S. Ill.ma che io amo sommamente huomo di tanta virtu e di si rari costumi come e egli, et amando desidero infinitamente il suo bene et onore.... Io penso che egli havra portati seco i disegni fatti per cotesta chiesa di S. Pietro; e penso che vedendoli ella, che tanto intende, ne restera grandemente gustata. Perche qua sono stati tenuti belli, e del bello, e del buono ella e maestra." Given in D'Onofrio, 56, n. 17.
(69) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 264 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 10 January 1609): "Ringratio V. S. dell'opera che ha impiegata in mettere insieme i nomi di Cardinali fiorentini et trovare il Pittore per farne fare i ritratti secondo la volonta mia. Sto attendendo il S.r Alessandro mio Zio alla cui venuta non manchero avisar V. S. di quali de' sudetti Card.li desidero havere i ritratti. E in tanto mi ricordo in suo servitore et mele raccomando. Di Roma li x di Gennaio 1609."
(70) Ibid., no. 265 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 23 February 1609): "Mi ha trovato in una leggier purga che ho incominciata per la scesa di al quanto humore in un occhio. Onde a miglior commandamento mi riserbo di vedere i disegni, che ha portati seco." Barberini thanked Buonarroti on 9 April [1609?] for his letter, which Cigoli gave him.
(71) Buonarroti was still in Florence in June 1609: see I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 4 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 1 June 1609); and Barberini's reply from Rome, I:Fb, AB 42, no. 266 (5 June). Cigoli wrote to Buonarroti in Florence again on 9 October 1609: see ibid., AB 44, no. 544; Matteoli, 1965, 34.
(72) I:Fb, AB 54, no. 1835 (Jacopo Soldani to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 27 September 1610): "Gli errori datici in riconoscenza delle fatiche durate non sono stati veramente tali che lei non potessi per poca cosa transiger la sua parte massimo essendo ormai assuefatta a coteste grandezze, e a' favori si speciali di Cardinali Principi co' quali ha si stretti commerzi a cosi strane ore di notte."
(73) I:Fn, Mss. Gal., I, 15, f. 8 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Galileo Galilei, [Rome], [October 1610]); Galilei, 10:452-53: "non ostante gli allettamenti di Roma, che non son pochi ... Ma io mi guardero dalle Sirene. Il Sig.r Cigoli, con altri amici, son di quelle Sirene che allettando posson giovare; e a me ha giovato assaissimo il suo commercio, quando l'ho potuto avere, perche mi e torcia fra le tenebre di queste antichita."
(74) Carlo Barberini's thirty-three letters to Buonarroti are in I:Fb, AB 42, nos. 177-209; see the selection in Masera, 87-88. On the Casa Buonarroti and the galleria in honor of Michelangelo, see the lengthy studies by Vliegenthart; Procacci; De Tolnay.
(75) See Vliegenthart, 84-91; Corsi, 160-64. The Barberinis contributed to Buonarroti's cause: Francesco Barberini gave Buonarroti the gift of two ancient marble heads in 1624 for the Casa Buonarroti collection, while Costanza Barberini donated the reliquary of Saint Agatha (situated under the altar in the Camera degli angeli in the Casa Buonarroti) to Buonarroti in 1643.
(76) By early 1546, fair copies had been made of 105 poems for a proposed publication of Michelangelo's Rime organized by Luigi del Riccio, who had acted as his literary advisor, editor, and copyist, and who managed most of Michelangelo's affairs. However, del Riccio died in December 1546, and with him went the chance of an edition of Michelangelo's poetry in the author's lifetime. Other scholars, such as Cambon, 56-57, suggest that a stronger inducement for letting go of the publication project may have come from Michelangelo's realization that the Council of Trent, which opened in 1545, was tightening the screws in matters of orthodoxy, and that his Canzoniere risked ostracism and condemnation in the gathering storm of Counter-Reformation fanaticism.
(77) I:Fb, AB 84, f. 299v: "Degenerato il bel della natura / e fra gli error del volgo al tutto assorto / con la mia chiara face il chiamo in porto / e 'l torno alla divina sua figura."
(78) Guasti, 1863, xliv; Symonds, 1950, 11-12. The most voluminous collection of Michelangelo's poetry formed part of the Archivio Buonarroti, but a large quantity preserved by Luigi del Riccio, and from him transferred to Fulvio Orsini, had passed into the Vatican Library. Piero Falconieri wrote to Buonarroti on 12 February 1606, informing him about the inheritance of Fulvio Orsini, how printed books and manuscripts were divided between the Lancellotti and Vatican Libraries, and denied the existence of Michelangelo's Rime in the Orsini Library: see I:Fb, AB 47, no. 837 (Piero Falconieri to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 12 February 1606).
(79) I:Fb, AB 48, no. 1035 (Mario Guiducci to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, [Florence], 6 November 1622): "Conforme a che V. S. mi disse iermattina, io trattai ieri con Giandonato Giunti per conto dell'opera, che ella vuole fare stampare. M'ha detto che non si puo spender manco di dodici lire il foglio, volendone trecento. Mi pensavo che per esser rime, nelle quali non vien mai piena la riga di lettere, s'avesse a spender manco qualche cosa, perche tanto costa anche la prosa, ma m'ha mostrato che paga il medesimo di compositura dell'una, che dell'altra. Quanto al carattere ne veddi uno un poco piu grande che quello delle rime del Rinuccini, che sarebbe il caso, ma non vi va per due sonetti per faccia, se non lasciando pochissima margine, la qual cosa darebbe bruttezza all'opera. Se ella poi ne volesse mettere uno per faccia, la spesa raddoppierebbe, perche tanto si paga di compositura, e di tiratura d'una forma, nella quale siano otto sonetti, che d'una, nella quale ne siano quattro. E dove si fa il conto che a tutte sue spese possa costare ogni cosa da venti scudi, sen'andrebbono come quelli degli otto vicino a quaranta. Non ostante l'avermi detto di dodici lire, tuttavia dice che la rimettera in me, la qual cosa io non ho ne accettata, ne al tutto rifiutata, ma faro quanto piacera a V. S." Guiducci's calculations do not appear to add up: if the total costs would come to twenty scudi, then it would be four (not eight) per forme (that is, per printed sheet) that would cost double, as it would require twice the amount of paper.
(80) Ibid., AB 42, no. 274 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 27 August 1622); Masera, 87: "il saggio ... delle compositioni nella nostra lingua del S. Michel Angelo Buonarroti suo zio." Buonarroti had sent the Barberini twelve sonnets by Michelangelo in manuscript as extracts from his forthcoming edition: see I:Fb, AB 42, no. 180 (Carlo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 27 August 1622). The manuscripts of the sonnets are in I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 4039, ff. 66-72. Carlo also discusses some Latin compositions by Maffeo (his Poemata, second edition of 1623), a copy of which Buonarroti had requested back in May. For Maffeo Barberini's letter of thanks for the dedication, see I:Fb, AB 42, no. 275 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 18 February 1623).
(81) Buonarroti [the Younger], 3-8: "Non senza ragione havro stimato, che queste Rime di Michelagnolo Buonarroti, come opera di huomo in altre faculta grandissimo, siano tali, che dopo tanti anni che egli fu tolto al mondo, si convenga darle alla luce, e far risplendere un'altra corona delle sue glorie: massimamente considerandosi quanto la Poesia, e 'l Disegno, nel quale egli cotanto valse, habbiano tra di loro unione, e rassomiglianza."
(82) For discussions of Buonarroti's so-called falsification of the 1623 first edition of Michelangelo's poetry--and of subsequent editions by Cesare Guasti (1863), Carl Frey (1897), and Enzo Noe Girardi (1960)--see Ryan, 1998, 5-6; Ryan, 1996, xv; Saslow, 53-61; Symonds, 1893, 2:125-42; Buonarroti, 12-14; Guasti, 1863, xliv-xlvi.
(83) Buonarroti: "cosa alcuna contro la Fede, buon costumi, o alcuna indecenza"; Ryan, 1998, 258-59, n. 16. See also De Maio, 456-57, who emphasizes Buonarroti's narrow religious perspective in making these changes.
(84) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 12 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Maffeo Barberini, Florence, 22 March 1610/11): "La venuta costi del Sig.r Galileo Galilei mi porge occasione di far reverenza a V. S. Ill.ma e di darle le buone feste gia prossime. Il merito singulare della persona che fara questo ufizio per me mi potra far piu degno della sua benigna, e consueta gratitudine." Given in D'Onofrio, 57-58, n. 17.
(85) On Galileo's system of patronage and brokers acting on his behalf, see Biagioli, 20-25.
(86) Buonarroti's poem in Galileo's hand is in I:Fn, Mss. Gal., I, 3, ff. 103r-104r; Galilei, 10:412, n. 2. Galileo's letter is in I:Fb, AB 48, no. 930 (Galileo Galilei to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 16 October 1610): "La speranza che havevo di ritrovar V. S. M. I. in Firenze mi ritenne in silenzio quando in Padova ricevei per mano del S. Sertini la sua bellissima canzone sopra i Pianeti Medicei. Dopo il mio arrivo qui, la medesima credenza del suo presto ritorno mi ha ritenuto dal rendergli quelle dovute grazie, che pure a bocca speravo di potergli rendere piu proporzionate alla grandezza del favore. Finalmente l'haver io pur oggi vedute due lettere di V. S. una al S. Canonico Nori, et l'altra al S. Sertini, nelle quali niuna parola dice del ritorno, mi ha fatto risolvere a scrivergli, se non il debito ringraziamento, al meno la confessione dell'obligo, che a tanti altri mi ha aggiunto nel favorirmi della sua leggiadrissima composizione; et quando lo scoprimento
di questi nuovi Pianeti non producesse altro benigno influsso interra, assai e egli stato, il dare occasione all'ingegno del S. Buonarroti di parturire opera cosi gentile. Io ne rendo a V. S. quelle grazie maggiori che capir possono in una piccola carta, grandi le rende la mente, et grandissimo e l'obbligo che resta nell'animo, prontissimo a compensar con l'affetto quello che all'effetto delle forze manca."
(87) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 268 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 2 April 1611): "Il s.r Galileo per la virtu ond'e ornato si rende meritevole della mia buona dispositione verso di lui; al quale mi sono essibito, come a V. S. mi ricordo prontissimo in tutte l'occasioni di suo servitio con pregarle ogni contento."
(88) Galilei, 11:216, no. 591 (Maffeo Barberini to Galileo Galilei, Bologna, 11 October 1611): "Io prego il Signor Iddio che la preservi, poiche gl'huomini, come ella e, di gran valore meritano di vivere longo tempo, a benefitio publico."
(89) I:Fb, AB 44, no. 458 (Matteo Caccini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 14 July 1612): "L'essere state cantate fra le altre, alcune delle composizioni che V. S. gia favori mandarmi, d'avanti al Papa, dove era Borghesi et <Peri>, et l'essere stato domandato da Nostro Signore di chi erano le parole di quella composizione spirituale che lei manda, che dice 'Dogliosa Madre appie del Trono immobile,' et l'esserli piaciute et lodate assai, doppo havere sentito essere opera di V. S., fa che io sia di nuovo importunato di pregarla di volere favorire di qualche altra sua composizione."
(90) Ibid., AB 48, no. 1037 (Mario Guiducci to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 3 February 1624); Kirkendale, 322: "La S.ra Francesca fu domenica passata a cantare in camera di S. S.ta e la prima cosa che ella cantasse fu un Madrigale sopra la S.ma Vergine, opera di V. S. che piacque assaissimo a Nostro Signore e volle sapere di chi era." The "madrigal about the Holy Virgin" by Buonarroti is probably his "Maria, dolce Maria," published in Caccini's Il primo libro delle musiche a una e due voci (Florence, 1618), and one of eleven texts by the poet included in this book of songs.
(91) Ibid., no. 1037 (Mario Guiducci to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 3 February 1624): "Se io avessi avuto l'opera di V. S. avrei proccurato di scerne qualche ottava a proposito, e la S.ra Francesca volentierissima l'avrebbe cantata. Potrebb'essere, che vi tornasse, se saro a tempo a aver qualche cosa di V. S. sia quello che si voglia, purche sia accomodata alle persone e al luogo, la daro alla S.ra Francesca la quale ha volonta grandissima di onorare la sua musica con le sue poesie." The ottava provided composers with a specific poetic form to which they could write generic melodies (to which any ottava could be sung): hence Caccini need only have been furnished with the words for her to be able to sing them to an appropriate Aria per Cantar Ottave.
(92) Ibid., AB 49, no. 1177 (Orazio Magalotti to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, [Castello?], 16 June 1635): "L'otio della villa m'ha dato buona occasione di parlar di V. S. coll'E.m S.r Card.l Barberino, e di dirli ch'ella fra l'altre sue virtuose recreationi andava componendo un operetta sacra da potersi rappresentare in musica, e gliene dissi anco il soggetto. Subito s'invoglio S. E. di vederla, ma io replicai che non poteva esser per ancora ridotta a perfettione perch'ella non ci harebbe applicato interamente l'azione senza qualche occasione, mi soggiunse che almeno havessi procurato di fargli veder lo scenario, et io promessi di scriverne a V. S. com'io faccio."
(93) On Cardinal Francesco's musical establishment, see Hammond, 1979. For detailed studies of Roman opera at the Barberini court, see Murata; Hammond, 1994, 199-254.
(94) I:Fb, AB 49, nos. 1180-82 (Orazio Magalotti to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 13 October, 3 November, and 29 December 1635).
(95) On the performance history of Rospigliosi's I Santi Didimo e Teodora (also known simply as Teodora), see Hammond, 1979, 112; Hammond, 1994, 224-26.
(96) Hammond, 1994, 237. Cardinal Francesco Barberini evidently never carried out his promise about publishing the work. Buonarroti sent the cardinal a copy of La fiera on 5 September 1639: see his letter in I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 77.
(97) Only five letters survive from Carlo Barberini to Buonarroti dating prior to Maffeo's election, which primarily show Buonarroti taking the initiative to build patron-client relations with Carlo: for example, by sending congratulations on 22 September 1606 for Maffeo's election to the cardinalate (see I:Fb, AB 42, no. 177) and by sending condolences on 28 January 1612 for the death of Carlo's brother, Alessandro Barberini: see ibid., no. 178. See also: ibid., no. 269 (Maffeo Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 25 January 1612).
(98) Buonarroti extended his congratulations on 8 August 1623 to both Carlo and Francesco Barberini on the promotion of their brother and uncle, respectively: see I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, ff. 20-21. Carlo replied to Buonarroti on 19 August 1623 (I:Fb, AB 42, no. 182; Masera, 87-88); Francesco replied on 23 August 1623 (I:Fb, AB 42, no. 212).
(99) Persico, 316; Biagioli, 25.
(100) Magnuson, 1:215-29; Pecchiai, 136-48; Hammond, 1992, 71-72; Haskell, 3; Nussdorfer, 168-85.
(101) Buonarroti wrote a sonnet, "Quel secol, ch'a virtu die tanto onore," to commemorate Taddeo Barberini's wedding: see Componimenti poetici, 185.
(102) Fosi, 213.
(103) It has been suggested in several sources--Masera, 19; Campbell, 9-10--that Buonarroti fell out of favor with the Medici after the death of Cosimo II in 1621. In fact, Buonarroti continued to produce works for the Medici grand ducal court throughout the 1620s under the Regency, and then under Ferdinando II during the 1630s and even early 1640s: see Cole, 2004, 117. On the Medici-Barberini dispute over the Duchy of Urbino, see Campbell, 12-14; Haskell, 54.
(104) See I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, ff. 29, 31, 47 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Carlo Barberini, Florence, 3 August, 26 August 1624, and 23 June 1625); see Barberini's reply in I:Fb, AB 42, no. 192. On the production of Varchi's Storia, see ibid., AB 49, nos. 1201-04 (Cosimo Mannucci to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger). Benedetto Varchi (1503-65), an academician, humanist, and lecturer on Renaissance Florentine literature, delivered Michelangelo's moving funeral oration at the Accademia Fiorentina.
(105) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, ff. 31, 55, 56 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Carlo Barberini, Florence, 26 August 1624 and 5 July and 16 August 1627).
(106) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 29 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Carlo Barberini, Florence, 3 August 1624): "Et in tanto le porgo il Decamerone che V. E. deve mancarle. Il che ho differito a far sino a ora sperando tuttavia di trovarlo della stampa del 1527, nel che non ho auto fortuna, e questo ho dalla libreria del S.r Mannuccio; ma altra differenza tra quello del 27 a questo non e che di ortografia in quello piu sicura quando migliore occasion mi si porga potro supplire."
(107) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 211 (Francesco Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 3 June 1623): "Appunto giunsi in Roma che il S.r Card.l mio Zio era ito a goder la villa a Castel Gandolfo, ma subito che fu ritorno non mancai di darli la sua lettera accompagnandola con la testimonianza dell'affetto continuo di V. S. verso.... Staro at-tendendo i suoi comandi circa la licenza de i libri prohibiti essendo ogni mio desiderio di servirla."
(108) Pastor, 28:49-51, 419-34; 29:423-26.
(109) I:Fb, AB 44, nos. 534-35 (Giovanni Ciampoli to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 5 February 1622, 25 February 1623): "le opere del Sig.r Michel Agnolo Buonarruoti, di chi V. S. rinnuova il nome tanto famoso, et ammirabile a ciascuno sono ornate di tali qualita"; ibid., no. 536 (22 July 1623): "che fu da me recitata mercoledi passato alla presenza delli Sig.ri Cardinali avanti l'ingresso loro nel Conclave." Masera, 101-02. See also Ciampoli's other letters to Buonarroti (I:Fb, AB 44, nos. 537-40), which mostly express greetings for each new year.
(110) Masera, 19, claims that Buonarroti was back later in May (not April) 1624, but a letter from Jacopo Soldani to Buonarroti dated 20 April 1624 clearly indicates that he was writing to Buonarroti in Rome: see I:Fb, AB 54, no. 1847.
(111) Buonarroti requested the favor in October 1609 and discussed the financial arrangements: see I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, ff. 9-11; Maffeo Barberini's replies are in I:Fb, AB 42, nos. 270-72.
(112) I:Fb, AB 42, no. 210 (Francesco Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 1 June 1623). Buonarroti later asked Barberini to write on behalf of his brother, Francesco Buonarroti, for the appointment of secretary in the Order: see I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 23 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Francesco Barberini, Florence, 23 December 1623).
(113) I:Fb, AB 54, no. 1849 (Jacopo Soldani to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 18 May 1624): "Presupponga pur V. S. che qua si sanno minutamente tutti i favori e tutte le dimostrazioni d'affetto usateli da cotesti signori e di piu la volonta che hanno di trattenerla in Roma e darle qualche onorevole impiego. Non credo gia che ci sia penetrato il trattamento svanito per la morte di quella persona. Ma creda ancora, e di questo l'assicuro che si sa ch'ella non prerendeva cosa alcuna, e la renitenza, che ella ha di lasciar la patria, la liberta, e commodi in una eta che tutte lo predette cose si conoscono piu e per conseguenza si porta loro maggior affetto, e che ancora si scorgono quelle altre tante ambite dal mondo per vanita. Io mi son contenuto ne termini che ella mi ha scritto, vero e che la gita di Castel Gandolfo era tanto palese, havendola referita il s.r Cav.r Magalotti, che non mi parve da dissimularla. Nel resto io son nell'animo a V. S. compatendola di questo contrasto, et ambiguita, che ella ha in se stessa, che mi pare il maggior tormento che sia ne' negozi, e nelle resoluzioni. Ma veggo che V. S. e cosi predominata dalla ragione, e conserva tanta costanza, e tranquillita nel suo animo, che mi consolo, e presuppongo moderata ancora questa perplessita.... Di nuovo non habbiamo altro se non l'arrivo, che segni hieri del S.r Duca di Mantova il quale non ho ancor veduto, ma intendo che e molto scassinato, e mal condotto di sanita, e per recuperarla intendesi che purgato che si sara andra a bagni di S. Casciano."
(114) Ibid., AB 84, f. 539v: "Musiche sempre, e sempre poesie, / musiche e poesie mattina e sera, / musiche ogni stagione e ogni die, / vuoi l'autunno, o vuoi la primavera. // Tuttavia 'n campo le Pindarerie, / tuttavia 'n campo l'ode del Chiabrera, / tuttavia 'n campo le Ciampolerie / m'hanno stracco gli orecchi di maniera // che s'io ritorno a Roma questa volta / non sara piu chi mi meni pel naso / ne che Castel Gandolfo m'infinocchi. // Ohime l'e stata troppo gran ricolta / di Pindo, d'Elicona, e di Parnaso, / e da ore parvi un drento insino a gli occhi. // Al canto de' ranocchi / prima assordar pe' fossi e pe' pantani / vorro che piu sentir bassi e soprani. // Me ne lavo le mani, / ne m'immusico piu, ne piu m'inzolfo, / ne tu mi ci co' piu Castel Gandolfo."
(115) Ibid., AB 39, f. 154 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Buonarroto Buonarroti, Rome, 8 June 1624); Masera, 81: "Sono ancora in Roma dove l'uno impedimento dietro all'altro di mano in mano trattiene altrui sempre piu di quel che si pensa.... Sempre mi sbigottii con piu i caldi, ma fo conto di giugner costa arrosto, marineretemi col pesce di S. Giovanni, che quasi oramai vi arrivero quando quello.... E' pensando domattina aver una benedizione dal Papa e con la mia quella di piu medaglie, e corone, portero a tutti la sua nuova nuova."
(116) In I:FB, AB 90, ff. 67r-80v. For a detailed study, see Waddy, 1975. Michelangelo the Younger may also be the author of another critique of Roman palaces: see Pollak, 63. Waddy, 1975, 104, n. 7, doubts Buonarroti's connection to the critique, as does Campbell, 10, n. 32. On the building program and decoration of the new Palazzo Barberini, see Scott.
(117) I:Rvat, Barb. Lat. 6460, f. 28 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Francesco Barberini, Florence, 29 June 1624); compare the draft of this letter in I:Fb, AB 39, f. 125. Francesco's reply is in ibid., AB 42 no. 215; Masera, 89. Buonarroti visited the Barberini sisters again in summer 1630 by request of Francesco Barberini who thanked him on 6 July 1630: see I:Fb, AB 42, no. 222.
(118) I:Fb, AB 42, nos. 246-49 (Camilla Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger). The Barberini placed a memorial and coat of arms designed by Luigi Arrigucci in the wall of the Convent of Santa Maria Maddalena dei Pazzi in Florence, for which Buonarroti prepared an inscription: see Campbell, 10-11, 213-14, pl. 144. Buonarroti's letter to Arrigucci of August 1642 contains a detailed account of various schemes for the monument: see I:Fb, AB 40, f. 111'.
(119) Masera, 20.
(120) I:Fb, AB 54, no. 1852 (Jacopo Soldani to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 14 May 1629): "Intanto rendo a V. S. grazie ... delle buone nuove che mi da del suo ben' essere, e degli onori, che riceve dalla magnanimita del suo ospite e di tutta cotesta eccellentissima casa, i quali prolungheranno per avventura piu di quello che si persuade la sua modestia, la sua dimora in Roma non senza martello de' suoi s.ri, che secondo il senso la desiderano qua, ma la ragione gli quieterebbe, se tale dimora fosse con sua evidente sodisfazione, e utilita." In the same letter, Soldani also promises to help Girolamo Bracciolini on Buonarroti's request, mainly for the love of Francesco Bracciolini, whose works he greatly admired.
(121) Ibid., AB 84, ff. 539r-v: "Vo dal Papa e mi getto in ginocchioni, / et ei mi benedice e fa rizzarmi, / poi mi recita cento de' suoi carmi, / parafrasi di salmi o traduzioni. // Io sto a sentirli con grande attenzione, / non senza assai assai maravigliarmi, / e con molta ragion gli lodo, e parmi / ch'ei ne riceva gran consolazione. // A chiedergliene copia anche m'ardisco, / et ei benigno pur me la promette, / forse che preso delle lodi al visco. // E a Monsignor Ciampol mi rimette; / ma e un torre a scorporar dal fisco / il voler seco venirne alle strette. / In musica ei gli mette, / cioe fa metter sotto 'l suo giudizio, / e 'l Papa ne riceve gran servizio. / Il di del natalizio, / anzi la sera cenando 'l Pastore, / se ne duro a cantar piu di due ore. / Ch'al mio pazzo dolore / delle stiene per cui vivo in tormento / fu uno strano rincappellamento. / Vivesi ora in contento / il Papa e altri al suo Castel Gandolfo, / e io che nelle rene porto 'l zolfo / non posso tanto golfo / passar da Roma a la, mortificato / che or ch'io mi vedeva in grande stato / cosi resto abbacchiato, / ne posso esser cola fra Cardinali / alla mia parte di quei gran regali. / E forza e al fin ch'io cali / e di favore e di riputazione, / che bisogna star sodo in su l'arcione, / ne senza prosunzione / avventarsi, non pur non lasciar ire / l'occasion d'innanzi comparire. / Che chi vuol pervenire / col dito gli convien pigliar la mano, / ma bisogna esser delle rene sano." At Buonarroti's request, Jacopo Soldani sent him some medication--known as acciaio potabile (literally, "drinkable metal")--on 25 June 1629, presumably to alleviate the pain: see ibid., AB 54, no. 1854 (Jacopo Soldani to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 25 June 1629).
(122) Ibid., AB 84, f. 535v: "che goder la voglio io mentre ch'io vivo."
(123) Ibid., AB 54, no. 1856 (Jacopo Soldani to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 28 July 1629): "V. S. non mi dice nulla d'haver havuta una pensione di 100 scudi sopra il Vescovado di Massa, e pare deve esser vero, poiche l'ho sentito in Palazzo da questi ss.ri Malaspini. Forse crede che per esser piccola io non me ne fossi rallegrato? So che ella l'hara ricevuta volentieri come spontaneo testimonio della benevolenza di cotesti ss.ri, onde ancor io come tanto suo servitore ne ho il medesimo senso."
(124) On the difficulties in securing the pension, see ibid., AB 42, no. 225 (Francesco Barberini to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 12 February 1631), where Francesco attaches a letter for the Bishop (ibid., no. 238bis) and advises the poet to proceed with caution; Masera, 20-21. The matter was resolved by 29 March 1631: see I:Fb, AB 42 no. 226 (Francesco to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Rome, 29 March 1631), where Francesco is happy that Buonarroti has received his pension and advises him to press the bishop for the last arrangements. For other references, see I:Fb, AB 54, nos. 1873-75. Michelangelo the Younger had his pension until his death in 1647, when it should have passed to his nephews Lionardo and Gismondo, but as the latter died after 1639 it remained only with Lionardo.
(125) For a detailed study of the Finelli bust and the wider political ramifications of the presence of the Barberini bee, see Boehman. Finelli also completed a portrait bust of the poet Francesco Bracciolini dell'Api (ca. 1630-31, now in The Victoria and Albert Museum), but without a Barberini bee. Bracciolini praises Finelli in a letter dated 19 December 1631 to Buonarroti: see I:Fb, AB 43, no. 425; Pizzorusso, 115.
(126) On the Barberini bees and their symbolism, see Freedberg, 151-78.
(127) From an unpublished satira in I:Fb, AB 84, ff. 295r-298r, v. 3: "che muoia il servo de' servi d'Iddio"; see Romei, 55. Since the satira was untitled and not included with a group of other satire obviously intended for publication, Buonarroti may not have wanted to make a public criticism of, or definitive break with, the Medici: in fact, he was still very much involved with the grand ducal court during the 1630s and 1640s. See Cole, 2004.
(128) Galilei, 19:628.
(129) GB:Lbl, Add. Ms. 23139, f. 39 (Galileo Galilei to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Padua, 4 December 1609); Galilei, 10:271: "La mia venuta sara costa indubitatamente avanti S. Giovanni, piacendo a Dio che io sia sano ... mi vi tratterro tutta la state, cio e sino alla fine di 7 mbre, conoscendo adesso quali sono le maniere et i termini veramente onorati della nobilta fiorentina.... Havero meco qualche miglioramento nell'occhiale, et forse qualche altra invenzione.... Alla gentilissima sua mi e impossibile il rispondere con parole, et molto meno con fatti; ma se piu di quelle, et non meno di questi, si deve prezzare l'affetto dell'animo, certo non manchero di corrispondere al debito, al quale gl'infiniti meriti di V. S. mi legano."
(130) I:Fb, AB 48, no. 931 (Galileo Galilei to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 15 May 1614); Galilei, 12:62: "Ne so immaginarmi che girandola sia questa. Pero prego V. S., che passando da bottega sua quanto prima potra, dissimulando la notizia di questo fatto, anzi entrando a domandar se ne e gia stampata parte alcuna, vegga destramente di penetrar qual sia 'l suo pensiero, quali queste dilazioni e impedimenti, e d'onde derivino; e con sua comodita mi faccia intendere quanto ne ritrarra."
(131) I:Fb, AB 48, no. 932 (Galileo Galilei to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, Florence, 13 October 1614); Galilei, 12:105-06: "a favorirmi appresso il N. P. Inquisitore."
(132) The avviso reads: "18 May 1630. Galileo, the famous mathematician and astrologer, is here [in Rome].... He has let it be known that Donna Anna will give birth to a male child, that at the end of June we will have peace in Italy, and that shortly thereafter Don Taddeo and the pope will die" (in Scott, 89). For full details, see Rutkin, 140-42. On the Barberini and the widespread practice of astrology, especially Urban VIII's obsessive concern with astrological events and their negative influence, see Scott, 68-87; Rutkin, 137-39.
(133) Galilei, 14:111-12; see also ibid., 118-19 (Geri Bocchineri to Galileo Galilei). Soon after, Morandi was summoned to the Holy Office and thrown into prison, again heightening Galileo's concerns. It emerged that Morandi, abbot of the Vallambrosan Church of Santa Prassede, had been using the church as an important center for producing astrological information on the major political figures of the day and as a meeting place for astrologer-politicians who used horoscopes to try to influence the political policies of the Roman court: see Rutkin, 141; Ernst, 267-68. Morandi's prophesies were among many predictions by astrologers on the health and death of the pope, all the rage in the late 1620s and culminating in the initiation by Urban of a show trial of astrologers in order to halt these politically destabilizing activities: see Scott, 71-74.
(134) Pastor, 29:42-62.
(135) I:Fn, Mss. Gal. I, 15, f. 10 (Benedetto Castelli to Galileo Galilei); Galilei, 14:62-63: "Hora hora ho inteso il spropositato scropolo di quelli che cercano, sotto titolo di pieta, far levare a V. S. la provisione che gode dalla grandezza del Ser.mo Gran Duca. Sottile inventione!... quando il merito del Galileo non sia reputato da questi scropolosi per servizio dello Studio (ah maligni ignoranti!), potra essere riconosciuto con girare una partita di due milla scudi, di quelli che S. A. Ser.ma impiega nelle galere, a favore di V. S.... Il qual Michelagnolo e rimasto a svernare a Roma, e benche direnato in Corte, s'inchina quanto e' puo a far reverenza al suo Signore, Signor Galileo, e gli prega ogni augumento di nuovo bene, e aborre il concetto della diminuizion del vecchio."
(136) I:Fn, Mss. Gal. I, 9, f. 169 (Benedetto Castelli to Galileo Galilei, Rome, 6 April 1630); Galilei, 14:89-90: "Quanto al venire qua a Roma, diro le precise parole di Monsignore: che lei e desiderata piu che qual si voglia amatissima donzella, e sempre che verra, sara padrona della casa di Monsignore, e potra disporre di lui e delle cose sue come proprie ... Il Sig.r Michel Angelo Buonarroti li bacia le mani con ogni affetto."
(137) I:Fn, Mss. Gal. I, 9, f. 189 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Galileo Galilei, Rome, 3 June 1630); Galilei, 14:111-12: "ebbi campo li di trattar della calunnia inventata contro a V. S. Mi taglio la parola e s'espresse prima di me, e dissemi essere stato un tale (guardi V. S. se gli sciagurati s'avventano) che gli era entrato a parlar di V. S. nella istessa maniera che V. S. per altra via ha saputo; a cui tagliando pur il parlare, disse il S. Cardinale che il S.r Galileo non aveva il maggior amico che se e che 'l Papa stesso, e che sapeva chi egli era, e che sapeva che egli non haveva queste cose in testa; e se li mostro controverso del tutto, e colui rimase brutto ... mi si dichiaro penetrare che e' non eran fatti per offender di punta V. S., ma lui stesso, e che chi maligno dovette far conto, che essendo venuto a Roma un gran matematico."
(138) Galilei, 19:332-33 (Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger to Francesco Barberini, Florence, 12 October 1632): "Il trovai in grandissimo pensiero perche, nella eta nella quale egli si trova di settanta anni, era chiamato a Roma dal S.to Ufizio per conto del suo libro poco fa stampato. Ebbi gran pieta di lui, rispetto alla sua gravezza corporale e a' tempi che corrono, in rispetto alle quarantene ... se il negozio del Sig.r Galileo potesse ricevere alcun compenso qua, io non dubito che ne farebbe grazia estraordinarissima a molti gentilhuomini, devotissimi servitori di V. Em., che stanno in gran gelosia del disagio di questo virtuoso vecchio."
(139) Galilei, 19:280, reads "Letters were brought by Michelangelo Buonarroti the Florentine dated Florence 12 October in which he asked to learn about the case of Galileo Galilei at Florence."
(140) I:Fb, AB 48, no. 929; Galilei, 17:24 (Galileo Galilei to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, [Arcetri, January 1637]): "Io non ho ritratti della persona mia salvo che una bozza fatta un'anno fa dal S. Giusto Fiammingo." Justus Sustermans (1597-1681), the famous Flemish portraitist employed at the Tuscan court, painted two portraits of the elderly Galileo: one in 1636 (Uffizi Gallery, Florence), which Galileo sent as a gift to a friend in Paris and later became part of the collection of Ferdinando II de' Medici; the other in 1640 (Pitti Palace, Florence). Galileo presumably refers to the former in his letter to Buonarroti.
(141) I:Fb, AB 48, no. 929 (Galileo Galilei to Michelangelo Buonarroti the Younger, [Arcetri, January 1637]); Galilei, 17:24: "Sono col S. Poeta Coppola il quale mi favorisce di leggermi la sua favola con mio gran diletto ... Il Ser. Principe Giancarlo ha condotto a me il S. Coppola, e lasciato il suo carrozzino per ricondurlo: l'hora si fa tarda, e ci restano li altri 3 atti."
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