Corbyn reshuffling Titanic's deckchairs.
POPES are elected in a shorter time than it took Jeremy Corbyn to re-arrange the deckchairs around his shadow cabinet table this week.
Inside Westminster, it has been a captivating drama but little of this intrigue, played out at a snail's pace, percolated through to the real world.
What lessons can the public take from Corbyn's slow-motion reshuffle? The first is that he appears unable to make a decision. In a leader, that is a signal weakness. In politics, it's a cardinal sin.
ONLY in we turn a Teacake national into a constitutional division.
Wielding the dagger comes with the top job and the stiletto blade only works in a swift hand.
The marshmallow being re-branding the back British The real to be about of rainforest to provide uncertified in its magical "If it were done ... then 'twere well it were done quickly," said the fictional Macbeth.
Reshuffles are not easy but extending the whole thing from the festive season to the New Year looks shambolic.
Missing the target - Shadow Foreign Secretary Hilary Benn - makes it look even worse.
The second lesson, with pro-Trident Maria Eagle gone from defence, is that Labour are poised to adopt unilateral nuclear disarmament for the first time in a generation.
The principle is fine but as the pro-nuclear MP Jamie Reed points out, every decision on Trident renewal will be taken long before the 2020 election.
This year's Holyrood election is the only time an anti-Trident stance could have a dynamic effect.
Any leverage there for Labour was probably gained by the Scottish conference decision to ditch renewal.
The Trident shift could be a the palm oil mix.
gesture that leaves Labour looking weak on defence, as it did in 1983, at a time when security is foremost in peoples' minds.
The news of North Korea testing a hydrogen bomb will have a bigger impact on public attitudes than Labour job swaps over submarines.
The Trident move will also, to go back into political intrigue, infuriate the trade union leaders who put Corbyn in place.
Politics is a great game but in the end union bosses have to serve members in the defence industry whose jobs hang in the balance.
It won't take Labour deputy leader Tom Watson to remind them of that, although I'm sure he'll place the call.
But for Watson, or anyone looking beyond Corbyn, the third lesson is that the party, not just the leader, looks shambolic.
In the 90s, it was the Tories who were a divided mess on the great EU debate and lost public confidence. Don't worry, give them time and they will do so again this summer.
But resignations on live television and the staged walk-out of junior shadow ministers only add to the effect of the whole Labour Party falling apart.
The fourth lesson, for Scots, is that if Labour give the impression they cannot win for a long time that could give another shunt to the tectonic plates of constitutional politics in the direction of the SNP.
But the biggest lesson of all is that the public may already be tuned out from Labour and Corbyn's internal powerplay.
Tony Blair always refused to list his shadow cabinet positions because he considered them meaningless.
He knew being in opposition is the ultimate futility in politics and nothing Labour did this week was about winning power.
TOMORROW DON'T MISS DES CLARKE