Consumption and effects of music in the media.
Music surrounds us; we listen to it in the most varied forms and contexts. Whether heard on sound recordings or through sources like the radio, television, or the Internet; in supermarkets, waiting rooms, restaurants, at the hairdresser's, religious services, concert-halls, the opera, the work place, or sporting events; or during meals or while listening devotedly to music at home, music forms an important part in every day life (DeNora, 2000). We listen to it in varying quantities and qualities: transmitted through loudspeakers and distributed through the media, as live performances, and as music people make on their own. However, the overwhelming quantity of music reaches us through the media. Interestingly, though, subjective appraisal stands inversely proportionate to quantity. Quite frequently people rate music they make themselves higher than a concert or music presented by the media (Rosing, 1993, p. 114). People experience music they produce themselves or in live performances more intensely, leaving a longer lasting impression on them.
Most research findings, however, pertain to music distributed through the media. Media distribution determines the largest part of daily music consumption and, because of its significance, remains the focus of scientists. Knowledge about the reception, consumption, and impact of music transmitted through the media is generated by quite different scholarly disciplines. First of all stand the humanities which, most of the time, investigate the use and effect of music by analyzing the musical subject; then come the social sciences, which contribute the bulk of theory and empirical findings but quite frequently neglect the musical subject. This review, then, not only follows the media studies and communication studies approach, but also looks to disciplines that contain both paradigms: music psychology and music sociology as well as empirical music pedagogy.
2. Music listening under cultural, technical, situational, and individual influences
The consumption and effects of music occur in an "area of tension" between different factors that Palmgreen, Wenner and Rosengren (1985) examined in their "general media gratification model." First of all, one should not consider music consumption independently from the respective society and cultural system (Adorno, 1962; Heister, 1993; Rosing & Oerter, 1993). For example, the Western music culture of central Europe differs considerably from that of Asia or Africa. Not only do different cultures use dissimilar tone scales, rhythms, and beats; they attach differing significance to music parameters--in Africa rhythm is the highest priority. The function of music is also determined to a large extent by the general behavior and attitude of a society (Brandl & Rosing, 1993; Heister, 1993).
Secondly, the society in which people live shapes media structure and technology. Even among the Western industrial nations there are noticeable differences. The German media system differs in structure from American media (for example, its dual broadcast system vs. a private broadcast system) and it received or adopted certain technologies later than the U.S. Only with the introduction of digital TV are Germans able to select from more than 50 TV channels, a choice Americans have had since the '80s (Zillmann & Bryant, 1998). The number and type of musical offerings are influenced by these structures and technologies (which, in turn, are influenced by social and cultural systems, i.e., the demand for specific types of music). For example, MTV appeared in the United States in 1981; however, MTV started broadcasting in Germany only after the introduction of the binary broadcast system, in 1987 (Schmidt, 1999).
Even more significant for inter- and intra-individual differences in music consumption are individual habits in the use of music, general and situational expectations of music, and the person's situational needs and general attitudes and dispositions (Schramm, 2005a). Ross (1983) developed a hierarchy of conditions for music consumption, a system which does justice to all different kinds of consumption, as well as cultural, geographic, and historical conditions and encompasses all aspects of musical phenomena (See Figure 1). Ross proceeds from a hierarchical model, which classifies conditions of consumption at the top level as "product," "person," and "situation," in order to name the conditions of more specific determinants. The three upper categories are derived from the three questions:
Who consumes music? Which music is consumed? And where and when does music consumption occur? Thus the musical perception process is contained in a triadic system of conditions: Someone consumes the product in a situation or context. (Ross, 1983, p. 400)
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
The subcategories are not obvious at a first glance because Ross intentionally uses terms which carry little specificity so that they do not limit the application of the model. By "structure" he means the characteristics of music on the level of the work/composition--thus in a broader sense musical parameters such as harmony, melody, rhythm, and dynamics. The term, "individuation," concerns the dependence of the music on its producer; this could also be described as "personal style." The "function" results from the presentation framework and the active listening context in which the music is heard. For example, music at a religious service has a different function as compared to music you hear in a doctor's office.
Ross divides the determinant "person" into three subcategories: personality and constitution criteria (PCC), which cover individual characteristics such as age, sex, and physiological predisposition as well as personality characteristics, education, and intellectual and musical abilities. A second subcategory is personal experience. This includes experience and familiarity with specific music as well as musical training and socialization with music. The third subcategory is the role of the music listener in a particular situation, which matters in the process of music consumption: "With the role change from music critic to the pure enjoyment of a concert visitor, a shift from attention to and an interest in the reception of the performance to those characteristics immanent in the music may be expected" (Ross, 1983, p. 403). Determinant "situation" can be divided into social position, realization, and disposition. The latter refers to the situationally determined mood, that is, the psychological condition of the listener. Realization refers to the technical aspects of music production, for example the question of whether the listener hears the music live or by means of a recording as well as the manner in which artistic production takes place, i.e. the interpretation--for example the question whether "I can't get no satisfaction" is played by a local cover band or by the Rolling Stones. Social position implies that music consumption is determined by social factors as well (see Adorno, 1962).
Altogether, according to Palmgreen, Wenner, and Rosengren (1985) all factors of the media gratification model can be found in the model of musical reception proposed by Ross (1983). Both models can contribute to sharpen the view of factors that determine the process of music consumption.
3. Relevance and changes in music consumption
To listen to music, at least in Western societies, is one of the most popular leisure activities--in particular for young people (Fitzgerald, Joseph, Hayes, & O'Regan, 1995; Wicke, 1985; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). In addition, the increasing influence of American and English rock music changed music preferences, attitudes, and consumption patterns in the '50s and '60s (Hansen & Hansen, 2000). Overall, English language music contributed to the increasing "Americanization" of European youth (Englis, Solomon, & Olofsson, 1993; Roe, 1985; Wicke, 1985). A second important shift in music use behavior--in particular of young people--occurred with the start of MTV (1981 in the USA; 1987 in Europe) (Englis et al., 1993; Schmidt, 1999). That changed the use of music from a purely auditory use to an audio-visual perception and use. Now, approximately 20 to 25 years later we are experiencing similar serious changes in music use and attitudes thanks to the digital music revolution, music downloads from the Internet, Internet radio, podcasting, and the increased availability of music on mobile media, such as, for example, MP3- players and mobile phones (Schramm & Hagler, in press).
Let's take a few numbers from Germany as an example of current developments. In 2005, 41.6% of the German population (14 years of age and up) listened several times per week to traditional audio devices like CDs, cassettes, and records (not including new devices like MP3-players) and, in addition, 81.3% listened several times a week to radio programs (Arbeitsgemeinschaft der ARD-Werbegesellschaften, 2005, p. 69). The music portion, on average, amounts to 70% of all radio programs (Gushurst, 2000). Altogether, a German adult hears--whether consciously or unconsciously--approximately four to five hours of music per day (Schramm, 2004), including three hours of radio music (Arbeitsgemeinschaft der ARD-Werbegesellschaften, 2005, p. 68). The majority of music merely serves as accompaniment, because 90% of radio use occurs while people pursue other activities at the same time (p. 69). Considering the time spent listening to music, the radio is the most important musical source. However, considering the simultaneous use of music by as many people as possible, television comes out on top: Among the top 10 German TV programs with the highest ratings in any given year there are regularly several music programs--among them the biggest and oldest music spectacle in Europe, the Eurovision Song Contest (Wolther, 2006).
Overall listening to music has changed significantly in recent years--particularly among the young. Now 70% of German youth use an MP3-player/iPod daily or, at least, several times per week; 61% of the girls and 71% of the boys own an MP3-player/iPod. The music repertoire on the MP3-player/iPod covers approximately 800 titles, on average (with girls approximately 300 titles, with boys approximately 1300 titles). One can assume an average high daily use of MP3-player/iPods--at least for young people. However, the use of radio by young people has declined. And only 18% of the 12-19 year-old Germans make their own music (Arbeitsgemeinschaft der ARD-Werbegesellschaften, 2005, p. 68; Medien-padagogischer Forschungsverbund Sudwest, 2005).
The changed music use behavior is reflected also in the sales figures of traditional audio recordings. In Denmark CD sales declined by 43% between 1998 and 2003; in Canada, Japan, and the Czech Republic by approximately 30% (OECD, 2005, p. 106). In 1998, almost 250 million CDs were sold in Germany (long play and singles together), as compared to only 140 million CDs in 2005. In Germany alone that means a loss of more than 40%. Particularly big were the losses in the sales of singles, which declined during the same time span by more than 70% (Bundesverband der Phonographischen Wirtschaft, 2006, p. 24). In the meantime commercial download portals have been established with 20 million paid downloads last year alone, which compensates for some of the losses from the last years; however, illegal exchanges still dominate this segment with 415 million downloads per year. While the numbers are not quite as high as in previous years--in 2002 there were 622 million--illegal downloads still are an attractive alternative to purchasing a CD (Bundesverband der Phonographischen Wirtschaft, 2006, p. 21). Various scientific studies try to explain whether illegal downloads are responsible for the losses in sales in the music market (Wiedemann, Frenzel & Walsh, 2001a, 2001b; Tanaka, 2004; Liebowitz, 2004).
However, in most cases, the studies cannot prove a direct connection, which according to Liebowitz (2004, p. 32), may also be attributed to flawed methodologies. Looking at non-European music markets like the U.S. (Jones & Lenhart, 2004; Oberholzer & Strumpf, 2004; Latonero, 2000), or Japan (Tanaka, 2004) where the discussion of illegal music exchanges started earlier shows that the studies arrive at similar conclusions: a connection between increasing music downloads and declining audio recording sales are obvious, but cannot be proven directly.
New music media also bring along aspects of new uses, which lead to a differentiation and fragmentation of music use behavior. The music downloads and the use of MP3-data files now make listening tests (Wiedmann et al., 2001a, 2001b; Friedrichsen, Gerloff, Grusche, & van Damm, 2004) possible as well as the discovery of new music or rare songs (Trepte, Reinecke, Richter-Matthies, Adelberger, & Fittkau, 2004). The relative advantages of the new music media as compared to classical CD-use are shown in Table 1.
Considering the connections between the extent of music downloads and the use of MP3 players with the changes users notice while listening to music, many new positive effects surface (See Table 2 on page 7). Approximately 50% of the people questioned said that their knowledge of music improved since they downloaded music or used MP3 players. The more MP3-files they downloaded, the more their knowledge increased. Also, conscious music listening as well as their standards increased with increasing MP3-use. However, there was a correlation between the aforementioned negative changes and MP3 player use, i.e., the more MP3s someone downloads and uses the less s/he is inclined to buy CD singles, CD long play [longer, disco-type recordings of individual songs--Ed.], the less s/he listens to radio, and the less s/he discovers new music through the CD-business.
4. Motives for music listening
The motives for turning to music procured through the media cover a vast spectrum which have proved difficult to classify. A first mostly inductive summary of the main motives for music listening (based on diverse findings in music and media psychology) has been made by Schramm (2004) (See Table 3). Starting with this summary, the present review article aims to provide a systematic overview in accordance with the chief functions listed.
When asked why they like to listen to music, people will primarily name motives which aim at regulating their own energy and emotional situation (see Sloboda & O'Neill, 2001; table 4). These include enhancing, decreasing, compensating for, or maintaining moods which--depending on the person and situation--they perceive as more pleasant/positive or unpleasant/negative (Behne, 1984, 1986a; Gembris, 1990; Knobloch, 2003; Knobloch & Zillmann, 2002; North & Hargreaves, 1996b; Schaub, 1981; Schramm, 2005a; Sloboda, O'Neill, & Ivaldi, 2001; Vorderer & Schramm, 2004; Wunsch, 2001). Furthermore, adjusting states of excitation belongs in this category. People use music as a stimulus to excitation or relaxation or as a damper for excitation, i.e., to help work off frustration or to relax (Gembris, 1985; Flath-Becker, 1987; Flath-Becker & Koneni, 1984; Hafen, 1997; Karrer, 1999; Litle & Zuckerman, 1986). Particularly for young people and in the context of parties and discos, music plays a big role activating individuals (Ebbecke & Luschper, 1987).
Further motives, which arise from individual psychological needs, result from the function of music during particular activities: "Participants found it natural to link functions to activities, often mentioning both in the same sentence (e.g., 'on arrival home from work, music lifts the stress of work: it has an immediate healing effect')" (Sloboda & O'Neill, 2001, p. 419). For example, music serves as a companion during housework or as a distraction from work, thereby making work easier and shortening the time. People particularly like to use the radio for this purpose, because it requires a minimum of selection time even though it provides a varied but not too demanding "wallpaper" of sound.
A further set of motives results from socio-psychological or social needs: Thus, the presence of music serves to create a romantic atmosphere at a romantic dinner for two and it helps to bridge embarrassing silences. Also, listening to music may lead to making various social comparisons: music offers social information at different levels (genre, composition and instrumentation, text, interpretation, and so on) which I can compare to or put into a relationship with myself and my self image. In this manner, people can place their everyday problems in musical texts, get advice for living, feel confirmed in their views, and seek problem solving strategies or dissociate themselves from everything (Gibson, Aust, & Zillmann, 2000; Rosing, 1992). To a large extent, music can be used to strengthen one's social ties and affiliations as well as highlight social distinctions (Bourdieu, 1982; Diaz-Bone, 2002; Knobloch, Vorderer, & Zillmann, 2000; Schulze, 1992). The formation of one's own identity through listening to music does not only occur in "silence," i.e., in a particular person's head and heart; it also occurs in public presentations and communication in the presence of others ("impression management"). Thus the classical music lover likes to make his affiliation with the high culture scheme public (see Schulze, 1992), for example by going to the opera, which then will be the subject of discussion at the next family gathering. In this sense, music contributes to self discovery, presentation, and realization.
A further set of socio-psychological motives involves compensation for "voids" in one's own life. At a very trite level music can bridge free time, provide diversion, and prevent boredom. In an escapist sense, music can, at least during the time one listens, contribute to an escape from the "gray" monotony of daily life into the world of fantasy. Music can take the listener on an intellectual and emotional trip, of sorts, which remains hidden in the real world or which is not accessible (compare this to the description of the daydream by Bonfadelli, 1980). Music interpreters, as well as, for example, radio DJs, often function as social substitutes through para-social relationships (Horton & Wohl, 1956; regarding this phenomenon in the context of radio listening, see Rubin & Step, 2000). Music not only is able to take you into alien worlds, it also can contribute to calling attention to one's own world, to help remember "old times," persons, past events, and situations (Sloboda, 1999). This applies particularly to the use of music at special occasions or situations (birthdays, weddings, confirmations, the first kiss, etc.). As far is this is concerned, music functions as a kind of "time witness"--like a good friend with whom you remember past days and experiences (see "memory emotions," Oatley & Kerr, 1999).
Lastly, we should emphasize that people listen to music not only as a means to an end but also for its own sake. If, for example, listeners surrender completely to music, wanting to experience the music and emotions immanent in the text, they do not necessarily try to compensate for their own emotional "voids." That listening also may be interpreted as a conscious search for stimuli/excitement (cf. Dollinger, 1993). We are dealing with similar motives when music listeners concentrate on analyzing compositional structure and the meaning of music. In this case we are dealing with a particular form of cognitive involvement. This involvement often goes hand in hand with a structurally distanced listening (see Section 5 for more on this); however, that does not exclude other forms of involvement.
5. Modes of music listening
Media psychology provides us with some valuable differentiations of modes of media consumption (See, for example, Suckfull, 2004; Vorderer, 1992), which, because of its focus on audio-visual reception (TV, film) may have only a limited application to music listening. But in the last 35 years, music psychology has developed appropriate typologies for music reception. In general, listening to music is composed of cognitive, affective, and connative elements; in other words it is determined by mental/intellectual elements (music structure, composition idea, and construction), psychological-emotional elements (sound, sensual stimulation) and physical elements (rhythmic components) (Gushurst, 2000, p. 100).
One of the first typologies--developed not empirically but on the basis of theoretical considerations--results from Adorno's deliberations on music listening (1962). He distinguishes between eight types of listener--in decreasing quality of music listening:
1. The analytical-structural listening expert
2. The good listener (expert)
3. The cultural (scholarly) expert
4. The emotional listener
5. The resentment listener
6. The jazz fan
7. The entertainment listener
8. The indifferent or anti-musical listener
According to Adorno only the first three types of listeners can listen to music appropriately (that is, searching for the truth content). The other groups are not in a position to do so. This culture critical view of various ways of dealing with music has not been adhered to for decades. Rauhe (1975) submitted a less culture critical but nonetheless empirical introduction to modes of music consumption. (See Figure 2, next page.)
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Rauhe distinguishes between subconscious and conscious listening. Instead of subconscious and conscious listening, Rosing (1985) differentiates between attentive and unintentional listening--respectively concentrated or distracted listening--because, for example, the main focus during distracted listening certainly is not on the music even though the listener may be aware of the form of music listening. In other words, if I am listening to music while I am cooking then I am aware of that even though I am not turning my attention to the music. In a comprehensive empirical study, Behne (1986b) discovered, in addition to more specific verbal and tonal music preferences, general music forms of behavior, that is modes of music listening. The results from an analysis of data gathered from a 31-item questionnaire showed eight different music listening modes among youth. These appear in the order of their importance for music listening:
* Motor or kinetic listening (listening associated with bodily movements)
* Compensatory listening (listening associated with repression of unpleasant moods)
* Physiological listening (listening associated with physical reactions such as goose-bumps)
* Diffuse or vague listening (listening associated with other activities)
* Emotional listening (listening associated with emotional abandonment to music)
* Sentimental listening (listening associated with memories of past experiences)
* Associative listening (listening associated with visual concepts or images)
* Distanced listening (listening associated with analytical, evaluating attitudes)
Even though not its primary goal, the Behne study did confirm large parts of Rauhe's empirically derived typology; in the process of doing so, Behne was also able to make statements about the correlation or complementarity of music listening modes. According to him, music listening can be composed of several parallel modes which not only complement but also influence each other. Analytical listening does not exclude emotional listening, it can have a positive influence on emotional listening to music (Rotter, 1987). Rauhe (1975) calls simultaneous application of several modes "integrating" listening. Only integrating listening--for example, the combination of analytic and emotional listening--would, according to Rauhe, do justice to the range of musical meaning or significance and therefore should be classified as more valuable than a single listening mode. Rosing (1993), on the other hand, speaks of a person- or situation-specific mixture of these modes. Every person has a specific repertoire of modes which s/he can use in different situations (for example, for regulating unpleasant moods). The greater the repertoire of modes the more the person will be able to experience different facets of music and the more differentiated and flexible his/her listening experience will be (Schramm, 2005b). This corresponds to findings by Lehmann (1994) according to which there is a correlation between habitual and situational listening patterns; as a rule, intensive listeners deviate more strongly from their habitual listening pattern, according to the situation of their listening. Schramm (2005a, 2005b) has shown that the music taste, that is, the preference for certain music genres, may be explained by people's habitual listening patterns (See Table 5). The values may be interpreted in the sense that certain music genres are always indicative of certain listening patterns. Not only are these influenced by the music itself but also by situational and individual factors (Muller, 1990; Ross, 1983). The music category or music genre does not determine in every instance the listening mode (Behne, 1986b; Schramm, 2001); however, due to the constellation of certain music parameters, it very likely enhances a certain listening mode. This implies that the majority of people will listen to music in a very similar manner, however, overall music will be perceived and processed differently by different people.
Modes of music listening not only depend on specific individual, situational, and music-immanent components (Ross, 1983; for situational listening modes, see Lehmann, 1994; Muller, 1990) but are also are subject to temporary influences. A rather shorter time unit, which is also relevant for the planning of radio programs, is defined by the day. The course of the day determines how a person will perceive the radio--if for example the radio awakens them, they will perceive it differently from their perceptions during breakfast, on the way to work, during work, or on the way home from work. In the morning the radio acts as an alarm, while during work it will bring relief, and after work, relaxation. Therefore, in the morning stations will play relatively faster music titles compared to those played in the afternoon (cf. MacFarland, 1997).
In addition, music programs reflect the course of the week and especially the weekend. Another important time unit for radio planning purposes is the year. In the fall, and especially during the Christmas season, sentimental or associative-emotional listening is more pronounced than, for example, in the summer. Music editorial offices go along with this in playing music titles that are appropriate for the season (Haas, Frigge, & Zimmer, 1991). For planning purposes music editorial offices use computer programs that contain a number of parameters and characteristics of music titles (Neu & Buchholz, 1991). With the help of program clocks and rotation cycles, the computer assembles a suitable music program that may be corrected and, if necessary, controlled by experienced music editors (Munch, 1998).
Even from each individual's life-span perspective the manner and extent of music listening changes. Regarding music listening Dollase writes:
With regard to the quantity of music consumption there is a growth phase from approximately 10 to 13 years of age, which runs into a plateau phase at 20 years of age, and beyond 25, it decreases significantly (the decrease phase).... The three phases also correspond qualitatively to the different manners of experiencing music and the functions of music [for the individual]. (1997, p. 356)
Dollase (1997) points out that individual characteristics in forming one's life may shift the aforementioned age ranges. The "decrease phase," in most cases, goes along with starting a family and beginning a career. Cognitive capacities and time, which was used earlier for music listening, are now needed for other more central life tasks. However, if a person remains in school till age 30 and then turns to dealing with these life tasks only after that, the decrease phase may start at this later period. In a longitudinal section study Behne (1997, 2001) found that the music consumption phases described above do not allow for making statements about the development of modes of music listening among the young: In the '90s diffuse listening among young people increased in the second decade of life, even though the opposite seemed to be the case in the 80s, and there was an increase of music consumption among the young people in both the '80s and '90s.
In addition, Lissa (1975) and Gembris (1999) point out that, over periods of decades and centuries, modes of music listening are also subject to historical and social-structural changes. Therefore the listening research needs to include a historical perspective. An example: The opera "The Marriage of Figaro" is classified as "opera buffa," that is something to fill an evening; bourgeois and light opera is the opposite of the "serious opera" and was composed by Mozart to entertain audiences. At the end of the 18th century, audiences listened in a manner that was involved, empathetic, and emotional and not analytical and distanced. Nowadays that is different, particularly since most people consider operas as serious artistic music and not as entertainment music; because of this classification they listen to it "seriously" (Schramm, 2001).
6. Tastes and preferences in music listening
Abeles (1980) suggests classifying actual music selection decisions as "music preferences" and long term music orientation as "music taste." Beyond that, situation preferences have a particular significance: Here it is not only of interest which music genres in which situations are preferred by which groups of persons, but more particularly what function the music has in a particular situation. In general, differences in music preferences depend on personal factors such as sex, age, social status, education, or individual personality: men tend to prefer "harder" music genres such as Rock and Heavy Metal, while women prefer "softer" genres such as "hits," Pop songs, and Evergreens (Bonfadelli, 1986). Also, as a rule, women tend to judge classical music more positively--which has the effect that men view them as more attractive, while, on the other hand, the attraction of men to women increases if they pretend to like Heavy Metal (Zillmann & Bhatia, 1989).
The influence a person's music taste has on how attractive he or she is to other people is already noticeable at a young age: Knobloch, Vorderer, and Zillmann (2000) were able to show that music preferences influence the desire for friendship among young people. However, at that age, gender stereotypes are not strongly developed yet, even though differences between girls and boys are already evident. With regard to young people Behne (1986b) showed that girls have more adjusted music preferences with a more main stream orientation; boys, on the other hand, tend to prefer what is unusual and non-conformist. In this regard, Finnas (1987) pointed out that male eccentric, non-conformist music preferences often have been overrated and that adolescents often use them as an orientation model.
Christenson and Peterson (1988) demonstrated that although for women and men music preferences are only barely distinguishable, nevertheless music often serves different functions for them. For example, women, to a larger extent than men, use music to regulate their moods.
With regard to age it can be said that music tastes may change, in individual cases, up to an advanced age. However, according to Holbrook and Schindler (1989) it is the music we listened to at age 23 and a half, which stays with us all through life (Behne, 1993, p. 346). What is certainly decisive for music taste is the period--the decade--in which music socialization occurred. Preference differences are noticeable not only among people of different ages, with so-called age effects--with increasing age the preference for classical music increases, and the openness to new types of music decreases--but most importantly, with so-called generation effects, which can be traced to the historical developments of music styles and to developmental-psychological phases in the individual's relationship with music (Dollase, 1997). Generation- and age-effects, to a large extent, shaped the preference of entire population segments for certain music genres. These preferences are reflected listening to particular types of music (shown, for example, in radio ratings) as well as in sales numbers for particular music formats. Other significant elements in the development of music preferences arise from social and educational status, which, to a large extent, is determined by the social and educational status of the parents. If the parents had had a musical education, the children will mostly be introduced to an instrument (Bastian, 1991). In these cases preference for classical music increases as compared to children who will not be introduced to an instrument. Students who attended an extended elementary school have a weaker preference for classical music and a stronger preference for pop music as compared to students who attended a college prep high school (Bonfadelli, 1986). The development of these connections and preferences rests on social factors and are subject to economic and socio-cultural influences (Bourdieu, 1982). The preference for certain genres serves to create social boundaries and results in assignment to particular milieus (Bourdieu, 1982; Diaz-Bone, 2002; Schulze, 1992) and goes hand in hand with certain cognitive schemata that have taken root in individuals (Schulze, 1992). The "harmony milieu" distinguishes itself through increased preference for hits and popular music, while the "standard milieu" stands out with its preferences for jazz and classical music. The latter also fits the pattern of high culture, while the hit parade is situated in the "trivial schema" and rock music in the "tension schema" (Schulze, 1992).
In terms of the functions of music, situational music preferences hold particular importance. Thus, for example, a pop and rock lover will not always listen to the same music, but will vary it according to each particular situation, depending, for example, on his or her actual mood (cf. Knobloch, 2003; Knobloch & Mundorf, 2003; Knobloch & Zillmann, 2002; Schramm, 2005a). If a person is sad and desires to hear sad, melancholy music that fits that mood, one would--in reference to the concept of music therapy--refer to it as situational music preference in accordance with the "similarity principle" (Schwabe, 1986, pp. 161-162). A "compensation principle," on the other hand, is hardly ever mentioned in the literature. One should expect, in accordance with the similarity principle, a preference for mood defying music. Strictly speaking, the two principles ("similarity' and "compensation"), which refer only to music selection, must be distinguished from the effect of music. It is certainly not always the case that the music listener wants to compensate for a negative mood. According to Behne (1984) the conclusive factor is whether people are satisfied with their current mood or not. Compensation will follow only in the latter case. Accordingly, one could also judge music choices with regard to whether a mood should be maintained in the sense of the "similarity effect" or whether the mood should change in the sense of the "compensation effect" (Behne, 1984). The important research question here is the effect of the music and not how it matches the initial mood.
Konecni (1979, 1982) was the first to examine the influence of moods on aesthetic selection behavior under the paradigm of experimental aesthetics described by Berlyne (1974). He was able to show that angry persons who had had the opportunity to alleviate tensions subsequently were able to prefer more complex music. Schaub (1981) was able to prove that persons who felt sad preferred a lesser demanding light music as compared to persons who were in a happy mood. In this study he was able to establish the similarity principle relatively but not absolutely since sad as well as happy persons preferred happy to sad music. The absolute similarity principle could not be confirmed for any of the four examined mood dimensions:
* those who felt tense wanted calming music rather than exciting music;
* those who felt aggressive wanted peaceful-soft music rather than aggressive music;
* those who felt exhausted wanted primarily vivacious music and light-hearted music; and
* those who felt sad preferred happy music.
Behne (1984) also asked for the individual satisfaction of his subjects with their actual state of mind--their meta-emotion (Mayer & Gaschke, 1988; Mayer & Stevens, 1994). He was able to show that only those who were satisfied with their emotional state chose music in accordance with the similarity principle. In a second study Behne (1986a) was able to show that individual music preferences differed widely but in particular relation to moods like sorrow and anger. The reason for this not only may be the level of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with a particular mood but also the specific motive for music listening. The attempt of seeking to compensate for sorrow or mourning without any cognitive processing may, on the other hand, stand in direct opposition to the attempt to maintain a sorrowful mood. Other studies (Schramm, 2005a; Schubert, 1996) have shown that, in some cases, sad and otherwise melancholy individuals may experience their mood as something positive and therefore increase it by listening to sad and melancholy music. According to Schramm (2005a), in 50% of the cases individuals while feeling sad, want sad not happy music. This connection--also with regard to preferences for sad films (Oliver, 1993)--is stronger in women than in men.
Gembris (1990) examined relationships between mood specific music preferences and personal characteristics. Accordingly, in situations of relief and joy, persons with a predisposition to irritability, aggression, and emotionalism tend to express their feelings with light and joyful music. In situations of fury and anger, inhibited persons tend to tone down their anger through calming music, rather than express it. Depending on the particular situation, the various personal characteristics may contribute to explaining the variance in observed behaviors. Furthermore, Gembris (1990) was able to establish that personal traits also help explain preferences for music that are independent from specific situations. Accordingly, more emotionally charged persons are the more likely to prefer aggressive, upsetting, gloomy, and sad music. (See Table 6.)
However, the subjects in the studies by Schaub, Behne, and Gembris were only able to make assumptions about their situational music preferences and the music they would like to hear in particular moods; in fact, they never actually selected or intentionally heard the music. Here we see a deficit of many psychologically based music studies: Most of the available results only apply to the assumed situational music preferences of the persons who were interviewed. The results may have been distorted to a large extent by mental constructs of the interviewees because--as Behne (1984) also admits--they were based on their stereotypical music preferences and naive theories about the effectiveness of music (Clemens, 1985).
7. Effectiveness or non-effectiveness of music
In terms of the effectiveness of music, generally it is more likely that positive effects will appear if the listeners know the music, if it is not too fast or too slow, if it corresponds to the heart beat, and if the music's complexity corresponds to the habits and listening capacity of the listener--in other words, that it does not challenge him or her too little or too much.
Maximal or minimal pleasure is experienced in a moderate state of excitation and therefore moderate complexity [of the music]; if activation increases along with too complex perception processes, pleasure decreases. However, if something is so boring that it does not activate [the mind], pleasure is at a zero level. (Motte-Haber, 1996, pp. 166-167; regarding this issue see also flow-theory by Csikszentmihalyi, 1975)
According to Gembris (1977), beginning at a loudness level of approximately 65 phon, people experience a physiological reaction--contractions of the small blood vessels and a change in heartbeat rate occurs without necessarily triggering conscious psychic reactions. [The phon is a standardized measure of loudness of a pure tone, correcting the decibel scale for differences in perception of different sound frequencies.--Ed.] If the sound level increases there will be an increase in ergotropic reactions [functions of the nervous system that favor expending energy], which contribute to develop strength and tension in a person and will activate the organism. Trophotropic reactions [those functions that favor rest or the conservation of energy], on the other hand, are more likely to appear with low sound levels and have a restful, relaxing effect on the organism. The appearance of ergo- and trophotropic effects go hand in hand with other specific constellations of parameters.
There are a number of myths about the effects of music because from time to time one notices and generalizes from really strong, impressive effects of music. One example is the death penalty with music in old China (Behne, 1995). In order to de-emotionalize the extent of music effects, Behne (1999) did a meta-analysis of 153 music studies from 1911 to 1997. He concentrated on those studies which had examined the effects of background music because--Behne reasoned--in highly civilized countries people listen to background music while doing other things and therefore these studies have more relevance in our cultural context (see Section 2). One third of the studies covering the entire period from 1911 to 1997 did not give a clear demonstration of music effectiveness and in 23% of the cases the results of the studies indicated weak or, as the case may be, complex interaction effects. Still, in 44% of the studies clear effects could be shown. Also, in terms of percentage, the number of studies that showed some effectiveness decreased across time, that is from one period to another. (See Table 7). The explanation for this could be that in the past century the increased availability and omnipresence of music has desensitized people or made them less responsive to music and its effects. Another reason could be the practice of scientific publications. Only in the latter part of the 20th century did journals typically publish studies that did not show significant effects. However, if one takes into consideration that at all times such studies tended not to be published the "real" share of studies which were not able to demonstrate effects may be somewhat higher than the one third mentioned earlier.
Based on this meta-analysis one might argue that music listened to with partial attention or subconsciously while doing other things or in the background, will have a weak or no effect on people. The fact that nonetheless many studies are able to show strong effects (see Brown & Volgsten, 2006; Tauchnitz, 2005) indicates that people hear background music in specific situations or social settings not as background but as foreground music, so that--this is the more prominent interpretation--many of the strong effects occur subconsciously. A number of such effects of music are noticeable in department stores, supermarkets, and restaurants (See the surveys in North & Hargreaves, 1997b; Vanecek, 1991). However, Smith and Curnow (1966) as well as Rotter and Plossner (1995) arrived at contradictory conclusions about the influence of music on how long people remain in stores. North and Hargraves (1996a) had some indications that music with moderate complexity (in contrast to music with low or high complexity) led to a better evaluation of a restaurant and the meals, and that pop music as well as classical music can improve the atmosphere and make customers more tolerant of prices (North & Hargreaves, 1998). Moreover, positive effects of background music in the workplace could be documented, at least in the case of monotonous work (Kunz, 1991). In 1937, Wyatt and Langdon observed a 5-10% performance improvement among factory workers if music was playing during working hours. On the surface, this result argues for the correctness of the activation hypothesis, but it also can be explained by a Hawthorne effect.
In the context of the so-called Hawthorne-studies ... it could be shown that supposedly any kind of change at the workplace (even a worsening of lighting, for example) could lead to a performance increase to the extent that such measures may be viewed as positive, for example as a demonstration of interest that company management has in their employees. Therefore, many alleged music effects may be informally taken as Hawthorne effects. (Behne, 1995, p. 339).
In most of his studies, Kunz (1991) discovered in the categories "Improvement of work climate," "Motivation," and "Performance improvement" positive effects, which in turn was based on the activation hypothesis.
Finally, the effect of background music on learning is often discussed--in particular with regard to children and youth in view of the alleged harmful effects of listening during homework. Music has a rather positive effect on concentrated working and learning if it is soft, with little complexity (that is, not very cognitively challenging), and corresponding to the music preferences of the listener (Drewes & Schemion, 1992; for specific studies in this area, see Savan, 1999; Wallace, 1994).
8. Effects of music on mood changes
Although moods influence the manner people experience and hear music (a line of thought not often taken into research considerations: Pekrun & Bruhn, 1986), here we shall examine the alleged effect of music on moods. On the basis of their experiences, all persons spontaneously confirmed this effect. If people did not experience these effects in form of mood changes and mood improvements, "mood management" as a motive for listening to music would certainly not be mentioned as frequently as it is (see Section 3). In their experiments on mood-management theory, Zillmann and his colleagues follow up on this idea (Zillmann, 1988a; 1988b, 2000) by deducing the effect from the selected stimuli. Measurements of mood changes were only undertaken in a few instances. According to Knobloch and Zillmann "the initial differentiation in mood had apparently dissipated during the 10-minute period in which the respondents could listen to the music where they liked most of the accessible selections" (2002, p. 261). What further proofs for the effects of music on mood could be stated? Forster, Jarmus, and Wunsch (1998) as well as Wunsch (1999, 2001) used diary entries to empirically trace mood changes, with initial moods, amount of attention paid to music, and personal characteristics as influential variables. According to that line of study, emotionally unstable, introverted persons are particularly successful in improving negative moods and, for this purpose, they listen longer to music than other groups of people. A number of studies about music effects on moods are available (for example, DeNora, 2000; North & Hargreaves, 2000; Rigg, 1983; Sloboda, O'Neill, & Ivaldi, 2001; Stratton & Zalanowski, 1989, 1991). Schoen and Gatewood (1927) presented the first big, systematic study of the influence of music on moods. Mood changes were not identified through before-after measurements of corresponding mood inventories, but were retrospectively recorded on questionnaires after music consumption (see Figure 3). Because of the open-ended questions or, as the case may be, of marking mood categories as yes/no, evaluation possibilities were limited, of course. The field phase of the study yielded the enormous number of 20,000 mood reports. The results showed that in most cases music changes moods--positively, to be precise. And, as a rule, the same music could have the same effect on different persons at different locations and at different times of the day. Considering the first result, we have to concede that the design of the study, that is, the questionnaire, almost forced the test subjects to document potential mood changes. And, in most cases, it is very likely that they did exactly that--even if music had little or no effect on them.
Because we cannot consider all the studies that deal with the effect of music on moods or emotions here, we shall focus on two recent studies which claimed to have recorded daily usage of music. In interviews and observations of women in everyday life, DeNora (1999) identifies mood-management, as well as mood-adjustment-processes, which have been investigated experimentally by Knobloch and Zillmann (2002), and Knobloch (2003). Women gave a detailed description of how they succeeded in maintaining and even improving their moods and positive energies with the help of music (experimentally confirmed by North & Hargreaves, 2000). They also described how they successfully adjusted to activities such as housework and meeting other people. By means of "experience sampling," Sloboda, O'Neill, and Ivaldi (2001) collected data about the use and effects of music in daily life. They measured music's effects on the dimensions of "positivity," "present mindedness," and "arousal." For example, in the category "positivity" their subjects reported changes from "sad" to "happy," from "insecure" to "secure," or from "tense" to "relaxed." In the category "present-mindedness" they reported changes from "bored" to "interested," from "detached" to "intvolved," or from "nostalgic" to "in the present"; in the category "arousal," from "tired" to "energetic" or from "drowsy" to "alert." Table 8 shows how often positive and negative changes of moods were reported in each of the three dimensions. Overall positive changes prevail. Most negative changes occur in the subcategory present mindedness, which may be attributed to the fact that many people listen to music for nostalgic reasons and this was interpreted as a negative effect.
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
In addition Sloboda, O'Neill, and Ivaldi (2001) showed that mood changes were greater when people freely choose the music and, accordingly, regulated their moods in the desired direction.
Undoubtedly, music enables people to alter and change their moods. According to previous research this occurs particularly when the initial mood showed a negative valence; when, at the meta-level, it was experienced as negative; when the music listeners are introverted, neurotic, or emotionally unstable; and when they selected and decided upon the music by themselves. Moods in any particular context can be adjusted to an optimal level that is appropriate for the social situation and its activities but which seldom reaches extreme valences (Knobloch, 2003).
9. Effects of music in radio
Because of individual differences in abilities and capacities in the reception and perception of music, it is very difficult to develop radio programs which will be favorably evaluated and used regularly by a large group of people (Munch, 1994). In order to create music programs compatible with large groups of people, the degree of complexity of radio music must remain rather low (Rosing & Munch, 1993); consequently, music research conducted by radio stations remains rather simple (Schramm, Petersen, Rutter, & Vorderer, 2002). We can read how and why music tests were carried out (for an overview: Balon, 1990; for more detailed information: Fletcher, 1987). MacFarland (1997) provides less information about specific music tests and more about the connection between moods and characteristics of the listeners and as well the implications for programming radio music. Sources about the importance of music research for American radio stations as well as the influence of various factors on the music programming of these stations are few and far between.
Within the music research of commercial stations two kinds of music studies stand out: telephone polls/"call outs" and audience/auditorium tests. Telephone polls are faster and more favorable and are preferred by most radio stations. Every week or at least every two weeks 30 to 50 music titles in form of hooks (salient excerpts from a title with a length of approximately eight to 12 seconds and with the highest presumed recognition value, most often from the refrain) are played over the phone to approximately 100 to 200 people randomly selected from the target group (Schramm et al., 2002). The people judge every title along several criteria. As a rule, these involve three aspects: familiarity ("Have you heard this title before?"), pleasure ("How do you like this title?"), and saturation ("Would you like to hear this music title in your favorite radio program more often?"). In the case of saturation (or burn out), listeners are being asked whether they hear these titles too often. In telephone polls in particular, the test titles are those which receive very frequent radio play, and therefore have a high rotation rate--in other words, where saturation tendencies are more likely to occur. According to Haas, Frigge, and Zimmer (1991, p. 323), telephone polls have the advantages of quickly gauging the mood changes of listeners and of continuously observing music title developments over short intervals. Accordingly, programmers can include or exclude titles with certain characteristic values of current interest from their play lists. Off and on, radio researchers ask additional questions that go beyond the three above-mentioned criteria; for example, they inquire about station affinity (to which radio station does the title fit?), emotional expression of the music, or the desired time of the day during which the music should be played. Afterwards, the researchers compile the results from the three criteria--familiarity, pleasure, and saturation--in a so-called Power-Score and, through combination with socio-demographic media use data, use them to create target-group-specific title indexes that indicate which title is preferred by which people (Schramm et al., 2002). Enriched with additional information about various music parameters such as music genre, tempo, instrumentation, gender of the performer, lead-in time to the beginning of singing, title length, the way the title ends (cold = abrupt end, cold fade/quick = quick fade-out, fade = slow fade-out), and the desired rotation, the data are fed into the data banks; using these, special computer programs such as Selector compute music programming lists targeting a specific group of listeners (Linnenbach, 1987; Munch, 1998). Subsequently a music editor has to revise these lists in ways that guarantee a harmonious music program reflecting the philosophy of the radio station.
Audience or auditorium tests cost more and, for this reason, radio stations fund them only once or twice a year. For these, they recruit a group of up to 300 persons--in most cases reflecting the socio-demographic composition of the target group--and invite them to a large auditorium like a movie theater or hotel hall. There they listen to hundreds of music titles in the form of hooks and evaluate them according to the criteria mentioned above (Schramm et al., 2002). The group hears the title either together on a stereo set--here mutual distractions and possible group behavior limit the validity of the data--or they listen to the titles in an individual random sequence through head phones. In the first phase sequence effects are neutralized by playing the titles in reverse order (the mirror image method) to a second group of the same size). Such audience tests work well in testing large parts of the play list as well as those titles which do not appear on the highest rotation. According to Haas, Frigge, and Zimmer (1991, p. 323-324) these tests also have the advantage of generating a great amount of data in a short time and improving the sound quality of the hooks, or, if head phones are used, to optimize that sound quality, as compared to telephone interviews.
Besides these two main methods, individual radio stations use alternative music tests from time to time (Hofmann, 1993). These include qualitative methods (for example, discussions with focus groups), call-in surveys (listeners can call in to listen to and evaluate a selection of hooks), written questionnaires (listeners receive questionnaires with a listing of titles and artists, which s/he must categorize and evaluate without actually hearing the music), and the Walkman-test (listeners are invited to an audience test where they repeatedly listen to a Walkman with 20 hooks before evaluating the title). With regard to differences between private versus public radio stations, Neuwohner (1998) points out that both use similar methods but that private stations can limit themselves to the so-called "acceptance research" (what the listeners like), while public stations must keep track of other variables as well. The public stations need these data in order to provide decision making information to those responsible for the programs on culture and information; these instances require a more differentiated spectrum of methods.
To recapitulate, one can assume that most radio stations would rather offer music programs at the lowest common complexity level and risk boring the audience rather than overtax them and possibly lose them (Schramm, 2004). Because of the fact that "activation" diminishes while people listen to a series of titles with a similar complexity level, radio programmers take certain tonal-structural contrasts between the titles, namely changes between fast, more activating, and slow, more calming titles into account while putting together radio programs (MacFarland, 1997). The question concerning over-or under-involvement in radio music takes on particular importance when considering the effects music has while driving, because in this situation radio is still the most commonly used music medium. However, research has made hardly any discoveries in this area. Motte-Haber and Rotter (1990) were able to show that music can positively affect reaction time during simple routine driving (for example, monotonous driving on a highway) and negatively during difficult, demanding driving (for example, in heavy city traffic). In addition, loud music can lead to driving faster while slower music can lead to improving reaction time in dangerous situations. If a driver experiences music as pleasant, the number of driving mistakes is reduced.
10. Effects of music in audio-visual media
A. Responses to music videos
We would expect specific effects of music (as well as specific uses) if the visual sense channel is added to the audio channel, that is, if the music is conveyed audio visually (Behne, 1990). TV-music channels (like MTV or VH1 in the United States) hold particular significance in this regard: they are mostly used at home by young people and function as a "visual radio" to accompany numerous activities at home (Behne & Muller, 1996; for an overview, see Neumann-Braun & Mikos, 2006). Various studies (Greeson & Williams, 1986; Hansen & Hansen, 1990; Johnson, Jackson, & Gatto, 1995; Peterson & Pfost, 1989) have shown that contents and manner of presentation in music videos can influence the cognitive schemata, knowledge, opinions, evaluations, and social behavior patterns of young people. According to Hansen and Hansen (2000) frequent activation of these schemata through music videos can even result in stable attitudes and behavior patterns.
On average, young people like music videos better than music without visuals. Music with visuals gets higher evaluation scores than the same music without the visuals. The reason for this may be that the music artists can be seen on the video and that this increases the physiological excitement, which viewers experience positively. In addition, young people feel that the visual elements convey interpretations and the meaning of the songs which remain inaccessible when they are only listened to (Hansen & Hansen, 2000; North & Hargreaves, 1997a). Narrative videos that present a song's content in the form of an action plot, as a rule, also get the highest evaluations (Neumann-Braun & Mikos, 2006). Altrogge (1994) points out that, for those listening to clips, the music fades into the background and the statement of the music is almost exclusively conveyed through the images.
In an experiment, Behne (1990) demonstrated that even in the case of classical music a music video can, under certain circumstances and specific aspects, sharpen the senses. However, the combination of images and music can be counter-productive if the complexity level and effective stimuli are such that the listeners no longer experience the music as pleasant (Jauk, 1995).
B. Responses to music in film
While in music videos music is enhanced with images, in the case of film music it is quite the opposite: images form the starting point of the complete work and the music provides the background. Music supports the film and has a variety of functions. We distinguish between dramaturgic, epic, structural, and persuasive functions (Bullerjahn, 2001). By dramaturgic functions we understand for example the representation of moods and the enhancement or strengthening (mimicking) the expressions of the film characters. Music has an epic function if it supports the course and tempo of the narrative or takes the lead. It takes a structural role if it conceals or enhances cuts, and calls attention to single shots and movements. We talk about persuasive effects if music heightens the emotional impact of images in effects independent of the above-mentioned dramaturgic elements, in order to promote the spectator's identification with the protagonists. Even though music is only an accessory, it can profoundly influence the meaning of the plot. Not only does the music background make it possible to interpret the individual film sequence in different ways (Brosius & Kepplinger, 1991); it may alter the interpretation of the entire subsequent film plot (Vitouch, 2001).
C. Responses to music in audio-visual advertising
Music also appears in widely varying forms and takes on similarly varying functions in advertising (Tauchnitz, 1990, 2005; Zander & Kapp, in press): as musical audio logos, as sung slogan (jingle), as an advertising song, or as background music. The use of music in advertising has risen significantly in the last 10-20 years. According to a study from the '80s, 42.3% of American advertising spots contained music (Stewart & Furse, 1986); that share had almost doubled to 84% in 1996 (Murray & Murray, 1996). Also, the function of music in advertising has changed over the past decades (Zander & Kapp, in press): whereas in the '70s music served primarily as a sound cue for advertising and the advertised product (Riethmuller, 1973), today, music is used more holistically to present the product brand and its identity in the sense of "audio branding" in order to attain an optimal fit between music, product, and consumer (Langeslag & Hirsch, 2003; Simmons, 2003; Bronner & Hirt, in press). Using music in advertising has several goals: an increased alertness, the activation of hearing, a better evaluation of the advertised product, a better recollection of the advertised product, and the promotion of an intention to purchase the product. These positive effects do not automatically start with the music, they depend on, for an example, an initial phase of activation (Kafitz, 1977); personal involvement; the evaluation of the music (Gorn, 1982); the musical components, for example, the variety of keys (Stout & Leckenby, 1988); and the frequency of contact with the advertising (Anand & Sternthal, 1984). In some instances the music functions only in particular dimensions of the chain of effects mentioned above. For example, according to Kafitz (1977), ads underlaid with music resulted in increasing the activation level but in reducing the ability to remember the advertising slogans. Overall researchers have applied a variety of theories and paradigms to understand the effects of music in advertising; these evolved from classical conditioning, the involvement concept, and the Elaboration Likelihood model into newer concepts like "Musical Fit" (Zander & Kapp, in press).
Music psychology, music sociology, and empirical music pedagogy have generated a significant amount of base knowledge about consumption of broadcast music in general, but very little knowledge about consumption of different mediated forms of music. At this point, media and communication studies could come to the fore, which, up to now, has not been the case. There are still many gaps in the research on audio-visual music consumption. If we look, for example, at the research on music videos, the number of content analysis studies exceeds the number of reception studies and effects studies by far. This may result from the fact that quite often studies influenced by the humanities and the cultural sciences derive their findings on post-reception effects and presumed consumption processes based on the content analysis of music videos (Neumann-Braun & Mikos, 2006). To that extent, many of these studies are labeled as reception and effects studies, which methodologically--if at all--they only can be in a restricted sense ("predictive" content analysis: Fruh, 2001). We need this kind of analysis, firstly, in order to be able to describe and categorize music video contents. But, secondly, we also need studies which explore, in a methodologically appropriate manner, and present empirically the processing procedures during reception, as well as the short- and long-term effects of these processes. The research on long-term effects in particular is not an easy undertaking and requires longitudinal studies, which in the best case scenario are designed as representative panel studies. This kind of research is tedious and costly; that is probably the reason why it has not been undertaken in the past. Nevertheless these types of studies are needed because they can validate the findings of the research on short-term effects already established through experiments in the laboratory. This kind of research would aim for greater external validity, and seek a socially more comprehensive level, taking long-term effects into consideration. One of the few examples for this is the panel study by Klaus-Ernst Behne (2001) on the changes in listening to music among youths in their teens. The findings which could be gained from these studies should be incentive enough, as well as an obligation on our part.
"Consumption and Effects of Music in the Media" offers a thorough overview of social scientific approaches to music scholarship. The approach was not uncommon in the formative days of popular music research. One need look no further than the early works of Riesman (1950) or Horton (1956-57) to see the first attempts to understand music production and consumption through the prism of early media effects research. Even the work of Adorno (1941), which approaches music and media from a decidedly different (Marxist) perspective, embraces a set of then-common media effects assumptions.
The value in such approaches to music research rests largely on the strengths of their methodologies. Seeking to understand large aggregates of data as they affect very large portions of particular societies, the approach seeks to reach generalizable findings about the population as a whole. The approach grows out of important social scientific traditions rooted in sociology and psychology. The approach tackles large, thorny questions such as: How much media exposure is too much? What types of effects might particular types of media have on a population? Such generalized findings invariably grab headlines and fan vaguely defined social concerns about media effects. Such findings also inform policy makers seeking to control or protect public mores or cultural norms.
Professor Schramm is especially thorough in summarizing much of the psychological research around popular music consumption. Scholars in this area have sought to understand the effect of a variety of factors on music consumption, what Professor Schramm broadly terms "tastes and preferences to music listening." Scholars in this area have also sought to understand the effects of music on mood, viewing practice, and buying strategies. This approach to music scholarship also suggests several uneasy alliances between intellectual interests and corporate marketing interests that characterize such studies.
Ultimately Professor Schramm may have attempted to cover too much ground in this survey article. The sections on music and film and advertising are relatively cursory and deserving of their own thorough overviews in Communication Research Trends.
Given its orientation to more empirical studies, the review essay does not survey several areas of music scholarship that deserve at least brief mention here. By focusing on the psychological and social scientific approaches to media and music, Professor Schramm's article does not address several threads of music scholarship that have proved extremely influential over the past 30 years. Attempts to understand the process of music consumption at a cultural level, an approach largely informed by British and American cultural studies, has grown in prominence and influence since the 1970s. Growing out of radical sociology, anthropology, linguistics, and Marxist critical theory, cultural studies scholars such as Hall (1990), Nelson and Grossberg (1988), Hebdige (1979), and Peterson (1982) suggested pointedly different questions concerning popular music production and consumption. But perhaps most radically the cultural studies scholars moved away from viewing mass media as a problem to be solved and toward the perspective of popular culture as an important signifier of changing social practices.
This critical shift in perspective made frequent use of symbolic and interpretive methods such as semiotics. Another influential branch of this alternative paradigm involved addressing questions about media and music production from political economy perspectives. The strength of the cultural studies approach may emerge most clearly from the multiple ways that music questions could be posed: Questions of political power, interpretation, music use and function, and the evolving social practices involved in music were all open to discussion and examination. The more recent works of Shank (1994), Negus (1999), and especially Frith (1981, 1988, 2004) demonstrate how these multiple approaches can effectively be brought together to offer detailed, historically grounded, and theoretically informed scholarship.
As Professor Schramm's article demonstrates, the social science perspective to popular music certainly still has its advocates and influences. But the fundamental nature of the questions this approach poses, its bedrock assumptions about media (including media effects and the role of popular culture in society) and nature of the popular music experience differ radically from the basic tenets of cultural studies scholarship. The impact of this schism on popular music studies is significant, ranging from polite disagreement (in essence an attitude of "I'll ignore your work if you ignore mine") to open hostility over assumptions, methodology, and the nature of the intellectual questions themselves.
The creation of such camps does little to facilitate the broader academic discussion and ignores the obvious commonalities between the approaches. Most obviously the two approaches to popular music grow more closely linked around questions of the music industry and the economics of consumerism. Unfortunately, other areas of popular music scholarship centering around the impact or effect of the mass media, the nature of sociological, psychological, and even chemical reactions to mass media, or the role of interpretation in analysis have proved more difficult areas to bring together. Indeed, much current popular music scholarship suggests that our analyses of similar themes are undermined by our different languages.
Santa Clara University
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translated by Gudrun Tabbert-Jones
Table 1. Advantages and disadvantages of the use of MP3 vs. CD recordings Criteria [M.sub.MP3] [M.sub.CD] Control (fast access to desired music) 4.39 2.84 Variety of the music offered 4.32 3.82 Discover new music 4.29 2.76 Testing music 4.25 2.99 Purchase/costs 4.21 1.73 Possibilities for circulating music 4.21 3.87 among friends Possibilities of adapting music 4.18 3.38 to one's mood Options of uses of music 4.11 3.51 ... are hip 3.88 3.08 Clearly arranged personal music collection 3.83 3.66 Comfort of home listening 3.64 4.07 Discover the music taste of others 3.57 2.88 Exclusivity of the music 3.56 3.30 Stability/durability of recording 3.51 3.89 Sound quality 3.37 4.52 Contact with other music lovers 3.29 2.71 Duration, until one is in the 3.22 2.85 possession of the music ... are stylish 2.57 3.89 Information about artists/band/producer 2.41 4.00 Regard/value of the music collection 2.35 4.31 Support of artist/volume 2.08 4.34 Criteria Difference [SD.sub.diff] Control (fast access to desired music) 1.55 1.70 Variety of the music offered 0.50 1.38 Discover new music 1.53 1.71 Testing music 1.26 1.81 Purchase/costs 2.48 1.46 Possibilities for circulating music 0.34 1.44 among friends Possibilities of adapting music 0.80 1.48 to one's mood Options of uses of music 0.60 1.42 ... are hip 0.79 1.46 Clearly arranged personal music collection 0.16 1.96 Comfort of home listening -0.43 1.77 Discover the music taste of others 0.69 1.54 Exclusivity of the music 0.25 1.86 Stability/durability of recording -0.38 1.73 Sound quality -1.16 1.19 Contact with other music lovers 0.58 1.73 Duration, until one is in the 0.37 1.86 possession of the music ... are stylish -1.33 1.81 Information about artists/band/producer -1.59 1.72 Regard/value of the music collection -1.95 1.58 Support of artist/volume -.2.27 1.66 Criteria t Control (fast access to desired music) -30.95 ** Variety of the music offered -12.43 ** Discover new music -30.34 ** Testing music -23.78 ** Purchase/costs -57.60 ** Possibilities for circulating music -7.98 ** among friends Possibilities of adapting music -18.47 ** to one's mood Options of uses of music -14.33 ** ... are hip -18.44 ** Clearly arranged personal music collection -2.85 ** Comfort of home listening 8.29 ** Discover the music taste of others -15.19 ** Exclusivity of the music -4.63 ** Stability/durability of recording 7.50 ** Sound quality 33.09 ** Contact with other music lovers -11.40 ** Duration, until one is in the -6.71 ** possession of the music ... are stylish 25.06 ** Information about artists/band/producer 31.46 ** Regard/value of the music collection 42.02 ** Support of artist/volume 46.60 ** Basis: N = 1160; ** = p < .01, * = p < .05; Scale: 1-5 Source: Hagler, 2005, p. 77 Table 2. Connection between MP3 acquisition and changes in music use. Since I have been downloading music or using MP3s ... rho My knowledge of music has improved 0.370 ** I spend more time listening to music 0.285 ** I have ... expectations (standards) of music 0.237 ** I listen to music more conscientiously 0.219 ** I listen to music ... 0.211 ** I buy CDs more conscientiously / I select CDs with greater care 0.191 ** I listen to all the songs on a CD 0.112 ** Music has become more fast moving 0.111 ** I listen more to single songs than to the entire album -0.012 I discover new music in the CD business -0.079 ** I listen to the radio -0.091 ** I buy singles -0.125 ** I buy CD long plays -0.145 ** Spearmans rho; n=999; **= p < .05 Within the items, three points stand for "much less," "less," "the same," "more," or "much more" Source: Hagler, 2005, p. 89 Table 3. Motives for music and radio consumption. Motives Reception Reception of music of radio programs Emotional involvement [arrow up] [arrow down] Associative involvement [arrow up] [arrow down] Cognitive involvement [arrow up] [arrow down] Mood regulation [arrow up] [arrow down] Relaxation [arrow up] [arrow up] Activation [arrow up] [arrow up] To accompany other activities [arrow up] [arrow up] Compensation for boredom [arrow up] [arrow up] Life assistance [arrow down] [arrow up] Social comparison, distinction [arrow up] [arrow down] Impression- management [arrow up] Self-identity [arrow up] Information needs [arrow up] Integration needs [arrow down] [arrow up] Para-social interaction/relationship [arrow down] [arrow up] [arrow up] = Motive usually strongly pronounced [arrow down] = Motive usually weakly pronounced Source: Schramm, 2004, p. 451, with small modifications Table 4. Functions of music in daily life. Rank Functions Respondents (in %) 1 Reminder of valued past event 50 2 To put in a good mood 16 3 Moves to tears / catharsis/ release 14 4 Tingles/ goose pimples / shivers 10 5 Mood enhancement 8 6 Calms / soothes / relaxes / relieves stress 8 7 To match current mood 6 8 Source of pleasure / enjoyment 6 9 Spiritual experience 6 10 Source of comfort/ healing 4 11 Motivates 2 12 Excites 2 13 Evokes visual images 2 Sloboda & O/Neill, 2001, p. 420 Table 5. Regression of modes of music listening on music genres preferences Music genre preference Analytical Emotional / listening organic listening Classical music / new classical music .18 * .24 ** HipHop / Rap -.28 ** Pop / Soundtracks -.32 ** Jazz / Blues / Soul / R&B / Funk .21 ** .25 ** House / Trance / Techno -.22 ** Folk / World Music .32 ** Rock / Alternative / Punk / Heavy Metal Beat-Music of the 60s .16 * Music genre preference Diffuse/vague Associative listening listening Classical music / new classical music -.26 ** HipHop / Rap .19 * Pop / Soundtracks .19 ** .24 ** Jazz / Blues / Soul / R&B / Funk House / Trance / Techno .23 ** Folk / World Music Rock / Alternative / Punk / Heavy Metal .16 * Beat-Music of the 60s Music genre preference Motor [corr. listening R.sup.2] Classical music / new classical music .20 HipHop / Rap .23 ** .18 Pop / Soundtracks .15 Jazz / Blues / Soul / R&B / Funk .14 House / Trance / Techno .10 Folk / World Music .10 Rock / Alternative / Punk / Heavy Metal .02 Beat-Music of the 60s .02 Music genre preference F value Classical music / new classical music 15.21 ** HipHop / Rap 13.24 ** Pop / Soundtracks 11.19 ** Jazz / Blues / Soul / R&B / Funk 14.90 ** House / Trance / Techno 10.28 ** Folk / World Music 16.99 ** Rock / Alternative / Punk / Heavy Metal 4.24 * Beat-Music of the 60s 4.08 * **: p<.01; *: p<.05; Beta weights; Order of rank after variance explanation. Source: Schramm, 2005a, p. 215 Table 6. Relationships between personal characteristics and mood specific music preferences music preferences Aggressiveness Emotionality aggressive-peaceful -.29 ~ -.29 ~ arousing-soothing -.27 ~ -.27 ~ fast-slow bright-dreary .32 * sad-happy -.35 * agile-weary Life music preferences Physical disorders satisfaction aggressive-peaceful arousing-soothing fast-slow -.30 * bright-dreary -.42 ** sad-happy .44 ** agile-weary -.28 ~ Social Health music preferences orientation worries aggressive-peaceful arousing-soothing fast-slow bright-dreary -.31 * .35 * sad-happy .29 ~ -.29 ~ agile-weary Inhibition / lack music preferences of self-consciousnes aggressive-peaceful arousing-soothing fast-slow bright-dreary sad-happy agile-weary .36 * Pearson's r **: p<.01 *:p<.05 ~:p<.10. Source: Gembris, 1990, pp.92-93 Table 7. Results from 153 studies on the effects of background music. 1911-1969 1970-1979 intended effects clearly found N 17 19 % 45.9 51.4 complex / or weak effects found N 10 7 % 27 18.9 no (intended) effects found N 10 11 % 27.0 29.7 Total studies N 37 37 % 100 100 1980-1989 1990-1997 intended effects clearly found N 18 13 % 43.9 34.2 complex / or weak effects found N 11 7 % 26.8 18.4 no (intended) effects found N 12 18 % 29.3 47.4 Total studies N 41 38 % 100 100 Total intended effects clearly found N 67 % 43.8 complex / or weak effects found N 35 % 22.9 no (intended) effects found N 51 % 33.3 Total studies N 153 % 100 Source: Behne, 1999 Table 8. Number and direction of mood changes in episodes with music Number of music episodes with ... Mood dimension positive no negative effects effects effects positivity 71 71 11 present minded- ness 90 9 48 arousal 63 82 5 Source: Sloboda, O'Neill, & Ivaldi, 2001, p. 20
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|Publication:||Communication Research Trends|
|Date:||Dec 1, 2006|
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