Printer Friendly

Constantine Scollen: the forgotten missionary.

One of the most unusual and controversial missionaries with the Oblates of Mary Immaculate (OMI) was an Irishman named Constantine Scollen. Among his many accomplishments are that he was the first lay brother to be ordained in the West and established the first English elementary school in Alberta. He was the first permanent Catholic missionary in southern Alberta and participated in the negotiating and signing of Treaties Six and Seven.

Given Scollen's record and accomplishments, a question immediately comes to mind. Why has this remarkable person been relegated to obscurity? Byrne describes the priest's years of service as the "Hidden Years" in the history of the diocese. (1) The purpose of this article is to examine the career of this talented priest and determine why his name is lost in the pages of history.

Born on 4 April, 1841, in Newton Butler, County Fermanagh, Ireland, Scollen decided, at an early age to enter religious life and joined the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate. He studied in England at the Oblate noviciate in Sicklinghall, near Leeds. After a year there, he made his vows and was sent to teach in Inchicore, a suburb of Dublin, before returning to Sicklinghall in 1862. (2) Scollen explained his decision to come to North America.
   For a long time I have prayed to my dear
   Mother Mary, that She would grant me an
   opportunity of going to the Foreign
   Missions. When Doctor Tache came here,
   I thought my prayer was granted. So
   accordingly I asked him to take me with
   him to North America. (3)

Scollen travelled to Fort Edmonton where, as a lay brother, he was immediately assigned the task of opening a school. He became devoted to his work and was praised by his superiors for his efforts. "The more I teach these poor little children," he wrote, "the greater love I feel for them and the greater is my desire to see them advance rapidly in their studies. My pupils are 30 in number." (4)

In 1865, Scollen made his perpetual vows as a lay brother, and expressed to canonical visitor Florent Vandenberghe, OMI, a desire to become a priest. (5) Scollen began his studies for the priesthood in 1870 at Lac Ste. Anne under the direction of Father Vital Fourmond. In 1871-72, Scollen studied philosophy under Father Joseph Dupin and theology with Fourmond at the same mission. At the same time, Scollen was composing books in Cree. (6) A priest recalled Scollen's effort to record the Cree language,
   When Father Scollen used to go out with
   the Metis, he would study their language.
   If they were out chopping wood, he would
   lay his coat in the snow. Then, whenever
   they were resting, he would ask the Metis
   the meanings of words. He would write
   these on chips of wood and throw them on
   top of his coat. At the end of the day he
   would gather up all the chips land take
   them to the mission. Then he would sort
   them out and copy them into a book. (7)

The priest added, "Father Lacombe's dictionary should really be called the Lacombe-Scollen Dictionary." (8)

Father Albert Lacombe strongly supported Scollen's ordination and despite some misgivings, Joseph Fabre, the Superior General of the Oblates, finally consented. Fabre feared that the exception made in favour of Scollen could have serious consequence because other lay brothers might have the same desires without possessing the latter's qualities and competence. The Superior General informed Lacombe that Bishop Vital Grandin of St. Albert would decide the most opportune time to elevate Scollen to the priesthood. (9)

In the meantime, Scollen continued to teach school in Fort Edmonton and, when classes were over, he accompanied other missionaries such as Lacombe and Bishop Grandin on itinerant missions among the Indians who were hunting buffalo. He also taught Cree and English to newly arrived missionaries in St. Albert and served as secretary to the bishop. (10) Scollen served at St. Paul des Cris (Brosseau, AB) in 1869 and, the following year, he spent the winter in Rocky Mountain House assisting Lacombe. (11) The priest quickly became Lacombe's "right hand man" and demonstrated his extraordinary ability to learn languages. His theological mentor, Vital Fourmond, remarked that Scollen spoke French and Cree as well as his maternal language. According to Fourmond, the priest had rendered sterling services to the St. Albert mission. Fourmond predicted that Providence would probably bestow on Scollen the apostolate of the Blackfoot whose language he was already beginning to comprehend. (12)

Lacombe's secondment to the Archdiocese of St. Boniface brought the question of Scollen's ordination to the fore and fulfilled Fourmond's prophecy concerning the evangelization of the Blackfoot. In April 1873, the vicarial council of St. Albert decided that it was imperative to advance Scollen through the ranks leading to ordination in order that he might replace Lacombe more efficiently among the Blackfoot. (13) Consequently, Scollen was ordained in St. Albert on 12 April 1873 by Bishop Vital Grandin.

A few days later, Scollen was sent to establish Our Lady of Peace Mission on the Elbow River some 40 km upstream from its confluence with the Bow River. In 1875, he visited Fort Macleod and noted the growing importance of this centre as a result of the presence of the North-West Mounted Police. When Mounted Police Surgeon R.B. Nevitt met him, he described Scollen as "a short man with a strong vigorous face, tanned dark brown by the weather, bright clear blue eyes, & a high bold forehead. He talks in English with a peculiar accent. I am told that he speaks French well and has no equal in Blackfoot and Cree ..." (14)

When the police decided to build a post at the junction of the Bow and Elbow rivers Scollen established a mission beside them in what later became Calgary. Until permanent residences were built in the locations visited by Scollen, he was obliged to spend the winter among Blackfoot hunting camps or at the mission. In addition to his missionary work, he prepared a Blackfoot dictionary and grammar and hoped to have it published. (15)


At this time, Scollen wanted to have his brother William, who was working in the coal mines in England, to come to the North-West. Scollen said that a "kind friend" had offered to lend William the money for his passage and the latter could repay the loan after his arrival. (16) William arrived in the fall of 1877 and shortly thereafter advised his parents that Constantine was a "perfect superior" who had other Oblates under him when travelling on missions. Constantine found employment for William on the mission farm and was given charge of the house and responsibility for all operations. (17) As events were to prove, William's presence at the farm and his duties there became a source of contention and embittered relations between Scollen and some of his fellow Oblates.

As a result of his work among the Cree and knowledge of their language and culture, Scollen was asked to assist the government in the signing of treaty at Fort Carlton in 1876. He acted as a broker between the government and the Indians "explaining the Indian from a Christian point of view" and providing meaningful information to assist the authorities in dealing equitably with the Cree. He convinced some chiefs to accept the treaty because he felt that it offered them the prospect of a better life. Since there was opposition to the treaty by some powerful chiefs, Scollen played a key role in having the treaty accepted. The missionary was then asked by the Minister of the Interior, David Laird, to prepare a report for the government on the Blackfoot to facilitate the forthcoming negotiation of Treaty Seven.


As a missionary in daily contact with the Indians, Scollen was very much concerned with the problems they faced as the buffalo hunt declined and the agricultural frontier advanced. Under the circumstances he, like his Oblates confreres, felt that treaties would be beneficial to both whites and Indians. Consequently, he used his influence to secure the acceptance of treaty because he felt that the establishment of reserves and the introduction of agriculture would provide economic security to the Indians and facilitate their conversion to Christianity. (18)

In both treaties, Scollen explained the terms, acted as an interpreter, and signed as a witness. However, after the signing of Treaty Seven, Scollen became frustrated with the discrepancy between what had been promised by government and current living conditions among the Blackfoot. Increasing distress and suffering among the Indians made the government's failure to respect its treaty obligations more obvious. In 1878, Scollen informed Lieutenant-Governor Edgar Dewdney of the grievances of the Blackfoot and the clergyman's intervention was said to have averted an open confrontation. (19)

In the meantime, conditions worsened and, on 13 April 1879, Scollen wrote a lengthy letter to Major Acheson Irvine of the NWMP. Scollen prefaced his comments by stating that, in the past, he had abstained from meddling in political matters affecting Indians, but that the current status of the Blackfoot was such that he could no longer remain silent. He asserted that the government's failure to fulfil its treaty obligations had led to the destitution of the Blackfoot, many of whom were starving to death. Furthermore, Scollen affirmed that the Indians had not understood the full implications of the treaty they had signed and he predicted that there would be serious consequences if the government continued to ignore the plight of western Indians. (20) In the eyes of the federal bureaucracy, the clergyman was rapidly becoming a meddlesome troublemaker.

It was around this time that the first hints of problems surrounding Scollen's personal life were voiced in Oblate circles. In July 1877, The codex historicus for the Macleod mission noted that Scollen had gone to Montana to visit the Jesuit fathers and would go on to Fort Benton and Helena. The chronicler asked "Why?" but did not provide an answer. (21) Other Oblates began to voice serious concerns about the priest. Joseph Lestanc, a former superior of the St. Albert Mission, informed Archbishop Tache that placing Scollen in charge of the Blackfoot missions so soon after his ordination had been a mistake. Lestanc alleged that Scollen was extravagant and imprudent. He had installed his brother at the mission and was constantly asking for more money. (22)

In August 1880, Leon Doucet, Scollen's missionary companion, reported in his journal rumours to the effect that Scollen was leaving the missions. (23) By 1881, Bishop Grandin was sufficiently concerned that he decided to visit the southern Alberta missions. Lestanc informed Tache that Scollen had spent the winter in Fort Macleod adding "le bon Dieu sait a quoi." Lestanc also reported that on the eve of his bishop's visit Scollen had abandoned his mission and left for Montana, and also that Scollen had presented a sight draft for $1,200 to the Montreal Oblates who refused to honour the obligation because proper procedure had not been followed. (24)

Scollen was aware of the problems he was creating. In a letter to his sister, he admitted that he had "got into some trouble which may end in my departure from this country and my return home." He claimed that his health was "breaking down" and, that if he could find some bishop in Ireland who would employ him, he would leave immediately. The sister was asked to keep this information confidential. (25) As he told his father, he had been away from Our Lady of Peace Mission for a year, carrying out his duties. He had spent the winter of 1880 in Fort Macleod and, the following spring, he went to Montana where he ministered to Canadian Indians hunting buffalo. According to the Montana press, Scollen "has been among the Indians along the [Missouri] river, and we owe it to his influence among them that Crowfoot and others led their bands across the line." (26) Scollen returned to the mission in the fall of 1881 and advised his father that he planned to go to St. Albert to visit Bishop Grandin and remain there until spring. (27)

In the meantime, Grandin accused Scollen of drunkenness and leaving debts everywhere he went. Tach6 was advised that there now remained only one missionary [Doucet] for all the southern Alberta missions and that there were more Indians in this region than in the remainder of the Diocese of St. Albert. Grandin took advantage of this opportunity to implore Tache to allow Lacombe to return to Alberta and save the southern missions from abandonment and encroachment by Protestants. (28)


Grandin added that Scollen hated the government and was in turn detested by the authorities. His Methodist adversaries claimed that he was a Fenian "to whom Britain was 'Nazareth'--no good could possibly come out of her." (29) Scollen's behaviour had not inspired confidence and his enemies accused him of drunkenness and immorality. Grandin added that the first accusation was unfortunately too true whereas the second was not proven. (30) There was a feeling in the diocese that Scollen's defection was the heaviest cross that Grandin could carry and that only Lacombe's return would save the Blackfoot missions from ruin. (31)

Scollen returned from Montana in the fall of 1881 and went to St. Albert where he explained his actions in a personal manner to his old friend Lacombe. He declared that for many years he had been engaged in battle with enemies that were more powerful than he was. He admitted to having provided his opponents with opportunities and they had profited at his expense. He stated that his enemies had attempted to undermine him with the most hideous calumnies and that finally he was so downtrodden that he dared not meet Bishop Grandin. For a while Scollen removed himself from Grandin but presently he felt secure under his "paternal protection." (32)

Grandin said that Scollen was thoroughly humiliated by his actions and it took true courage for him to come to St. Albert and place himself at the bishop's disposition. Grandin believed that mercy had to be shown for all sins and, furthermore, Scollen had made a good retreat while he was with the Jesuits in Montana. (33)

While in St. Albert, Scollen was delegated to accompany an Oblate and a postulant to eastern Canada. The priest was Emile Petitiot whose mental and physical health had been undermined by service in the far North and the postulant was Edward Cunningham who was destined for theological studies in Ottawa and who would become the first Metis priest in the North-West.

Upon his return, Scollen was assigned to pastoral duties in Edmonton. While there he learned of his father's death. Despite the distance that separated the family and the time he had been away, Scollen wrote his brother that the news had "paralysed" him. Given the new circumstances facing the family, Scollen proposed that David, the youngest brother, should continue his studies to become a priest in Ottawa and then serve in the Diocese of St. Albert. As for the remaining brothers, Scollen would like to see them in the West "where there is a vast field for industry." (34)

Meanwhile, living conditions had worsened among the Indians of the North-West and Cree chiefs at Peace Hills approached Scollen to publicize their plight. On 3 February 1883, a letter under his signature and on behalf of nine Cree chiefs appeared in the Edmonton Bulletin, alleging that, since the signing of Treaty Six, Indian Department officials had robbed the Cree of half the items promised to them under treaty and that no one had been punished. The document also affirmed that the government had broken both the spirit and the letter of Treaty Six and alleged that interpreters were not accurately representing the grievances of the plaintiffs. (35) As could be expected, local Indian Agents were outraged and one threatened to have Scollen arrested if he did not stop stirring up the Indians. Ottawa accused Scollen of inciting the Cree to demand more from the government. For its part, the Mounted Police thought that the clergyman should be arrested. (36)


When officials complained about Scollen's activities to Bishop Grandin, the latter asked Lacombe to interview the chiefs who signed the letter. Lacombe's report exonerated Scollen of all accusations that had been brought against him. Father Hippolyte Bellevaire, a priest in the Hobbema region, attested to the accuracy of the statements in the controversial letter and affirmed that the document had been written at the request of the Cree chiefs. (37) Grandin told the Lieutenant-Governor that the missionaries had done everything in their power to appease the Indians and had not turned them against the government. Furthermore, the bishop accused local Indian agents of wrongfully accusing Scollen. According to Grandin, some Indian Agents were convinced that the Catholic clergy was their enemy and should be removed. (38)

Scollen's intervention on behalf of the Crees did nothing to alter government Indian policy and discontent escalated and spread to other parts of the North-West Territories. In 1884, when a delegation from the Territorial District of Saskatchewan invited Louis Riel to return from Montana and assist them in obtaining redress of outstanding grievances, Scollen offered his support and assistance to the Metis leader. However, the clergyman insisted that all Riel's practices and policies be legal and peaceful. (39)

During the 1885 Rebellion, Scollen was on the Peace Hills reserves when he received a letter from Lieut.-Gov. Dewdney asking him to use his influence to keep the Crees there quiet. The priest went to their camp where he found them in a large tent drumming, dancing, shooting their guns in the air, and in a stage of great excitement. When he tried to speak to them, they shouted him down but finally he made himself heard. He convinced them to remain at peace and to return all the objects pillaged from the local stores. (40) When Scollen related these events, he said, "I can have my statements corroborated by one plucky whiteman and a few plucky half-breeds who were close by whilst I was trying to restore order, although bullets were flying over my head through the lodge when I was trying to speak to the Indians." (41) The missionary's actions contributed to keeping those on the reserves from joining the Rebellion. (42)

After the hostilities, Scollen remained on the reserve and countered the negative comments of the military on the Indians and Metis. When one soldier persisted in his tirades against the Indians and Metis, Scollen silenced him by riposting "like a true Parnellite." (43) Albert Lacombe lauded the priest's courage and energy and declared that his presence among the Cree prevented much harm. Lacombe reported that the Lieutenant-Governor and the government were full of praise for Scollen's efforts. (44)

A short while after the Rebellion ended, Scollen vacated his mission without Bishop Grandin's permission. (45) According to the codex historicus for the St. Albert Mission, Scollen advised the Oblates that he no longer wanted to be associated with them and that if they left him alone he promised to do the same. The author of the codex affirmed that Scollen had been preparing "this apostasy" for a long time. (46) No documentary evidence exists to explain this defection but it evident that it created a scandal in the Oblate community. From faraway Pelican Lake in Manitoba, Etienne Bonnald told a friend of Scollen's defection and claimed that the latter had left the priesthood and was living with an Indian woman. According to Bonnald, the English thought these actions "so natural" that they paid no attention. (47) Others claimed that Scollen was going to accept employment with the Hudson's Bay Company and be a trader on the Hobbema reserves. (48) Father Lestanc put a notice in the Edmonton Bulletin that "Rev. C. Scollen having of his own free will severed his connections with the R.C. Diocese of St. Albert, the undersigned for the corporation Episcopal Roman Catholic of St. Albert, informs the public that the said corporation will not be responsible for any indebtment incurred by the said Rev. C. Scollen." (49)


In November, 1885, Scollen surprisingly asked Bishop Grandin if he could return to the fold and accept any penance the bishop might impose. Grandin informed Bishop Tache that he would be content if Scollen could be saved from damnation to prevent additional scandal. Grandin's frustration is evident from this comment: "Ce pauvre Pere n'est plus possible dans nos pays." (50) In Rome, the General Administration of the Oblates rejoiced that Scollen had seen the error of his ways but the Assistant Superior-General was not convinced entirely as to Scollen's sincerity. (51)


As part of Scollen's rehabilitation, Grandin sent him to an Oblate noviciate in Tewksbury, Massachusetts, in order to animate his sentiment for religious life. On his way to eastern Canada, the priest stopped in St. Boniface and asked to serve in Tache's diocese after his superiors at the noviciate deemed that "he had given full satisfaction." Scollen said that he was returning to the noviciate because he wished to remain an Oblate. Admitting that he had caused much grief to Tache, Scollen urged the archbishop to "take revenge now and bring me to remain by your side until death shall separate us. I ask you this on bended knees. I ask of you as a father." (52)

However, Scollen failed to complete his noviciate and his departure gave rise to additional scandal and rumours. Assistant Superior-General Louis Soullier informed Joseph Lestanc, superior of the St. Albert Mission, that Scollen had "decamped" from Tewksbury and had gone to Boston where he announced his intention of going to Europe. Scollen had also been drinking and Soullier's patience was at an end. (53)

After leaving the noviciate, Scollen further exasperated the Oblates by not going to Lachine, Quebec, as he was ordered to but instead went to St. Boniface where he asked Bishop Tache to serve in his diocese. This request placed the archbishop in an awkward situation but he sent Scollen to the St. Laurent Mission under the watchful supervision of a stern superior. (54) Grandin advised Tache that Scollen would cause problems but, nevertheless, recommended him to the archbishop's mercy. Scollen could not return to the Diocese of St. Albert and, since he had confidence in Tache, Grandin suggested that the archbishop place him at the St. Boniface College. (55)

In the meantime, Assistant Superior-General Soullier advised Tache that Scollen could not make a new attempt to be admitted to Oblates because he had abused everyone's patience by his scandalous behaviour in 1885, his recent desertion and drunkenness. Furthermore, since Scollen had asked to be released from his religious vows the Oblate administration quickly sent a letter to the Vatican supporting the request. (56) According to Aime Martinet, a member of the Superior-General's Administrative Counsel, after his second "escapade," Scollen could not longer be considered a member of the Congregation and himself had severed the bonds that tied him to the Oblate Order. (57)

Tache communicated the General Administration's decision to Scollen. The priest advised the archbishop that he had anticipated the decision and admitted that the blow caused him "acute bitterness" but he found no fault with the Congregation. Scollen thanked the archbishop for "the delicacy you have shown in conveying me such doleful intelligence thus rendering it if possible less painful." He also thanked Tache for allowing him to remain in the diocese as a priest and promised that his presence and actions would cause no anxiety for the archbishop. (58) Scollen remained at St. Laurent, Manitoba, as a secular priest until 1887 when he advised Tache of his decision to find a position elsewhere "in a place more congenial to my present feelings and where so many sad reminiscences will not crowd upon my mind." He asked Tache to provide him with a letter to the effect that he was a priest in good standing at the time he left the Archdiocese. (59)

From St. Boniface, Scollen went to North Dakota where he served at the parish in Lewiathe. When William heard about his brother's departure, he commented that
   he knew there was no room for a Son of
   Erin especially when as a theologian,
   orator, linguist and writer, he had no peer
   in this country clerical or lay, jealousy is at
   the bottom of it all. (60)

From North Dakota, Scollen served at St. Stephen Mission, Fremont, Wyoming, from 1889 to 1892, at St. John the Baptist Parish, Buffalo, Wyoming, 1892 to 1894, as vicar at St. Joseph's Parish, Dayton, Ohio, 1901 and at St. Mary's Parish, Urbana, Ohio, in 1901-02. (61) Early in 1902, he received a letter and photo from his old colleague Albert Lacombe. In his reply, Scollen stated that he kept track of his old friends in the Congregation and, when he heard that one of them had died, he celebrated a mass for that person. Scollen indicated his desire to retire and spend his last days in Ireland when his finances permitted him to do so. (62) That wish was never fulfilled as Scollen died in Dayton on 8 November 1902.

There is no doubt that Constantine Scollen was a very complex individual. He was ambitious and well aware of his intellectual potential and abilities. In the Canadian North-West, his talents were recognized and he rose through the ranks and was ordained a priest much like a soldier receives a commission on the battlefield for meritorious service. As a pioneer missionary, he gave proof of his competence by establishing the Catholic Church in southern Alberta on a solid foundation. There is no evidence to suggest that he longed for recognition for his accomplishments or that he aspired to higher religious or ecclesiastical office. In time, he found religious life as an Oblate unsatisfying but he continued to serve as a secular priest after he left his Congregation.

It has been suggested that, as an English-speaking individual, he was like a fish out of water in a French-speaking organization and that this alienation was at the root of his problems. Scollen's letters, however, do not refer to ethnic rivalries or discontent and the correspondence of contemporary French-speaking Oblates is silent on the subject. In the final analysis, as an Irish Catholic, Scollen had much in common with French Canadian Oblates in that both had been conquered by the English and both groups had used Catholicism as an instrument of ethnic survival. Be that as it may, there is no doubt that Scollen was lonely and that he longed for friends and family left behind in Ireland.

By his own admission, Scollen struggled against powerful forces but, unfortunately, he never identified these elements. Drink and drunkenness likely figure among these powerful forces and there are numerous references to these vices in the writings of his contemporaries. Securing employment for his brother William at Our Lady of Peace Mission caused hardship for Scollen and may be responsible for allegations that he squandered money and was a poor manager of temporal affairs. It may be that the responsibilities and obligations associated with his missionary duties, looking after William, adverse living conditions, long voyages, poor diet combined to creating a situation that overwhelmed him.

As a priest in a settled parish, Scollen would have had far less difficulty in performing his duties. His career after leaving the Oblates was certainly less eventful and stressful than were his years in Alberta. It should also be remembered that Scollen was a mortal being and, as such, possessed faults of character like all other human beings. Holy orders and ordination did not alter or eradicate these imperfections and, in fact, may have provided the opportunity for them to become more apparent and, hence, reprehensible, to contemporaries.

Scollen was a man of many talents and an accomplished linguist. However, his erratic behaviour and outspoken criticism of Indian Department officials caused concern and embarrassment to his religious superiors and colleagues. Scollen's personal behaviour, especially the recurring allegations of drunkenness and debt, created other sources of anxiety for contemporaries. Scollen had problems with authority and those in authority. Given this disposition, it is not surprising that he found life in a religious community confining and unfulfilling.

When it came to combat with words be they written or spoken, it is obvious that Scollen could give more than he received. While his impetuous behaviour caused shudders it was tolerated and to some extent defended by the Oblates. However, abandoning his post on occasion and ultimately "defecting" from the Congregation were the last straws so to speak and were deemed to be unpardonable sins in that era. By his "defection" Scollen had ceased to be an Oblate and in the minds of the Congregation he had ceased to exist. Like excommunication a hundred years ago, to be cut off from the Church meant being cut off from society. The historical record did not need to be expunged. What Scollen had accomplished remained on the books as historical fact but it was never mentioned or commented upon more than the minimum required by necessity. The result was predictable. Constantine Scollen was relegated to obscurity.



(1) MB. Venini Byrne, From the Buffalo to the Cross. A History of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Calgary (Calgary: Calgary Archives and Historical Publishers, 1973), 39.

(2) Gaston Carriere, o.m.i., Dictionnaire biographique des Oblats de Marie Immaculee au Canada, tome III, (d'Ottawa: Editions de l'Universite d'Ottawa, 1979), 178.

(3) Societe Historique de St-Boniface [SHSB], Archives de l'Archdiocese de St-Boniface [AASB], B/2/Sc., C. Scollen to Reverend Father, 9 February 1862 Alexandre Antonin Tache was Archbishop of St. Boniface.

(4) Ibid., Fonds Tache [TF], T 1620, W Scollen to Bishop Tache, 29 December 1864.

(5) Bernice Venini, "Father Constantine Scollen Founder of the Calgary Mission," Canadian Catholic Historical Association, Report 10 (1942-1943): 78.

(6) Carriere, Dictionnaire biographique, III, 179.

(7) Interview with Father Emile Tardiff by Hugh Dempsey, March 5, 1955. Provided by the interviewer.

(8) Ibid.

(9) Provincial Archives of Alberta [PAA], Oblates of Mary Immaculate Alberta-Saskatchewan Province [OMI], Administration [Adm.], Correspondence de J. Fabre, J. Fabre to R.P. Lacombe, 4 avril 1871.

(10) Byrne, From the Buffalo to the Cross, 22.

(11) Carriere, Dictionnaire biographique, HI, 179.

(12) PAA, OMI, Dossiers du Personnel [DP]. V. Fourmond 1868-92, V. Fourmond to Bien chere soeur, 18 decembre 1872.

(13) PAA, OM, DP, V Fourmond, 1868 92, V. Fourmond to Bien chere soeur, 1 avril 1873.

(14) Glenbow-AIberta Institute [GAI], Richard B. Nevitt papers, Glenbow Archives Entry for 28 March 1875.

(15) GAI, Scollen Family Papers [SFP], Series 1, M-8873-11, C. Scollen to My Very Dear Parents, 29 April 1878, 1.

(16) Ibid., M-8873-9, C. Scollen to Very Dear Father and Mother, 7 May 1877, 2.

(17) Ibid., M-I 108-2, W. Scollen to Dear Parents, 14 October [1877].

(18) Michael Cottrell," To be Usefull to the Whiteman and the Indian and the Country at Large": Constantine Scollen, Missionary-Priest and Native-White Relations in the West, 1862-1885," Canadian Catholic Historical Association, Historical Studies 66 (2000): 65

(19) PAA, OMI, Fort Macleod 6, Codex historicus, 1878, 17.

(20) Ibid., Papiers Personnel [PP], A. Lacombe 1879, C. Scollen to Dear Major [Irvine], 13 April 1879.

(21) Ibid., Fort Macleod 6, Codex histodcus, 13

(22) SHSB, AASB, FT 22290, J.M. Lestanc to Sa Grace Mgr A. Tache, 2 aout 1879.

(23) PAA, OMI, PP, L. Doucet, Journal 1868-1890,19 aout 1880, 132.

(24) SHSB, AASB, FT, 25622, J-M Lestanc to Sa Grace Mgr A. Tache, 14 juin 1881.

(25) GAI, SFP, Series 1, M-8873 16, C. Scollen to Dearest Sister, 24 February 1880, 3-4.

(26) Benton Weekly Record, September 1, 1881.

(27) GAI, SFP, Series 1, M-8873-16, C. Scollen to my Very Dear Father, 2 September 1881, 2.

(28) Archives Deschatelets [hereafter AD] HE 2223 T12Z, V. Grandin to Mgr et bien cher pete [A. Tache], 23 Juin 1881.

(29) John McDougall, In the Days of the Red River Rebellion Toronto: William Briggs 1903, 70.

(30) AASB, SHSB, FT, T 25733-734, V. Grandin to Mgr et bien cher pere [A. Tache], 18 juillet 1881.

(31) Ibid., T 25721, H Leduc to Mgr et bien chef pere [A. Tache], 18 juillet 1881.

(32) PAA, OMI, PP, C Scollen, 1866-1902, C. Scollen to Mon reverend et bien cher pere Lacombe, 13 decembre 1881.

(33) AD, HE 2223 T12Z, V. Grandin to Mgr et bien cher pere [A. Tache] 13 xbre 1881.

(34) Ibid., Series 1, M-8873-19, C. Scollen to My Dear Brother Joseph, 17 June 1882, 1-4.

(35) Claude Roberto, "Quelques reflections sur les relations entre les Oblats, les populations authoctones et le gouvernement avant et apres la signatures des Traities 6, 7 et 8," in Western Oblate Studies 4 Etudes Oblates de l'Ouest 4, ed. by Raymond Huel (Edmonton: Western Canadian Publishers, 1996), 81 (footnote 37).

(36) Ibid., 80.

(37) Ibid., 80-81.

(38) PAA, Ecrits de Vital Grandin 6, V. Grandin to E. Dewdney, 6 novembre 1883.

(39) Cottrell, "To be Usefull to the Whiteman," 69-70.

(40) Edmonton Bulletin, April 18, 1885

(41) Ibid., June 13, 1885.

(42) PAA, OMI, St. Albert 8, Codex historicus, 20 avril 1885. C. Scollen to Rev and Dear father, 14 April 1885.

(43) Ibid, C. Scollen a Mon Reverend et bien cher pere superieur, 19 mars 1885.

(44) SHAB, AASB, FT, T 31456, A. Lacombe to Mgr [A. Tache], n.d.

(45) PAA, OMI PP, C. Scollen, A. Philippot, "Quelques notes sur les dernieres annees du R.P.Scollen, 1875-1902."

(46) Ibid., St. Albert 8, Codex historicus, 18 juillet 1885.

(47) AD, HEB 1716 E84L 3, E. Bonnald to Mon tres cher ami, 16 novembre 1885.

(48) Ibid., HE 2223 T12Z 3, V. Grandin to Mgr et bien cher pere [A. Tache] 16 novembre 1885.

(49) Edmonton Bulletin, August 12, 1885.

(50) Ibid.

(51) PAA. OMI, Adm., Correspondance du Pete L. Soullier, Superieur-General, 1874-1885, L.Soullier a Chef pere Lacombe, 9 decembre 1885.

(52) SHSB, AASB, FT, 32818, C. Scollen to His Grace Archbishop Tache, 3 January 1886.

(53) PAA, OMI, Administration., Correspondance du pere L. Soullier, Superieur-General, 1886-1897, L. Souiller to Mon cher pere Lestanc, 29 mai 1886.

(54) Ibid, PP, H. Leduc 1866-1888, H. Leduc to Reverend et bien cher pere Lestanc, 29 mai 1886.

(55) SHSB, AASB, FT, 33593, V. Grandin to Mgr et bien cher pere [A. Tache], [mai] [1886].

(56) Ibid, T 33765, L. Soullier to Mgr Tache, 12 juin 1886.

(57) Ibid., T 34717-718, A. Martinet to Mgr [A. Tache], 27 octobre 1886

(58) Ibid., T 34820-821, C. Scollen to My Lord Archbishop [A. Tache], 5 December 1886.

(59) SHSB, AASB, FT, T 35025, C. ScolIen to His Grace the Archbishop of St. Boniface, n.d.

(60) GAI, SFP, Series 2, M-8873-65, W. Scollen to Dearest Sister, 3 January 1890, 7.

(61) Carriere, Dictionnaire biographique, III, 179.

(62) PAA, OMI, PP, C. Scollen 1866-1902, C. Scollen to Very Dear Father Lacombe, 29 April 1902.

Raymond Huel is a retired University of Lethbridge professor who specializes in Oblate missionary studies.
COPYRIGHT 2011 Historical Society of Alberta
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2011 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Huel, Raymond
Publication:Alberta History
Article Type:Biography
Geographic Code:1CANA
Date:Sep 22, 2011
Previous Article:Road from Calgary to Edmonton.
Next Article:The CPR demonstration and supply farm: 1908-1944.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2020 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters