Clergyman, teacher, and indicted Loyalist: John Bruce of Norfolk and Princess Anne Counties, Virginia.
Information about the family and background of John Bruce is sparse. According to John Camm, the Bishop of London's commissary in Virginia, Bruce was a Scot and took his education from Marischal College in Aberdeen, Scotland, which awarded him an M.A. degree. The records of the college list a John Bruce as student from 1772 to 1776 and identify him as the son of Andrew Bruce, minister in Brechin, Scotland. Since our subject is known to have been in Virginia before those dates, the reference may have been to another student with the same name. (2)
Editor's Note: Dr. M.M Gilchrist wrote: "The John Bruce of this article, as a Scottish Episcopalian, is also unlikely to have been the son of a Church of Scotland (i.e. Presbyterian) minister At this period, Episcopalians were still subject to some legal restrictions in Scotland, hence John Bruce's pursuit of his clerical career in Virginia."
Bruce's name first appeared in the Virginia records in July 1771 when he announced in one of the gazettes that he was opening a school "over against" St. Paul's church in Norfolk, the largest borough in the colony. He proposed "to teach the Greek, Latin, and English Languages, Navigation, Bookkeeping, Arithmetick, and Mathematicks." Evidently the school attracted a sizeable number of students for the next year he advertised for an assistant who was qualified to teach the three languages and who preferably could also teach mathematics and writing. (3)
Soon Bruce declared himself a candidate for the priesthood in the Church of England, the established church in Virginia, and prepared himself by reading and private study, possibly under the tutelage of a local minister. Since there was no bishop in America, he had to hazard a voyage to England to seek ordination from the bishop of London, the nominal diocesan of the colonies. In July 1774 he announced in the newspaper that he was leaving Virginia in a few weeks and assured the readers that his school would be "continued, to its usual extent, by Mr. Stevenson," his assistant, whose given name was probably George. James Ingram, his attorney, would collect the tuition fees and have charge of applications and withdrawals. (4)
To the bishop an ordinand was to present testimonials of his character, orthodoxy, and general fitness for the ministry from local clergymen and from the bishop's commissary and governor of the colony. He was also to have a title, that is, a firm promise of clerical employment after his return in holy orders. In the summer of 1774 Thomas Davis, Sr., rector of Elizabeth River Parish, John Braidfoot, rector of Portsmouth Parish, and eight laymen "of the best credit" in Norfolk addressed a letter to Commissary Camm, testifying that for the last three years Bruce had "lived piously, soberly and honestly and diligently applied himself to his studies" and that as far as they knew he had never "criticized or written any thing contrary to the doctrines or discipline of the Church of England." Davis also provided the title, agreeing to employ Bruce as his curate after his ordination. (5)
Camm added his warm approval to the recommendations and gave them to Bruce to present to the bishop. Since Lord Dunmore, the Virginia governor, was engaged in subduing the Shawnee Indians in the backcountry in the summer of 1774, Bruce was unable to obtain his approbation. Therefore, with the testimonials mentioned above, he traveled to North Carolina to see Josiah Martin, the governor, who responded by endorsing Bruce's quest in a letter to Richard Terrick, the bishop of London. (6)
Bruce experienced no problems in London. To examining chaplains he demonstrated the necessary knowledge of the Bible, the Prayer Book, the Creeds, and the Thirty Nine Articles; of scriptural and church history; of the various branches of theology; and of secular knowledge which included Latin and Greek. On February 24, 1775 Bishop Terrick ordained him deacon and on March 1 John Thomas, bishop of Rochester, at the request of the bishop of London, ordained him priest. On the latter date the prelate of London licensed him to officiate in Elizabeth [River] Parish in Virginia. Bruce also had to swear allegiance to the king and promise to defend him against any threat and to swear an oath to conform to the Book of Common Prayer in the conduct of worship services. On March 7 Bruce accepted the King's Bounty, [pounds sterling]20 sterling to help defray transportation costs, and not long thereafter embarked for Virginia. (7)
When Bruce returned in the early summer of 1775 revolutionary turmoil had engulfed Virginia and the other colonies. The First and Second Continental Congress had met in Philadelphia, several military encounters had taken place in the northern colonies, and George Washington had accepted command of continental troops near Boston. In Virginia most counties had organized revolutionary committees of safety, the First and Second Conventions, extralegal assemblies, had convened and the Third would meet shortly. At least two dozen counties had organized independent military companies, and Governor Dunmore was about to take refuge on a British warship. The record does not disclose how Bruce may have reacted to the early events in the quarrel between the colonies and the mother country. The unsettled conditions prompted him in September 1775 to ensure the public that his school would continue to operate with "its former regularity" and that he would pay "his usual attention and assiduity to its concerns." He also call ed for his debtors to make payment as soon as possible. (8)
Bruce did not act as curate for Davis, who utilized the services of his son, Thomas Davis, Jr., who had been ordained in 1773 for that purpose. Nor did Bruce take part in the Fund for the Distressed Widows and Orphans of Deceased Clergymen, a subscription organization begun in 1754. The subscribers met annually in the spring to hear morning and afternoon sermons and to collect the fees which were then distributed to needy widows and orphans of clergymen. The newspapers of Williamsburg, which have been indexed, identified clerical participants of the Fund each year and Bruce's name can not be found. George MacLaren Brydon, the historian of the colonial church, thought Bruce had been clerk of the meeting of subscribers in 1777 but that is an error. The name was Jacob Bruce, a layman, who was clerk of these clerical assemblies for many years. (9)
Military operations soon disrupted the life and school of Bruce. On January 1, 1776 Governor Dunmore, after his defeat at Great Bridge, was responsible for the bombardment of Norfolk and the burning of a limited number of buildings. In the next few days, Rebel militiamen, who viewed Norfolk as a nest of Loyalists, burned and looted the greater part of the town and thereafter the Virginia Convention approved the destruction of the remaining buildings in order to deprive Dunmore of a possible base of operation. Of course Bruce's schoolhouse and boarding house were included among the destroyed buildings but he was able to save many of his books and some of his school equipment. (10)
Where would Bruce now make his residence and how would he support himself? His first intention may have been that of returning home to Scotland. On February 8, 1776 Virginia's provincial Committee of Safety gave him a pass "to go to the Rockingham," a merchant ship then lying in Hampton Roads which planned to sail for Glasgow immediately. Perhaps he intended to go with the vessel but it is possible that he simply wanted to take his farewell or collect delinquent tuition fees from some of the sixty passengers on board. (11) When the Rockingham may have departed is not known.
In any event, Bruce remained behind in Virginia and removed to Princess Anne, a county directly east of Norfolk County, where he apparently re-established his school; its precise location is unknown. One recent writer assumed that Bruce was the minister of Lynnhaven Parish in Princess Anne. The parish was vacant after August 1776 when Robert Dickson, the rector, died but there is no indication on the pages of the vestry book that Bruce ever served as parson or interim minister. (12) He was legally qualified to conduct baptisms, marriages, and burials for which he was entitled to perquisites. He may have officiated at these ceremonies and sacraments.
Under the dateline, Princess Anne County, September 20, 1777, Bruce announced in the newspaper that he intended "for the West Indies in a few Weeks." This was the standard notice for debtors to pay their bills and creditors to make known their demands. Since authorities prohibited his taking a ship directly for Britain, Bruce apparently intended to sail to the West Indies and from there to Scotland. He also offered to sell a "Pair of large Globes," a set of maps, a quadrant, an air pump, a microscope, his library, and his schoolbooks. (13) Presumably the progression of revolutionary events was making him uncomfortable. Again, for reasons unknown, Bruce did not depart but remained in Princess Anne.
The next spring the insurgents in Princess Anne issued a warrant for Bruce to answer certain allegations that had been lodged against him. In 1777 the new Virginia state government had enacted legislation requiring each free, adult male to subscribe to a new oath before October 10 of that year whereby he renounced his allegiance to the king and swore true fidelity to the Commonwealth. The accusation, brought by two justices of the peace, was that Bruce had not only refused the test but had also showed his "disaffection to the American Cause, by expressing his disinclination to serve it, if called [upon] for that purpose." On July 9, 1778 Bruce appeared before the County Court which, after hearing him and the two justices, ordered that he post bond, assuring his good behaviour. (14)
The local Rebels were not in a situation to deal harshly with Bruce. As a recent study has demonstrated, the revolutionaries "were in a weak position in their attempts to control loyalists" in the lower counties on the James River because of their relatively large number. "Local ties of kinship and friendship, and shared sympathies," moreover, tempered Rebel outrage at Loyalist opinions and actions. The periodic British military forays in the area inhibited the Rebels and heartened the Loyalists. (15)
It seems noteworthy that the Princess Anne County committee of safety and justices of the peace did not identify Bruce as an enemy of American liberty in one of the Williamsburg newspapers, whose issues in the late 1770s are sprinkled with such announcements. Individuals, including four ministers so stigmatized, were ostracized by the Rebels and the resulting isolation could have a devastating effect upon the victim. Probably not many of his neighbours would have honoured the committee's suggestion to victimize Bruce in this fashion. (16)
Brydon concluded that Bruce was one of four Anglican ministers of Virginia "who may perhaps be classified as mental casualties of the Revolution." They had supported the Rebel cause for years, he wrote, before losing heart and joining the British army. (17) There is no evidence that Bruce cooperated with the Rebels at any time. Most probably he had Loyalist sympathies from the beginning of the revolutionary turmoil but had not been very outspoken about his political views and had not committed any serious overt acts. The presence of a British army in nearby Portsmouth in 1781 would present an irresistible opportunity to make a bold decision.
In May 1779 General Edward Mathew with a force of more than a thousand men raided and plundered Portsmouth, Norfolk, Gosport, and Suffolk and their environs for two weeks. In the fall of 1780 General Alexander Leslie and his soldiers occupied Portsmouth for a month, and in January 1781 General Benedict Arnold took possession of Portsmouth. In the summer of 1781 the British army, now led by General Lord Cornwallis, evacuated Portsmouth and established its base in Yorktown. (18)
Bruce was one of four ministers who joined Arnold or Cornwallis sometime in the early months of 1781. (19) The other three were William Harrison, rector of Bristol Parish, Thomas Price of Petsworth Parish, and William Andrews, whose last parish was Portsmouth. Harrison and Price had been active Rebels in the early years of the Revolution but Andrews had exhibited ambivalent and even contradictory attitudes. Of the four, only Bruce appears to have been a consistent Loyalist. Harrison and Andrews both became chaplains of British garrisons but there is nothing to suggest that Price and Bruce served the British in that capacity. (20) How the latter two may have occupied and supported themselves during their time with the British army is unknown.
Some Loyalists of the lower counties on the James River left with Mathew and Leslie when they evacuated Virginia but Bruce did not do so. Apparently he was not overly anxious to leave Virginia. His failure to leave for Scotland with the Rockingham in 1777 and for the West Indies in 1778 supports that assumption. Evidently he reasoned that: the earlier incursions were raids, that the British had come to stay in 1781, that an ultimate British victory was now fully assured, and that the old colonial order would soon be restored.
At the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown on October 19, 1781 Bruce and the three other clerics, as well as about twenty-five Virginia laymen, were among those taken as prisoners of war. Governor Thomas Nelson sent the prisoners to Richmond and placed them in the custody of the keeper of the public jail. Nelson ordered the prisoners to attend the Council on November 20 "to answer for their conduct during the late invasion." In the meantime the captives were allowed to go home on parole and Bruce accompanied Andrews back to Portsmouth in Norfolk County where he located temporarily. (21)
On December 4, 1781, after a brief postponement, the Council examined the prisoners in order to determine what should be done with them. After deliberation and upon the advice of George Nicholas, attorney general pro tempore, the Council decided to prosecute them for treason according to the law. Virginia law defined treason as levying war against the Commonwealth, or as giving aid and comfort to the enemies of the Commonwealth. Persons legally convicted could suffer death and the forfeiture of property. (22)
The Council made three unsuccessful attempts to create a special commission of oyer and terminer to proceed against the prisoners. (23) Finally on March 5, 1782 Governor Benjamin Harrison wrote identical letters to the magistrates of the counties of Norfolk, Princess Anne, Nansemond, and Isle of Wight, instructing them to proceed "in the ordinary method" against the inhabitants of their respective counties who had joined the enemy, since he had found "it impossible to procure proper Gentlemen to act as Judges of a Court of Oyer and terminer." Earlier Governor Harrison had dispatched similar letters to the courts of Gloucester and Dinwiddie, the counties of residence of Price and Reverend Harrison. (24)
Why did public figures decline to serve as judges of courts of oyer and terminer? A recent study has found that some of the gentry were actually Loyalist sympathizers, but that even strong Rebels refused to accept the task because the strength of the Loyalists in the Norfolk area "was itself a deterrent to trial." The war was not over, an ultimate Rebel victory was not assured, and another expected British invasion would give the Loyalists the opportunity of retaliation. (25)
After their appearance before the Council, Bruce and Andrews returned to Portsmouth on parole. There they tried to resume as much of their clerical careers as possible, much to the consternation of some leading Rebels. In late December 1781 Mathew Godfrey and William Robinson, county lieutenants of Norfolk and Princess Anne respectively, dispatched a letter to Governor Nelson, complaining that Andrews was discharging "some parts of his Clerical Function, such as marrying, and christening children" in Norfolk County, and that Bruce was planning to do the same in Princess Anne. The activities of Andrews and Bruce would have "very pernicious effects," the county officials argued; by "spreading their Doctrines and tenets" the two would in all probability "seduce" the people from their allegiance to the Commonwealth. They suggested that the parolees be silenced and the lieutenants may have done so on their own authority, for later Andrews expressed resentment at the treatment he and Bruce had received from Godfrey and Robinson. (26)
The justices of Norfolk County accepted their assignment and met on March 27-28, 1782 to examine Bruce, Andrews, and several other residents of the county on charges of "High Treason against the Commonwealth." The jurisdiction of the county court in capital cases was limited to bringing indictments if warranted by the evidence. On the first day, after Andrews and eight other witnesses had testified, the bench decided that Andrews "ought to be tried for the said Supposed Treason" in Richmond. On the second day the justices examined Bruce and -- after hearing five witnesses and Bruce in his own defense -- the court ruled that Bruce "ought to be tried for the said supposed treason" in Richmond by a court of oyer and terminer or as the legislature might direct. Unfortunately the testimony of Bruce and the witnesses was apparently not transcribed. After the magistrates had indicted Andrews and Bruce for high treason they remanded them to the county jail until the state authorities were ready to receive them. (27)
None of the four ministers, nor the laymen, stood before the bar in Richmond. Before trial in April 1782 Andrews succeeded in obtaining a passport which enabled him to return to Britain. About the same time Bruce, who may have languished in prison about a month or two, won his release and returned to Princess Anne County where he apparently resumed his pedagogical career. Price and Harrison not only escaped trial but also indictment. Price immediately resumed his position as rector of Petsworth Parish where he died a year or two later. For many years Harrison made his residence in Petersburg where the voters elected him to the Common Council, then to the Board of Aldermen, and finally to the office of mayor. (28)
Why were only two of the four clerical Loyalists indicted for treason? Their place of residence worked against Bruce and Andrews. The Norfolk area was a hotbed of Loyalism, the scene of military raids and bold Loyalist activities, and authorities there felt that examples should be made of some open Loyalists in the interest of maintaining reasonable order. Gloucester and Dinwiddie Counties, on the other hand, contained few Loyalists and officials saw little need to punish Price and Harrison as a warning to others. As recent studies have demonstrated, moreover, Price and Harrison, in contrast to Bruce and Andrews, were well-established members of Virginia's upper class and their social peers welcomed them back into their circles. (29)
It is not very surprising that the state and local authorities declined to indict Harrison and Price and failed to try Bruce and Andrews for treason. The Old Dominion as a whole contained relatively few Loyalists and escaped much of the bitter hatred and many of the aroused passions of civil strife experienced in other states. As the war drew to a successful conclusion, animosities quickly subsided and Virginians abandoned all efforts to punish the Loyalists and, after a short interval, even permitted those refugees who had not taken up arms against the United States to return. Even in the counties on the lower, southern side of the James River, where Loyalists were most numerous and active, the county courts "continued the long-term pattern of lenience toward loyalists." (30)
Brydon incorrectly stated that Andrews asked the governor for passports for both himself and Bruce on April 15, 1782 but an inspection of the letter shows that he applied for permission to leave only for himself and his family. Why did one leave and the other remain? Andrews had been openly critical of events. For example, during a July 4 celebration in 1780 in Portsmouth, he was "knocked down in the street for publicly declaring his opinion that the Declaration of Independence was both improper and impolitick." (31)
In his application for a passport Andrews admitted that his conduct had made him "obnoxious" to many Virginians. Bruce had not been as obtrusive and had not antagonized people as much. He may have had a more congenial personality and have been capable of retaining a degree of good will from the people. Bruce apparently was confident of an amicable reception by his old neighbours in Princess Anne. A willingness to accept the new republican order may also have been one of Bruce's characteristics.
Bruce was not a typical Anglican clergyman of revolutionary Virginia. As noted in this biographical sketch, he was one of only two whom the authorities indicted for treason and one of only four to join the British army in Virginia. Earlier, from 1777 to 1779, four other parsons had made their way to New York City, occupied by British troops throughout the war, and had become chaplains of Loyalist military units. (32) As a Loyalist, Bruce was also in the minority among the 128 clergymen in Virginia from 1774 to 1783. Only about twenty percent of the clerics of the established church in Old Dominion should be classified as Loyalists. (33)
After the Revolution Bruce returned to Princess Anne County where he apparently resumed his career as a teacher no later than September 1784. This indicates that he accepted the new political order and that residents of the county received him back into their circles. The only references to him thereafter are found in the county records. He evidently had some trouble collecting the charges for instruction from the parents and guardians of his pupils. Bruce and the administrator of his estate after his death, Andrew Martin, brought sixteen suits in the County Court for the recovery of debt, which may have had delinquent tuition fees. Often the cases were continued two or three times before the court made a decision, three were abated by the defendants' deaths and one by the removal of the defendant from the county, and Bruce lost three cases. Juries heard and decided four actions and twice commissions were appointed to take depositions and investigate the particulars. Nine times Bruce and his administrator won awards: two were for less than [pounds sterling]2, two for about [pounds sterling]5 and [pounds sterling]6, two for about [pounds sterling]12 and [pounds sterling]13, two for more than [pounds sterling]17, and once the specific amount was not recorded. The defendants also had to bear the court costs. (34)
Once Bruce was a defendant himself, the case coming up on August 15, 1789, but it was abated by his demise, indicating that he died a short time before than date. (35) He died unmarried and reached the age of no more then fifty. The audit books of the county do not include a will nor an inventory of his personal property. (36) How the county officials may have disposed of his realty and personal property is not known.
There is evidence that Bruce had been financially successful. One year before his death he purchased 206 [degrees] acres of land, evidently an improved plantation located in the Western Precinct of Princess Anne, from Charles and Mary Sayer for [pounds sterling]10,325 Virginia currency. He discharged his obligation to the sellers with a cash payment. (37) Possibly the inflated Virginia pound and/or the good quality of the land and improvements explain the seemingly high price he paid.
It is not very surprising that Bruce supported the mother country in its quarrel and war with the colonies. He had lived in America only a few years before the outbreak of the Revolution and had not yet become well integrated in colonial society. At the time he owned no real estate and very little personal property in Virginia. His ties to family and friends in Scotland remained strong and his oath to defend the king was fresh in his mind. He was unmarried and had no family network in Virginia that might have drawn him into the Rebel camp. He lived in Norfolk and Princess Anne Counties where the friends of the king were most numerous, active, and influential.
It is regrettable that the record involving Bruce is so incomplete. Perhaps more material concerning his life, career, and experiences will yet be uncovered. Additional information about him could possibly shed light on religious, social, economic, political, and military conditions in Virginia during the Revolution and its aftermath
1. The second clergyman whom the insurgents indicted for treason was William Andrews of Portsmouth Parish in Norfolk County; see Otto Lohrenz, "The Discord of Political and Personal Loyalties; The Experiences of the Reverend William Andrews of Revolutionary Virginia," Southern Studies 24 (1985): 374-97. A local military court in Accomack County found John Lyons, rector of St. George's Parish, guilty of dissuading "the Militia from turning out, doing their duty, and opposing the Enemy" and sentenced him to five years imprisonment but the governor soon paroled him and Lyons resumed his clerical duties. The Nansemond County committee of safety imprisoned John Agnew, rector of Suffolk Parish, for several months in 1776 after finding him guilty of conduct inimical to American liberties. Later the French army held him captive for twenty-one months. Neither Lyons nor Agnew were indicted for treason. See Otto Lohrenz, "The Virginia Clergy and the American Revolution, 1774-1799" (Ph. D. diss., University of Kansas, 19 70), 35-40, 58-61.
2. John Camm to the bishop of London, Aug. 3, 1774, The Fulham Papers in the Lambeth Palace Library, London, 40 vols. (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1963), 23:85; P. J. Anderson, Fasti Academiae Mariscallanae Aberdonensis. Selections from the Records of the Marischall College and University. MDXCII-MDCCCLX, 4 vols. (Aberdeen, 1889-98), 2:334.
3. Purdie and Dixon's Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), July 11, 1771, Dec. 31, 1772.
4. Rind's Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), Aug. 4, 1774.
5. The Fulham Papers, 23:85.
6. Ibid., 86, 88; John E. Selby, The Revolution in Virginia. 1775-1783 (Williamsburg, Va., 1988), 17.
7. James B. Bell, "Anglican Clergy in Colonial America Ordained by Bishops of London," American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings 83 (1973); 104,116; George Woodward Lamb, comp., "Clergymen Licensed to the American Colonies by the Bishops of London, 1745-1781," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 13 (1944): 132; Gerald Fothergill, A List of Emigrant Ministers to America. 1690-1811 (London, 1904), 17; Nancy L. Rhoden, Revolutionary Anglicanism: The Colonial Church of England Clergy during the American Revolution (Washington Square, N.Y., 1999), 1.
8. Virginia Gazette or Norfolk Intelligencer, Sept. 20, 1775.
9. Otto Lohrenz, "The Reverend Thomas Davis: President of the Sons of Liberty, Norfolk, Virginia, 1766," The Valley Forge Journal 6 (1992): 66; William Stevens Perry, ed., Historical Collections Relating to the American Colonial Church, 5 vols. (Hartford, Conn., 1870), 1:423-28;
Lester J. Cappon and Stella F. Duff, comps., Virginia Gazette Index. 1736-1780, 2 vols. (Williamsburg, 1950). Brydon, "The Clergy of the Established Church in Virginia and the Revolution," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 41 (1933): 126-27.
10. The new Virginia state government appointed a commission to investigate the burning of Norfolk. The report, dated Oct. 10, 1777, was that of the 1,333 buildings destroyed, Dunmore had burned 54, the militiamen 863, leaving 416 which had been demolished by order of the provincial authorities; John B. Clark, Jr., "The Fire Problem in Colonial Virginia," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 57 (1949): 247.48; Selby, Revolution in Virginia, 81-84; William W. Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large. Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia. 13 vols. (New York, Philadelphia, and Richmond, 1819-23), 9:328.
11. Henry R. Mcllwaine et al., eds., Journals of the Council of the State of Virginia, 5 vols. (Richmond, 1931-82), 2:408. Dixon and Hunter's Va. Gaz., Dec. 23, 1775, Jan. 6, 1776; Purdie's Va. Gaz., Jan. 5, 1776, Jan. 6, 1776.
12. Adele Hast, Loyalism in Revolutionary Virginia: The Norfolk Area and the Eastern Shore (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1982), 125; Purdie's Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg), Aug. 23, 1776;
George Carrington Mason, ed., The Colonial Vestry Book of Lynnhaven Parish. Princess Anne County. Virginia, 1723-1786 (Newport News, Va., 1949).
13. Dixon and Hunter's Va. Gaz., Oct. 10, 1777.
14. Princess Anne County Minute Book, No. 10 (1773-1782), 244 (the page has large sections missing), reel 41, Virginia State Library, Richmond (cited as VSL hereafter); see also Harvie Creecy, ed., Princess Anne County Loose Pepers. 1770-1789 (Virginia Antiquary, I, Richmond, 1954), 93.
15. Hast, Loyalism in Revolutionary Virginia, 95-96.
16. The four parsons advertised as inimical to the Rebel cause were Thomas Johnston of Cornwall Parish in Charlotte County, James Herdman of Bromfield Parish, Culpeper County, John Wingate of St. Thomas Parish, Orange County, and John Agnew of Suffolk Parish, Nansemond County. See Otto Lohrenz, "Parson and Patron: The Clerical Career of Thomas Johnston of Maryland and Virginia, 1750-1790," Anglican and Episcopal History 58 (1989): 181-85; Otto Lohrenz, "A Mental Casualty of the American Revolution: The Reverend James Herdman of Virginia," The Loyalist Gazette 33 (1995): 24-25; Otto Lohrenz, 'The Reverend John Wingate; An Economic Casualty of Revolutionary Virginia," Journal of American Culture 34 (1995): 45-46; and Dixon and Hunter's Va. Apr. 1, 1775.
17. Brydon, Virginia's Mother Church and the Political Conditions Under Which It Grew, 2 vols. (Richmond and Philadelphia, 1947-52), 2: 424-25.
18. Hast, Loyalism in Revolutionary Virginia, 99-109.
19. Earlier four other Anglican divines from Virginia offered their services to the British army in New York City and became chaplains to British American military units. None returned to Virginia. They were John Agnew, Thomas Feilde, John Hamilton Rowland, and William Duncan; see Lohrenz, "The Virginia Clergy," 35-40; Otto Lohrenz, "The Reverend Thomas Feilde, Loyalist Acting Rector of St. Andrew's: An Identification," Staten Island Historian, new ser., 2 (1984): 16-19; Otto Lohrenz, "The Reverend John Hamilton Rowland of Revolutionary America and Early Shelburne," Nova Scotia Historical Review 7 (1987): 64-82; Otto Lohrenz, "The Revolutionary Adventures of a Loyalist Anglican Minister: William Duncan of Isle of Wight County, Virginia," The Loyalist Gazette 34 (1996): 28-33.
20. Otto Lohrenz, "The Reverend William Harrison of Revolutionary Virginia, First 'Lord Archbishop of America'." Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church 53 (1984): 29-38; Otto Lohrenz, "The Advantage of Rank and Status: Thomas Price, a Loyalist Parson of Revolutionary Virginia," The Historian 60 (1998): 567-75; Lohrenz, "William Andrews," 379-92.
21. McIlwaine et al., eds., Journals Council of State, 2:402.
22. Ibid., 3: 4-5; Hening. ed., Statutes at Large, 9:168.
23. First the Council appointed Paul Carrington, Peter Lyon, and William Fleming to sit as a commission in Richmond; next the Council selected Josiah Parker, William Robinson, and William Nimmo, Jr. to sit in Portsmouth to move against the suspects of the lower counties; then the Council appointed Josiah Parker, Richard Kello, and Thomas Newton to meet in Portsmouth to deal with the area's offenders; see McIlwaine et al., eds. Journals Council of State, 3:5, 25, 55.
24. Henry R. McIlwaine, ed., Official Letters of the Governors of the State of Virginia, 3 vols. (Richmond, 1926-29), 3:45, 171-72.
25. Hast, Loyalism in Revolutionary Virginia, 119-120.
26. Godfrey and Robinson to Governor Nelson, Dec. 1782 [sic, 1781], William P. Palmer et al., eds., Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other Manuscripts Preserved in the Capitol at Richmond, 11 vols. (Richmond, 1895-93), 3:410-11, Andrews to Governor Harrison, Apr. 15, 1782, ibid., 131.
27. Norfolk County Order Book (1782-1783), 15, reel 56, VSL. The justices who examined Bruce were Mathew Godfrey, Paul Loyall, Daniel Lankford, and Samuel Veal. The witnesses who spoke against him were William White, Anthony Walke, John Kenline, Sarah Smith, and John Ghiselin. Those indicted for treason in addition to Bruce and Andrews were George Oldner, Reuben Herbert, and Richard Talbot; see ibid., 14-16.
28. Lohrenz, "William Andrews," 391-92; Lohrenz, "William Harrison," 36-39; Lohrenz, "Thomas Price," 572-73.
29. Hast, Loyalism in Revolutionary Virginia, 121; Lohrenz, "William Harrison," 36-41; Lohrenz, 'Thomas Price," 386.
30. John Richard Alden The South in the Revolution, 1763-1789 (Baton Rouge, La., 1957), 323-24; Hamilton J. Eckenrode, The Revolution in Virginia (rept, Hamden, Conn., 1964), 286-92; Hast, Loyalism in Revolutionary Virginia, 112.
31. Brydon, "The Clergy of the Established Church in Virginia and the American Revolution," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 41 (1933): 126-27; Lohrenz, "William Andrews," 390-91.
32. The four who joined the British in New York were John Hamilton Rowland, rector of St. Bride's Parish in Norfolk County, Thomas Feilde of Kingston Parish, Gloucester County, William Duncan of Newport Parish, Isle of Wight County, and John Agnew of Suffolk Parish, Nansemond County. See Lohrenz, "John Hamilton Rowland," 64-82; Lohrenz, "Thomas Feilde," 16-19; Lohrenz, "William Duncan," 18-33; Lohrenz, "Virginia Clergy," 35-40.
33. Ibid., 21-220
34. Princess Anne County Minute Book, No. 12 (1786-1787), 1, 76, reel 43 VSL; ibid., No. 13 (1787-1788), 33, 77, 130, 135, reel 43, VSL; ibid., No. 14 (1782-1790), 49, 58, 59, 103, 104, 106, 123, 131, 134, 175, 214, reel 43 VSL; ibid., No. 15 (1790-1792), 21, 69, 160, 239, 251, 275, 306, reel 43, VSL; ibid., No. 16 (1792-1795), 115, 122, 198, 268, reel 44, VSL; see also
Creecy, ed., Princess Anne County Loose Papers, 147.
35. Princess Anne County Minute Book, No. 14 (1782-1790), 278, reel 43, VSL.
38. Princess Anne County Audit Books, No. 1 (1783-1792), No. 2 (1792-1798), No. 3 (1799-1804, reel 55, VSL.
37. Princess Anne County Minute Book, No. 14 (1782-1790), 214, reel 43, VSL; Princess Anne County Deed Book, No. 21 (1788-1790), 92-94, reel 16, VSL.
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|Publication:||The Loyalist Gazette|
|Date:||Mar 22, 2003|
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