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Chinese prostitution: consequences and solutions in the post-Mao era.

This paper examines the development of Chinese prostitution in pre-communist China during the Mao regime and the post-Mao era, drawing lessons from the Chinese Government's efforts to eradicate prostitution. It discusses the relationship between prostitution and sexual disease, and argues that China's market economy, lack of religious beliefs and diverse cultures have contributed to the revival of prostitution in the post-Mao era. In order to effectively control the problem, it is necessary to adopt a comprehensive approach to change Chinese people's beliefs and ways of life.

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Prostitution has existed in China for more than 2,000 years. Although prostitution was already prevalent in the Tang Dynasty (618-907), its growth did not reach its highest point until China was forced to open its doors to the rest of the world in the second half of the 19th century. Under the Mao regime, between 1949 and 1976, prostitution was strictly forbidden and disappeared from Chinese society. After China launched the reform movement in 1978, however, prostitution has rapidly developed, causing some serious social problems, especially sexually transmitted diseases (STD). What are the similarities and differences between the flourishing period of Chinese prostitution in the second half of the 19th century and its revival in the post-Mao era? What lessons should we learn from the Government's efforts to eradicate prostitution in the Mao era? Why has Chinese prostitution come back in the post-Mao era? Does a market economy inevitably produce prostitutes? How can the growth of prostitution and STDs be effectively controlled in the 21st century? This paper attempts to argue that the Government tried to eliminate prostitution under the Mao regime but eventually failed, because coercive force and physical labour are not the most effective means for eradicating the roots of prostitution. The influence of Western culture cannot fully explain why prostitution is so rampant in the post-Mao era. Rather, the market economy, lack of religious beliefs and diverse cultures have contributed mainly to the revival of prostitution in China. To effectively halt the growth of prostitution and legally crack down on it requires the adoption of a comprehensive approach to change Chinese people's beliefs and lives.

Prostitution in Pre-communist China

Prostitution is one of the oldest social phenomena in the world. Although prostitutes have different characteristics in different historical periods, a prostitute is one who grants sexual access for payment. Generally speaking, prostitution can be defined as the explicit exchange of sex for money. (1) Prostitution existed in China as early as the Shang dynasty (17th-11th century BC). (2) According to G.L. Simons, China was one of the first countries in the world to institutionalise prostitution. (3) In ancient China, it was considered a "class privilege" for upper class men to visit prostitutes, so it was regarded as legitimate and socially indispensable. (4) Chinese men were motivated by various reasons to visit prostitutes. In addition to men's physical desire and male dominant psyche, Chinese men believed that they could gain more yin from prostitutes than from normal women. Since prostitutes had sex with many men, they had acquired more yang essence from them. Thus, they could give a patron more yang essence than he had lost. (5) It was said that "the wealthy husband had his concubines and the poor man had his brothels". (6) There were entire blocks of ancient cities given the title of "pleasure quarters", where men could go to solicit dancers, singers and prostitutes. During the reign of Yongzheng in the early 1700s, "prostitutes and pimps had been leniently treated as members of a status group, and occupied a grey area of toleration". (7)

After the First Opium War, China was forced to sign the unequal Nanking Treaty, which ceded the Chinese island of Hong Kong to Britain and opened five ports--Guangzhou, Xiamen, Fuzhou, Ningbo and Shanghai--to foreign trade and residence. All of these cities were called treaty ports, which contained large areas called concessions that were leased to foreign powers. After China signed the Nanking Treaty, other countries, including Russia, Japan and the United States soon demanded similar treaties with China. By the 1860s, 14 treaty ports were opened to foreign countries. Western people and culture and modern industry flowed into China. A market economy developed quickly and the number of night entertainment places grew dramatically. These cities attracted Chinese prostitutes from the surrounding provinces. During that period Chinese prostitution was legal and actually regarded as a cultural occupation. (8) A high ranking prostitute was trained to be skilled in many different arts such as singing, painting, writing poetry and playing musical instruments, as well as to have some knowledge of business and being able to give management advice to her clients. The Chinese sex market reached its highest point in the second half of the 19th century.

Shanghai has been called the key to modern China, because of "its rapid expansion in the 19th and 20th centuries, its importance as an industrial and commercial centre, its extensive exposure to foreign economic and cultural influences and its role as a hotbed of the radical politics that eventually shaped the Chinese revolution". (9) Shanghai is also the key to investigating Chinese prostitution. In the second half of the 19th century, Shanghai "experienced a prodigious growth and diversification of its population. The opening of the city to foreign trade brought merchants, coolies, craftsmen, adventurers and ruffians eager to make a living and hoping to make a fortune. Popular prostitution could only prosper in such a context." (10) According to the Health Officer of the International Settlement in Shanghai there were 463 brothels with 1,612 prostitutes in 1869. In 1928, there were 805 brothels with 5,100 prostitutes. (11) By 1935, combined estimates of licensed and unlicensed prostitutes ran to 100,000, making up 2.3 per cent of the total population of Shanghai (4.2 million) by that time. In other words, one out of every 42 city residents was directly involved in prostitution. (12)

Chinese Prostitutes under the Communist Regime

Culturally and socially, prostitutes had hard lives in pre-communist China, but Chinese society as a whole had room for them to survive during that period of time. Marxist orthodoxy, however, is completely incompatible with prostitution, viewing it as a disease of the old society of capitalism. As soon as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1949, the new government carried out an uncompromising policy and cracked down on every brothel in China. By November 1949, legislation was passed to close all the brothels in Beijing. The Government then established eight "rehabilitation and working centres for women" for the detained female prostitutes from the city. According to Harriet Evans, within two months of the founding of the New China, a series of measures adopted by the central communist authorities outlawing prostitution resulted in the closure of some 220 brothels in Beijing, the "salvation" of 1,200 prostitutes, the sentencing of more than three hundred brothel owners and pimps, and more than 7,000 prostitutes in Shanghai. (13) On 13 November 1951, the Bureau of Public Security officially ordered the closing of all the remaining registered brothels in China. (14) Throughout the country, prostitutes were rounded up and sent to special detention centres to cure them of venereal disease. (15) The Chinese Government also rehabilitated female prostitutes through re-education and re-employment programmes. (16) In 1958, the Government announced that "prostitution was already presented to the public as a practice of the feudal past" (17) and China was one of very few countries in the world "that has come close to a truly prohibitionist programme". (18)

By 1964, the Government declared that "venereal diseases no longer existed in China". (19) At first, Western societies were very sceptical about the Government report, but a small number of doctors who visited China were convinced. Joshua Horn, a British physician who practised medicine in China between 1954 and 1969, observed that "active venereal disease has been completely eradicated from most areas and completely controlled throughout China". (20) George Haterm, a famous American-born physician who practised medicine in China for more than 50 years, pointed out that "New China in a short period of less than 15 years conquered venereal disease and eradicated it from almost the whole country." (21)

Thirty years after the Chinese Government declared that prostitution in China had been eradicated, Western scholars have observed that the evil wind of prostitution is "once again sweeping over China". (22) The Chinese sex market suddenly boomed in a short period of time during the reform movement. Since 1978, prostitution has yet again become a growing epidemic that many women use as a form of steady income. Beginning in 1982, the rate of prostitution started to increase every year. A revival of wide-scale prostitution since the 1980s has accelerated to a nation-wide dilemma, (23) but the Chinese Government did not officially acknowledge that prostitution was a serious problem until 1988 because it believed that the communist system is the best system in the world and China is not supposed to have prostitutes. (24) Peter Fryer points out that, "for many years during the reign of Mao, there was an official denial of the existence of prostitution and the ruling party's political and ideological need even today is to maintain the denial of the existence of such activities". (25) In reality, 11,500 prostitutes were arrested in 1982. In the following year, "the number of arrests skyrocketed to 46,534". (26) In 1989, 243,183 people were charged with prostitution. Even more surprisingly, it is reported that the charges were estimated to include only about 30 per cent of the prostitution activity that year. Between 1986 and 1990 the number of those engaged in prostitution increased fourfold over the previous five years despite repeated crackdowns and police raids. (27) Sixty-two prison camps were set up for prostitutes between January 1986 and the end of 1987. (28) According to Elaine Jeffreys, "sellers of sex can be found throughout present-day China". (29) Not only has prostitution continued to flourish, particularly in the commercial zones of the south and southeast, but its social composition has expanded. The World Health Organisation estimates that six million Mainland Chinese women engage in prostitution. (30) Other scholars, such as Professor Pan Suiming of People's University in Beijing, believe the number of women who engage in commercial sex is considerably higher. (31) Zhong Wei estimates that Beijing alone has at least between 200,000 and 300,000 prostitutes. (32) According to the US State Department Human Rights Report released in 2001, there are about 10 million sex workers in China. (33)

Chinese prostitution is for sale in barber shops, massage parlours, nightclubs, hotels and discos. Moreover, some Chinese officials, policemen and various businessmen are directly tied to China's sex trade. Many bars and bathhouses that offer sex services are connected with the police or members of branches of the judiciary. John Pomfret observes that prostitution and sex tourism are huge businesses in China. Almost every hotel, "from no-star dives to five-star international chains, boasts a bevy of women offering oily massages and more to travellers". (34) If there is going to be a crackdown, these bars and bathhouses will be notified beforehand and will immediately disperse the prostitutes and their clients. (35) Some Chinese policemen and government officials "act as a protection umbrella for illegal operations at these sites". (36)

In order to develop business and increase profits, some companies openly advertise in newspapers recruiting single and beautiful young women under the age of 25. The title 'Public Relations Officer' is often synonymous with a "company-employed prostitute for high-ranking executives, potential clients and partners of the company". (37) In addition, the Chinese sex market attracts foreign prostitutes. The majority of foreign prostitutes come from Korea, Russia and some Southeast Asian countries. Some come to China as visitors, some illegally, and some supposedly as part of artistic performance groups. Foreign prostitutes provide a variety of services: helping men bathe, giving massages, and of course, providing sex. Foreign prostitutes used to be at the lowest end of the prostitution hierarchy in pre-communist China, but they are attracting more clients in present-day China.

The clients of Chinese prostitutes include both Chinese and foreigners. Many large joint-venture hotels and expensive restaurants are major work locations for high-class prostitutes, whose main clients are foreigners and wealthy Chinese businessmen. At present, Chinese prostitution is, like a century ago, a hierarchal system. In pre-communist China, Chinese prostitutes were divided into four categories: suuyu prostitutes (employed in storytellers' residences), yao prostitutes (employed in brothels), yeji prostitutes (street girls), and prostitutes in flower-smoke rooms. In the post-Mao era, ten million sex workers can be grouped into seven layers: second wives, hired prostitutes, escort girls, chink girls, barbershop girls, streetwalkers and women who live in sheds. (38) All of these seven forms of prostitutes serve clients from different ranks.

Causes of the Revival in Chinese Prostitution

Historically, women who became prostitutes were unemployed and poorly educated. Under these unfortunate circumstances, some women had no choice but to join the sex industry, although it was "a painful economic choice on the part of women and their families, since it was sometimes the best or only income-producing activity available to women seeking employment". (39) But now, in addition to these, "employees from state, collective and private enterprises, Party and state cadres, intellectuals, science and technology, personnel and even university students, and researchers, are becoming prostitutes". (40) Chinese prostitution in the reform era no longer represents the response of only impoverished and uneducated young women at the bottom of the urban and rural social hierarchy to the difficulties of making a livelihood. Newsweek reported about a Chinese college student becoming a prostitute. The girl is the first member of her family to get into Wuhan University, one of the best universities in China. In Wuhan she landed work as a waitress, but the pay barely covered her tuition. A manager from a local hotel offered her a job making more than ten times what she earned waiting tables. She felt too exhausted, alone and embarrassed at the possibility of going home to refuse so she became a prostitute. (41) Leslie Lau interviewed a multitude of Chinese prostitutes in order to uncover the true reasons why students in China all too often become entangled in such a horrendous style of wage- earning. One student told Lau that, "sometimes I sleep with the men, but I never see much of the money because I have to repay debts back home.... Once I save enough money, I will try to get help to go home." (42)

Why is the Chinese Government ineffective in controlling the spread of prostitution in the post-Mao era? Prevalent public opinion always points its finger to Western cultural influence--"a form of spiritual pollution that comes from the West". (43) Without a doubt, there are some similarities in the historical context between the flourishing period of Chinese prostitution in the second half of the 19th century and the revival period in the post-Mao era. The Government adopted an open-door policy and introduced Western cultures and investment into China during both historical periods. In this sense, Western sexual conceptions might have contributed to the boom of prostitution in the reform era. Elaine Jeffreys points out that the revival of prostitution during the early 1980s was initially associated with China's eastern coastal cities and thus "somewhat tenuously linked to the influx of foreign investment and the 'Western ideas'". (44) Some Western scholars also acknowledge that Western culture plays a role in contributing to the revival of Chinese prostitution. David J. Lynch notes that Western culture is "transforming attitudes toward sex". (45) Influenced by Western culture, Chinese people are experiencing their own sexual revolution. Seventy per cent of men and 33 per cent of women have watched pornography in recent years. Commercial sex has become an omnipresent feature of Chinese life. (46)

However, the influence of Western culture cannot fully explain why Chinese prostitution came back after Mao's death. In fact, a high percentage of Chinese prostitutes had no contact with Western culture before they became prostitutes. The revival of prostitution began with the inauguration of the Chinese reform movement in the early 1980s. The causes for the return of prostitution in the reform era must therefore be derived from the nature of the reform movement and market economy. The reform movement gave great impetus to China and brought economic prosperity. At the same time, the market economy also gave a new public prominence to the sex market, because a market economy develops places and opportunities for the use of women as commodities for sale. (47) By definition, prostitution has been defined as, "the explicit exchange of sex for money". (48) In the consumer world, the female body as a consumer product serves the needs of almost all sectors of the male population. In the second half of the 19th century, "in all classes, women were regarded as objects to be invested in or battered. At its most extreme, the trade in women took the form of trading beautiful merchandise-prostitutes." (49) In the post-Mao era, "the commoditization of people must be seen as a persistent and continuously reproduced element of Chinese culture". (50)

In order to promote the market economy, the reform policy in the post-Mao era has not always been favourable to Chinese women. Due to sexual prejudice and discrimination against women, some Chinese companies only hire women between 18 and 30 years of age. Pregnant and older women are commonly discriminated against. Moreover, Chinese women have been losing jobs. In 1997, more than 12 million state workers were laid off and about 800,000 government employees were put out of work in 1999. Although over 50 per cent of xia gang (laid off) women are over 40 years old, a great proportion are under 30. Among xia gang women, about 34 per cent have no retirement pension, and 34.1 per cent have no medical insurance. Most xia gang women have not received any support from their relatives and friends. Although they still have opportunities to find jobs, they face increasing discrimination. (51) When they do find work, it is usually a job that no one else would want. (52) Due to the old Chinese saying, "people laugh at the poor but do not laugh at prostitutes", (53) some xia gang women voluntarily choose to become prostitutes, in order to make money to support their families. They say that they want to earn as much money as possible. Evelyn Iritani observes that "laid-off workers in poorer countries, mostly women, will be forced into prostitution". (54) The commercial sex market not only provides a substantial income and employment for those directly or indirectly involved in prostitution, it also serves as a mechanism for redistributing incomes. (55) Therefore, some consequences of the reform movement, such as women's unemployment, transient population and government policy, are major factors that contribute to the spread of prostitution. (56) Chinese prostitution currently "serves the dual purposes of economic prosperity and sexual liberation".(57) Generally speaking, women enter prostitution in order to support and maintain their family networks both financially and socially. (58) Thus, it is still very important to increase the living standard of the Chinese people, in order to lessen the pressure on women to enter prostitution as a means of escaping absolute poverty. (59)

The reform movement and development of the market economy produced two important geographic and social trends: urbanisation and migration. During the Mao regime, more than 80 per cent of the Chinese population lived in the countryside and 90 per cent of rural residents were employed in agriculture. Economic development has greatly accelerated urbanisation. The urban population expanded from 172 million in 1978 to 379 million in 1997. By 2000, it accounted for about 33 per cent of China's nearly 1.3 billion people, reaching 400 million in 2000 and estimated to reach 500 million by 2020. (60) The urbanisation level in China is expected to reach 50 per cent during the next 20 years. (61) This process of urbanisation is part of the development of industrialisation. Meanwhile, urbanisation has created a large transient population, 80 million in 1994. (62) According to the results of China's Fifth Population Census, China's transient population reached 140 million in 2003. (63) Most are young people, with those between 15 and 35 making up 80 per cent of the total, but they have money and look for entertainment and sexual companionship. (64) Once this need was created, the open market answered it with a rapidly growing sex industry.

The modern market economy drives the world economy into globalisation. Present-day China has been experiencing a great transformation from a planned economy to a market economy and from centralisation to liberalisation. With the development of a market economy, China has become an integral part of international society. At the same time, the market economy opens the door for the return of pre-communist liberation sexual practices. (65) Chilla Bulbeck notes that sex workers have become part of the international migration of labour from every part of the world. (66) It can be said that the market economy inevitably produces prostitutes. Market economies and globalisation work together and make it impossible to resist the growth of prostitution. All these factors explain why prostitution has become increasingly open and ubiquitous in China, though technically illegal. (67) In June 2005, China's Ministry of Health published a document which encouraged unlicensed prostitutes to visit doctors regularly to check if they are infected with sexual diseases. This implies that the Chinese Government has officially recognised that the problem of Chinese prostitution is serious.

The Consequences of Chinese Prostitution

Since prostitution is an inevitable phenomenon within a market economy, China must face its serious consequences. The world over, the greatest challenges in the 21st century are poverty, disease and environmental degradation. (68) Sexually transmitted diseases are one of a number of common diseases which threaten the lives of human beings, social order and values. Prostitution results in many serious social problems because it is "a source of urbanised pleasures, a profession full of unscrupulous and greedy schemers, a site of moral danger and physical disease, and marker of national decay". (69) Thus, due to China's lack of health and sexual education, one of the most serious immediate consequences of the revival of prostitution in the post-Mao era has been the spread of sexual diseases, once again at an alarming speed. (70) It is common knowledge that STDs come mainly from unprotected sex. Prostitution is a reservoir of STDs (71) and the symptom of a general breakdown in sexual morality. (72) Obviously, prostitution "directly threatens public morals in public places, social health, women's rights and interests and even the social mood". (73)

Gonorrhea, syphilis, gramuloma inguinal, lymphogranuloma venereum and chancroid are five main forms of STDs, but the most serious types in contemporary society are HIV/AIDS, chlamydia and human papillomavirus. (74) A sample research conducted in Shanghai indicates that unprotected sex is the main cause of STDs. According to Shanghai health officials, 80 per cent of females and 20 per cent of males are infected by their spouses, and some 67 per cent of married and 45 per cent of single males are infected by prostitutes or sex partners. (75) Incomplete statistics suggest the HIV infection rate is 1.5 per cent among sex workers. (76)

The sexual transmission of HIV is rapidly increasing in China. In Shanghai, since the virus was first detected in 1987 up until 2004, there were 1,150 officially detected cases. (77) In the 1980s, a small number of HIV cases were found. Most of the infected were foreigners and Chinese people who had travelled overseas. The Chinese Government did not publicly acknowledge a serious AIDS problem until 2001. In June 2001, Zhang Wenkang, China's Minister of Health, made the startling announcement that some 600,000 people had HIV/AIDS. According to the latest Chinese official report, China now has 840,000 people infected with HIV out of the total population of 1.3 billion. (78) Two years ago, Western scholars estimated that "one million had been infected nationwide", (79) but Dai Zhicheng, director of the Health Ministry's Committee of AIDS, points out that the number of people living with HIV/AIDS in China could exceed 10 million by 2010 if no effective preventive measures are taken to control its spread. (80) The UN official report has reached the same conclusion that "by 2010 there could be between ten and fifteen million infected Chinese". (81)

It is estimated that 68 per cent of the people in China living with HIV contracted it from drug use but in 18 per cent of the cases, the cause of infection is unclear. (82) For example, Liuzhou (Guangxi), a city with 3.64 million permanent residents, has nearly 10,000 drug users, 21 per cent of whom are HIV carriers. (83) Although sexual intercourse is not the primary channel of HIV infection in China, at least some 11 per cent of HIV infected patients contract it through sexual intercourse. (84) It should be noted first, that drug users are more likely to be involved in higher-risk sexual behaviours than those who abstain from using drugs. In turn, these promiscuous sexual behaviours also easily lead to unhealthy lifestyles including involvement in drug use. In a research project conducted by the Research and Academic Integrity Committee at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, it was learned that drug use is extremely prevalent in the sex industry. According to a survey, 52 to 98 per cent of female drug users reported that they had engaged in commercial sex. Another survey conducted in 2000 in Zhengzhou (Henan) questioned 621 female sex workers. More than ten per cent said their clients were drug users. According to a report published in 2005, most prostitutes and individuals "with sexually transmitted diseases had concurrent sexual partners". (85) Second, 11 per cent of the total number of HIV carriers in China is still a significant number. More importantly, according to a recent report, most of the recent infections in women have been transmitted sexually. (86) Some of them belong to the high-risk group of prostitutes while others are infected by their husbands. In addition, many cases of HIV are not even reported because of embarrassment and fear of social isolation. Most unreported cases have likely been acquired through sexual intercourse.

Other forms of STD have also increased sharply in the post-Mao era. While prostitution is making a huge revival in China, experts point out that unprotected sex is the primary reason "for the skyrocketing number of cases of syphilis, gonorrhea and other sexually transmitted diseases". (87) A total of 3,186 gonococcal isolates were tested between 1993 and 1998. (88) The incidence of gonorrhea increased 2.6 times during this period at an average annual rate of 11.4 per cent, reaching a plateau from 1994 to 1997. (89) Gonorrhea has also become very serious, although in recent years syphilis has spread very quickly and is the foremost STD in some regions. The incidence of syphilis increased approximately 20 times from 1989 to 1998, at an average annual rate of 52.7 per cent. (90) About 80,406 cases were reported in 1999. From 1993 to 1999, the annual average incidence growth rate of syphilis was 83.55 per cent. (91) A study shows that people who have multiple sex partners or the desire to have multiple sex partners are most likely to be infected with syphilis. (92) About 14.6 per cent of high-income men who had sex with prostitutes have chlamydia and 5.6 per cent of the partners of those men are infected. The prevalence of chlamydia across China is similar to many developed countries, but in some urban areas, it is extremely high, especially among women whose husbands are high earners and who are out of the home a number of days each month. (93) Chlamydia is highest in the rapidly developing coastal region of China where 16 per cent of men and 9.9 per cent of women are infected. (94)

By the end of 2004, 1.26 million STD patients were confirmed in Guangdong Province out of the total provincial population of 110 million residents. About 0.54 per cent of pregnant women were diagnosed with syphilis in the same region. Of the STD patients discovered in 2004, 67.2 per cent contracted a disease through non-marital sex. (95) In 1988, China reported 56,090 STD cases, and by December 1989 the total number reached 204,077. In 2002, more than 740,000 cases of STD were reported. (96) The STD rates in China have increased 100-fold since 1986 when China publicly confirmed its first cases of STDs. According to the latest statistics, nearly four million people contract STD each year. In 1996, Chinese experts predicted that "with the number of cases rising by 18 per cent annually, venereal disease could become China's top infectious disease by the year 2000". (97) Present-day China has over seven million people diagnosed with STDs, making them third highest on the list of infectious diseases in the country. (98) However, the incidence of STDs is likely to top all contagious diseases in China in three to five years. (99)

Resolutions for Controlling the Development of Prostitution and STDs

The revival of Chinese prostitution is a by-product of the market economy and one of the main causes of STDs. How can the Government control the growth of Chinese prostitution while continuing to develop the market economy? How can the growth of STDs be controlled while Chinese prostitution continues to develop? Two interrelated issues are especially important in the control of the growth of STDs, namely, preventing transmission of STDs into the general population and treatment of infected people. From a sociological perspective, in order to effectively control the rampant growth of STDs, it is more important to prevent STDs rather than to treat them. Therefore, control of the growth of prostitution is urgently needed to reverse the awkward position of the Chinese Government in managing the problem of prostitutes and STDs. To be sure, prostitution must be discouraged in terms of both communist ideology and Marxist feminist perspectives instead of through seeking a legal remedy for its elimination. However, "the cause of prostitution is in the structuring of society, and that is where the solution will reside". (100)

The main task is to prevent the disease from being transmitted to the general public from high-risk people such as prostitutes and clients, the transient population, and long-distance truck drivers. (101) China is at significant risk from STDs which are currently spreading from relatively localised high-risk groups into the mainstream population. Unquestionably, the first high-risk group that is spreading STDs is prostitutes. (102) If the Government cannot control the current situation with respect to prostitution, the country could become the leading centre for the spread of STDs. (103) There is little doubt that the Chinese government has made efforts to launch national campaigns to crack down on prostitution, but it has not established unified laws for local governments to regulate Chinese prostitutes. Moreover, local governments' treatment of prostitutes is about the same as what they did in the 1950s. The main lesson from the Chinese Government's efforts in eradicating Chinese prostitution in the Mao era is that it is impossible to eradicate it through coercive force. In fact, without changing the value standards of Chinese people, sexual repression under coercive force will cause more serious problems later. (104)

There are ways that prostitutes can restore their lives and turn to other means of employment. Legal regulation is of course one measure but not the most effective. The Government has established various laws and regulations to regulate prostitution, including, Security Administration Punishment Regulations (1987), Decision on Strictly Forbidding the Selling and Buying of Sex (1991), Decision on the Severe Punishment of Criminals Who Abduct and Traffic in or Kidnap Women and Children (1991), Law on Protecting the Rights and Interests of Women (1992), Revision of Criminal Law of the PRC (1997) and Regulations Concerning the Management of Public Places of Entertainment (1999).

The compulsory treatment of STDs is necessary, as some Western countries did during World War II, including Australia, France and Britain, but it is not fundamental to ending their spread. (105) While police raids "may have positive political benefits, they fail to produce long-term reductions in the number of sex workers or clients". (106) The Government's periodic crackdowns on prostitution activity seem half-hearted because China's economy cannot produce enough legitimate jobs to absorb everyone who needs one. (107) In fact, Chinese prostitutes have become part of the Chinese economy. According to Chinese economist Yang Fan, there are 20 million prostitutes in China, earning RMB 25,000 annually, i.e., totalling RMB 500 billion. About half of the prostitutes' income goes to consumption, i.e., consumption of RMB 250 billion. Prostitutes also need equipment including beepers, cell phone, cabs, apartments, expensive clothes, fine cosmetics, pharmaceuticals and even bodyguards. In this sense, the sex industry is part of the Chinese economy, accounting for about eight per cent of China's GDP. (108) Thus, prostitution promotes both economic prosperity as well as sexual liberation. However, it does not necessarily mean that China needs a red-light district or the Chinese Government should legalise prostitution. (109)

The most important thing is for prostitutes to change themselves fundamentally, change their beliefs and their way of life. In retrospect, the May Fourth Movement was mainly concerned with the liberation of Chinese women's "feet", while the Nationalist Government was primarily concerned about the liberation of Chinese women's "hands". The womens' liberation today aims at the liberation of women's "brains".(110) Politics and religion are two main support systems in modern society. Jacques Gernet has referred to these two aspects in democratic societies as the "political sovereign" and the "doctrinal sovereign". (111) Politics maintains social order while religions enrich people's spiritual lives through purifying their heart. Unlike democratic countries, however, religions in China are suppressed. Communist ideology is an entirely anti-religious ideology. The state control of religion is a basic characteristic of Chinese politics under the communist regime. The CCP controls Chinese religions through official Chinese ideology, religious policy, government organisations, associations of different religions and coercive force. (112) While prohibiting the freedom of religion, Maoism became an established religion under the Mao regime. Chinese people were allowed to worship only Mao Zedong--the greatest leader of the CCP. Consequently, the majority of Chinese people practised only the communist ideology. In order for Chinese religions to reach the masses and play a role in changing the beliefs of Chinese prostitutes, it is also critical to promote freedom of religion along with the development of democratisation.

Influenced by communist revolutionary ideology, Chinese prostitutes were treated unfairly under the Mao regime. They were considered victims before the reform movement, but "they were not trusted by the Party as responsible people". (113) They were perceived to be law-breakers who had to be put behind bars or under forced labour. In the post-Mao era, prostitutes are still judged by a simple moral standard. Many face alienation among their peers and harsh repercussions. They have become highly mobile and increasingly reluctant to take part in voluntary counselling and testing programmes. Those who need medication for STD-related conditions often think twice before going to the hospital because they fear facing doctors' apathy or remonstrations. (114) Obviously, their dignity is seriously injured. This naturally contributes to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. The public should understand that prostitutes are a disadvantaged group needing help. Prostitutes are not prostitution. (115) Prostitutes are human beings and individuals who must be respected. They can leave prostitution, but it is a difficult process.

To prevent the expansion of prostitution, it is necessary to work with Chinese society as a whole to reduce the demand for sexual services. Though prostitution is a social phenomenon that cannot be cured overnight, it cannot be viewed as a new domain of women's work. Jeffreys argues that the Western "pro-sex work" position is simply inappropriate to the Chinese context and the Chinese Government must take a tough stance in order to control the growth of prostitution effectively. (116) As the prostitution industry expands, more and more Chinese people are visiting brothels and spreading diseases to yet more people. Some transient members of the population pay prostitutes to satisfy sexual desires; some businessmen procure prostitutes for their clients to enhance their business opportunities; some Chinese officials routinely engage prostitutes by using their power; and even some intellectuals visit brothels. In June 2004, a famous professor, Lu Deming, of the Department of Economics at Fudan University was caught with a Chinese prostitute. The University offered "re-educational help" to him and expelled him from the Party Committee because his behaviour overstepped the limit of social morality. This suggests that what is needed is to promote active behavioural-intervention programmes in China. (117)

The public's confidence in openly forbidding prostitution has been greatly weakened. According to a survey on prostitution conducted in cities, the inactive attitude towards illegal sexual affairs has weakened. Only 9.7 per cent of the respondents believe all the underground prostitutes could be discovered. Also, only 3.75 per cent believe almost all the clients could be discovered. In contrast, 42.8 per cent believe the underground prostitutes are seldom or never discovered; 63.1 per cent believe that the clients are seldom or never discovered. Moreover, as the public is not willing to become involved in the detection and reporting of prostitution, the numbers of prostitutes and their clients increase due to low risk factors. (118)

In addition to prostitutes, transient people are a high-risk group serving as a gateway for contracting STDs and spreading them into large cities. Research suggests that most of these affected people are migrants or prostitutes. (119) Due to the fact that most male transient workers are single but have money, prostitutes target them as clients. Condoms are rarely used during sexual interaction, causing the disease to spread. According to a survey carried out in 2003 among the 986 sexually active migrants, the prevalence of chlamydia, gonorrhea, and syphilis was 3.5 per cent, 0.5 per cent, and 1.0 per cent, respectively. (120) The prevalence of STDs was 3.2 per cent for construction workers, 5.6 per cent for market vendors, and 5.6 per cent for factory workers.

In order to treat existing cases of STDs, it is necessary first of all to improve the Chinese health care system. In China, the National Program of STD Control is directed by the Ministry of Health and assisted by two affiliated centres: The National Centre for AIDS Prevention and Control, and The National Centre for STD and Leprosy Control. Although there is a National System of STD Surveillance to monitor the STD epidemic at the national level since 1987, most hospitals and clinics do not have special STD departments or doctors. (121) Treatment for STDs is extremely scarce because the Chinese healthcare system is a server with a lack of human resources. This may be partly due to the fact that Chinese prostitution "did not exist as a serious object of governmental and intellectual concern in China for a period of nearly three decades". (122) Chinese doctors had no medical experience in the treatment of STDs before the reform movement. According to Haterm, Chinese doctors who were under the age of 45 or 50 had never seen a case of active syphilis or gonorrhea because China once proclaimed that it had eradicated prostitution and venereal disease in the 1960s. (123) Some clinical centres have trained doctors in recent years, but it is far from enough. (124) It is even difficult to find a doctor who can test if someone is infected with HIV. According to the Ministry of Health, there are only about one hundred doctors in China qualified to diagnose and treat HIV. Moreover, Chinese primary care physicians have limited knowledge of STDs. Obviously, this is "a barrier to the appropriate diagnosis and treatment of STDs". (125)

The Chinese Government should provide more financial support and develop better supervision of laboratories and health care equipment. (126) The basic health care equipment in Chinese hospitals and clinics, especially in poor rural areas, is outdated. (127) In January 2003, a delegation consisting of various scientific and administrative professionals and led by US Senator Bill Frist, from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies went to China to examine China's approach to HIV/AIDS. The delegation found that "China remains ill equipped to pre-empt a generalised HIV/AIDS epidemic." (128)

At present, China's medical system is undergoing transformation towards privatisation with the result that Chinese hospitals and clinics are focussing on profits instead of caring for patients. (129) Some STD clinics are run by commercial organisations or individuals, often leading to a lack of quality control and lax supervision. Illegal roving clinics still exist in great numbers. Even in many legal medical units, most patients are given poor service and charged unreasonably high prices. Both illegal roving STD doctors and many state-owned hospitals and clinics overcharge patients and provide poor service. Patients are usually too shy, due to the nature of their disease, to file complaints to supervisory bodies. (130) According to Zhang Junyan from the Chinese Centre for Disease Control and Prevention, if the public has no access to timely and effective treatment for sexual diseases, "the situation will soon be out of control". (131) The Chinese Government should take any necessary measures to establish clinics, crack down on illegal clinics and find effective ways to check the spread of the venereal disease. (132)

Recently, the Government has been considering making HIV transmission a criminal act. (133) It announced new regulations that include punishing HIV- infected individuals who intentionally infect others. However, the most important key to controlling STDs is promotion of mass educational programmes and training of health care workers and common citizens. Open discussion of STDs helps attract the attention of the general public. (134) When people learn how the disease is contracted and how to prevent it, they are able to defend themselves. (135) However, the Government has neglected the development of sex education for a long time and the current sex educational programmes are still limited to the necessity of using contraception to limit population growth. (136) Many Chinese scientists continue to complain that China lacks a national public education programme. (137) Schools in most provinces do not teach sexual education, leaving many young people unaware of potential risks. Many prostitutes know very little about how STDs are transmitted. A recent survey shows that large numbers of prostitutes do not use condoms when having sex with both commercial and non-commercial sexual partners, and many are unaware of the risks. (138) Incomplete statistics indicate that only about 30 per cent used condoms during sex before the doctors' intervention. (139) This study implies that it is necessary to promote awareness of STD infection and stress the value of condoms. (140) Some Chinese cities are launching a campaign to set up condom selling machines in public places, including college and university campuses, entertainment venues such as hotels, nightclubs, beauty salons and karaoke bars, and construction sites where migrant workers are often employed. However, the majority of Chinese cities have not yet set up these machines. (141)

To campaign for a massive STD educational programme, the Chinese Government must guarantee freedom of the press. Under the censorship system, Chinese authorities are very strict on what is publicised about the growth of the HIV virus in China. The Government is hesitant to admit that HIV is becoming a dangerous problem. The most widely known AIDS campaigner, Wan Yanhai, was arrested for openly criticising the Government and publicly revealing the actual size of the epidemic. In the wake of the SARS epidemic, China faced much criticism for doctored statistics relating to the number of infected citizens within the country. At present, the Government is also dealing with how to handle bird flu. Although it promised reform, the Government is suspected of carrying out similar practices with STDs. Therefore, it can be believed that STDs will continue to spread to epidemic proportions until such time that the necessary precautions are taken to protect the public.

(1) Chilla Bulbeck, Re-Orienting Western Feminisms: Women's Diversity in a Postcolonial World (Cambridge: University Press, 2003), p.180.

(2) Nanette J. Davis, Prostitution: An International Handbook on Trends, Problems, and Policies (Westport, CT: P. Greenwood, 1993), p. 88.

(3) See G.L. Simons, The Illustrated Book of Sexual Records (Maryland: Random House Value Publishing, 1987).

(4) Davis, Prostitution: An International Handbook on Trends, Problems, and Policies, p. 88.

(5) Posted on the Big Eye website at <http://www.bigeye.com/sexeducation/ancientchina. html> [12 Feb. 2006].

(6) Fernando Henriques, Prostitution and Society (New York: The Citadel Press, 1962), p. 250.

(7) Donald Sutton, "Sex, Law, and Society in Late Imperial China", Journal of Social History 35 (Sept. 2002): 712.

(8) Teemu Ruskola, "Law, Sexual Morality, and Gender Equality in the Qing and Communist China", Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 103, no. 8 (June 1994): 2531.

(9) Gail Hershatter, "The Hierarchy of Shanghai Prostitution, 1870-1949", Modern China 15, no. 4 (Oct. 1989): 463.

(10) Christian Henriot, "From a Throne of Glory to a Seat of Ignominy: Shanghai Prostitution Revisited (1849-1949)", Modern China 22, no. 2 (Apr. 1996): 155.

(11) Ibid., p. 152.

(12) Hershatter, "The Hierarchy of Shanghai Prostitution, 1870-1949", p. 465.

(13) Harriet Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender Since 1949 (New York: The Continuum Publishing Company, 1997), p. 175.

(14) Christian Henriot, "La Femeture: The Abolition of Prostitution in Shanghai, 1949-58", The China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 474.

(15) Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender since 1949, p. 174.

(16) Sandra Teresa Hyde, "Selling Sex and Sidestepping the State: Prostitutes, Condoms, and HIV/AIDS Prevention in Southwest China", International Quarterly 18 (Winter 2000): 112.

(17) Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender since 1949, p. 175.

(18) Kathleen Barry, Female Sexual Slavery (New York: New York University Press, 1979), p. 128.

(19) Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender since 1949, p. 175.

(20) Quoted in Herbert K. Abrams, "Resurgence of Sexually Transmitted Disease in China", Journal of Public Health Policy (2001): 1.

(21) George Haterm, "With Mao Tse-tung's Thought as the Compass for Action in the Control of Venereal Diseases in China", China Medicine (Oct. 1966): 60.

(22) Nanette Davis, Prostitution: An International Handbook on Trends, Problems, and Politics (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1993), p. 94.

(23) Vincent E. Gil, Marco S. Wang, Allen F. Anderson, Guo Mathew Lin and Zongjian Oliver Wu, "Prostitutes, Prostitution, and STD/HIV Transmission in Mainland China", Social Science and Medicine 42, no. 1 (Jan. 1996): 141.

(24) Quoted in Peter Goodman, "Sex Trade Thrives in China: Localities Exploiting A Growing Business", Washington Post, 4 Jan. 2003, p. A1.

(25) Peter Fryer, Prostitution (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 29.

(26) Xin Ren, Prostitution and Employment Opportunities for Women under China's Economic Reform (Johannesburg, South Africa: Lola Press, 2004), p. 1.

(27) Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender since 1949, p. 185.

(28) Ibid., p. 185.

(29) Elaine Jeffreys, "Feminist Prostitution Debates: Are There any Sex Workers in China?" in Chinese Women--Living and Working, ed. Anne E. McLaren (New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004), p. 83.

(30) Yueyan Lin, "Sex Trade Dominates Debate on Chinese Women", Radio Free Asia, Washington, DC, 2005.

(31) Pan Suiming, Three Red Light Districts in China (Beijing: Qunyan Publishing House, 1999), p. 16.

(32) Zhong Wei, "A Close Look at China's Sex Industry", Lianhe zaobao, 2 Oct. 2000.

(33) Quoted in Peter Goodman, "Sex Trade Thrives in China: Localities Exploiting a Growing Business".

(34) John Pomfret, "Wild Weekend's Hangover; Outrage Follows Japanese Tourists' Orgy with Chinese Prostitutes", Washington Post, 3 Oct. 2003, p. A14.

(35) Lin, "Sex Trade Dominates Debate on Chinese Women".

(36) Zhang Zhiping, "Does China Need a Red-Light District?", Beijing Review, 12 June 2000, p. 31.

(37) Ren, Prostitution and Employment Opportunities for Women under China's Economic Reform, p. 3.

(38) Pan Suiming, Three Red Light Districts in China, p. 7.

(39) Gail Hershatter, "Modernizing Sex, Sexing Modernity: Prostitution in Early Twentieth- century Shanghai", in Engendering China: Women, Culture, and the State, ed. Christina K. Gilmartin, Gail Hershatter, Lisa Rofel and Tyrene White (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), p. 147.

(40) Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender Since 1949, p. 175.

(41) Sarah Schafer, "Not Just Another Pretty Face", Newsweek, 13 Oct. 2003, p. 36.

(42) Leslie Lau, "Social Problems Grow amid Surge in Number of Chinese Women Working as Prostitutes", Singapore Times, 4 Dec. 2005.

(43) Henriot, "La Femeture: The Abolition of Prostitution in Shanghai, 1949-58", p. 424.

(44) Elaine Jeffreys, China, Sex and Prostitution: Telling Tale (New York: Routledge, 2004), p. 96.

(45) David J. Lynch, "Today's Chinese Revolution is Sexual", USA Today, 16 Sept. 2003, p. A15.

(46) Ibid.

(47) Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender since 1949, p. 181.

(48) Bulbeck, Re-Orienting Western Feminisms: Women's Diversity in a Postcolonial World, p. 180.

(49) Sue Gronewald, Beautiful Merchandise: Prostitution in China: 1860-1936 (New York: Haworth Press, 1982), p. 128.

(50) Hill Gates, "Buying Brides in China-again", Anthropology Today 12, no. 4 (Aug. 1996): 8.

(51) See Jessica Fulton, "Holding up Half the Heavens: The Effect of Communist Rule on China's Women", Indiana University South Bend at <http://www.iusb.edu/~journal/2000/fulton.html> [7 Apr. 2006].

(52) Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl Wudunn, China Wakes: The Struggle for the Soul of a Rising Power (New York: Random House, 1994), pp. 214-6.

(53) Gail Hershatter, "A Regulating Sex in Shanghai: The Reform of Prostitution in 1920 and 1951", in Shanghai Sojourners, ed. Frederic, Wakeman, Jr., and Wen-hsin Yeh (Berkeley: Centre for Chinese Studies, 1992), p. 172.

(54) Evelyn Iritani, "As Textile Curbs Fall, Many Feel Hardship", Los Angeles Times, 21 Apr. 2005, p. 1.

(55) Lin Lean Lim, The Sex Sector: The Economic and Social Bases of Prostitution in Southeast Asia (Washington, DC: International Labour Office, 1998), p. 9.

(56) Zi Teng, "Commercial Sex in Present-day China", Newspaper Digest, 22 Oct. 1990, p. 2.

(57) Nanette Davis, Prostitution: An International Handbook on Trends, Problems, and Politics (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1993), p. 105.

(58) Tim J. Filfoyle, "Prostitute in History: From Parables of Pornography to Metaphors of Modernity", The American Historical Review 104, no. 1 (Feb. 1999): 118.

(59) Lin, The Sex Sector: The Economic and Social Bases of Prostitution in Southeast Asia, p. 209.

(60) Cheng Li, Rediscovering China: Dynamics and Dilemmas of Reform (New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1997), p. 156.

(61) Wu Bangguo, "Chinese Economy in the Twenty-first Century", Presidents and Prime Ministers 9 (Jan. 2000): 16-23.

(62) Li, Rediscovering China, p. 130.

(63) "China's Floating Population Tops 140 Million", People's Daily, 27 July 2005 at <http://english.people.com.cn/200507/ 27/eng20050727_198605.html> [7 Apr. 2006].

(64) "China's Floating Population Tops 140 Million", People's Daily, 27 July 2005.

(65) Hyde, "Selling Sex and Sidestepping the State: Prostitutes, Condoms, and HIV/AIDS Prevention in Southwest China", p. 111.

(66) Bulbeck, Re-Orienting Western Feminisms: Women's Diversity in a Postcolonial World, p. 181.

(67) Peter Goodman, "Sex Trade Thrives in China: Localities Exploiting a Growing Business", Washington Post, 4 Jan. 2003.

(68) "Poverty, Disease, Environmental Decline Are True 'Axis of Evil'", World Watch Institutes Website at <http://www.worldwatch.org/press/news/2005/01/12/> [20 Feb. 2006].

(69) Hershatter, "Modernizing Sex, Sexing Modernity: Prostitution in Early Twentieth- century Shanghai", p. 147.

(70) Evans, Women and Sexuality in China: Female Sexuality and Gender since 1949, p. 174.

(71) Vincent. E. Gil, Marco S. Wang, Allen F. Anderson, Guo Mathew Lin, and Zongjian Oliver Wu, "Prostitutes, Prostitution, and STD/HIV Transmission in Mainland China", Social Science and Medicine 42, no. 1 (Jan. 1996): 141.

(72) Michael Sturma, "Public Health and Sexual Morality: Venereal Disease in World War II Australia", Signs 13, no. 4 (Summer 1988): 728.

(73) Zhang, "Does China Need a Red-Light District?", p. 31.

(74) The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition.

(75) Edmund Settle, "AIDS in China: An Annotated Chronology (1985-2003)", p. 7, posted at <http://www.casy.org/chron/AIDSchron_111603.pdf> [12 Feb. 2006].

(76) "Anti-AIDS Campaign Spotlights Sex Workers", People's Daily, 4 May 2005.

(77) "AIDS Experts Worry about 'Mobile Men with Money'", People's Daily, 2 Aug. 2005.

(78) "China Could Have 10 Million HIV Cases by 2010", Public Policy International News at <http://www.hivdent.org/ publicp/inter/ppinCCHM1005.htm> [12 Feb. 2006].

(79) Drew Thompson, "Pre-empting an HIV/AIDS Disaster in China", Seton Hall Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations IV, no. 2 (Summer/Fall 2003): 30

(80) "Nation to Limit HIV Cases to 1.5m by 2010", Xinhua Net at <http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2005-10/ 23/content_3671711.htm> [12 Feb. 2006].

(81) Thompson, "Pre-empting an HIV/AIDS Disaster in China", p. 30.

(82) "60% HIV Carriers Infected through Drug Use: Expert", People's Daily, 27 Nov. 2003.

(83) "Anti-AIDS Campaign Spotlights Sex Workers", People's Daily, 4 May 2005.

(84) "Current Overview of HIV/AIDS in China", China AIDS Survey at <http://www.casy.org/overview.htm> [12 Feb. 2006].

(85) Hongmei Yang, Xiaoming Li, Bonita Stanton, Hongjie Liu, Hui Liu, Ning Wang, Xiaoyi Fang, Danhua Lin and Xinguang Chen, "Heterosexual Transmission of HIV in China: A Systematic Review of Behavioral Studies in the Past Two Decades", Sexually Transmitted Diseases 32, no. 5 (May 2005): 270-80.

(86) Sun Xiaohua, "Day Highlights Rising HIV in Women", China Daily, 11 July 2004.

(87) Julie Chao, "Prostitution Boom in China Poses Growing Threat to Public Health", The Atlanta Journal-Constitution 26 (Sept. 2000): A1.

(88) Shunzhang Ye, Xiaohong Su, Qianqiu Wang, Yueping Yin, Xiuqin Dai and Houhua Sun, "Surveillance of Antibiotic Resistance of Neisseria Gonorrhoeae Isolates in China, 1993-1998", Journal of the American Sexually Transmitted Diseases Association at <http://www.stdjournal.com/pt/re/ std/abstract.00007435-200204000-00010.htm;jsessionid=D162 uWOUcVE3VHbq341100FALHLpDdxXTRRD4NEFFZVc60CeGKX5 !958525354!-949856144!9001!-1> [12 Feb. 2006].

(89) X.S. Chen, X.D. Gong, G.J. Liang and G.C. Zhang, "Epidemiologic Trends of Sexually Transmitted Diseases in China", The Service of National Library of Medicine and the National Institutes of Health at <http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/entrez/ query.fcgi?cmd=Retrieve&db=PubMed&list_uids=10726645&dopt=Abstract> [12 Feb. 2006].

(90) Ibid.

(91) X. Gong, G. Zhang and S. Ye, "Epidemiological Analysis of Syphilis in China through 1985 to 2000", Chinese Journal of Sexually Transmitted Infection 1, no. 1 (2001): 1-6.

(92) Nan He, Roger Detels, Jingde Zhu, Qingwu Jiang, Zheng Chen, Yan Fang, Xiaohang Zhang, Min Wu and Qi Zhao, "Characteristics and Sexually Transmitted Diseases of Male Rural Migrants in a Metropolitan Area of Eastern China", Sexually Transmitted Diseases 32, no. 5 (May 2005): 286-92.

(93) Ibid.

(94) Ibid.

(95) Zheng Caixiong, "Guangdong Sees Quick Rise in STD Patients", China Daily, 4 Apr. 2005.

(96) Edmund Settle, "AIDS in China: An Annotated Chronology (1985-2003)", p. 4.

(97) "China Venereal Disease Rates Rising 18 Percent Annually", AIDS Weekly Plus, 19 Aug. 1996.

(98) "China Deals with Increasing Venereal Diseases", People's Daily, 11 Mar. 2000.

(99) "Experts Predict High STD Incidence in 3 to 5 Years", People's Daily, 13 Jan. 2004.

(100) Elaine Jeffreys, "A Matter of Choice: Feminist Prostitution Debates and the Example of China", at <http://web.mit.edu/chinapolicy/www/conference1/jeffreys.pdf> [12 Feb. 2006].

(101) Edmund Settle, "AIDS in China: An Annotated Chronology (1985-2003)", pp. 5-8.

(102) E. Rosenthal, "Scientists Warn of Inaction as AIDS Spreads in China", New York Times, 15 August 2000, p. 1.

(103) Lin, "Sex Trade Dominates Debate on Chinese Women".

(104) Wendy Larson, "Never This Wild: Sexing the Cultural Revolution", Modern China 25, no. 4 (Oct. 1999): 423.

(105) Sturma, "Public Health and Sexual Morality: Venereal Disease in World War II Australia", p. 731.

(106) Staff Writer, "Legalizing Prostitution in China", South China Morning Post, 29 July 2004, p. 6.

(107) Lynch, "Today's Chinese Revolution is Sexual", p. A15.

(108) Zhong Wei, "A Close Look at China's Sex Industry", Lianhe zaobao, 2 Oct. 2000.

(109) Zhang, "Does China Need a Red-Light District?", p. 31.

(110) Gail Hershatter, Dangerous Pleasures: Prostitution and Modernity in Twentieth Century Shanghai (London: University of California Press, 1997), p. 391.

(111) Jacques Gernet, China and the Christian Impact: A Conflict of Cultures (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 108.

(112) Jinghao Zhou, "Communist China", in Encyclopedia of Religious Freedom, ed. Catharine Cookson (New York: Routledge, 2003), p. 44.

(113) Henriot, "La Fermeture: The Abolition of Prostitution in Shanghai 1949-58", p. 467.

(114) "Anti-AIDS Campaign Spotlights Sex Workers", People's Daily, 4 May 2005.

(115) Garry Bennet and Roberta Perkins, Being a Prostitute: Prostitute Women and Men (Boston: Allen and Unwin, 1985), p. 280.

(116) Jeffreys, "Feminist Prostitution Debates: Are There any Sex Workers in China", p. 96.

(117) X.S. Chen, X.D. Gong, G.J. Liang and G.C. Zhang, "Epidemiologic Trends of Sexually Transmitted Diseases in China".

(118) See Pan Suiming, Cun zai yu huang miu--Zhong Guo di Xia Xing Chan Ye Kao Cha (The Underground Sex Industry in China) (Beijing: Qunyan Publishing House, 1999).

(119) "AIDS Experts Worry about 'Mobile Men with Money'", People's Daily, 2 Aug. 2005.

(120) Nan He, Roger Detels, Jingde Zhu, Qingwu Jiang, Zheng Chen, Yan Fang, Xiaohang Zhang, Min Wu and Qi Zhao, "Characteristics and Sexually Transmitted Diseases of Male Rural Migrants in a Metropolitan Area of Eastern China", Sexually Transmitted Diseases 32, no. 5 (May 2005): 286-92.

(121) Zhong Wei, "A Close Look at China's Sex Industry".

(122) Jeffreys, China, Sex and Prostitution: Telling Tale, p. 96.

(123) Haterm, "With Mao Tse-tung's Thought as the Compass for Action in the Control of Venereal Diseases in China", China Medicine (Oct. 1966): 60.

(124) "State Alert as STDs on the Rise", China Daily, 6 Nov. 2000.

(125) Harold C. Wiesenfeld, Keisha Dennard-Hall, Robert Cook, Michael Ashton, Tracy Zamborsky and Marijane Krohn, "Knowledge About Sexually Transmitted Diseases in Women Among Primary Care Physicians", Sexually Transmitted Diseases 32, no. 11 (Nov. 2005): 649-53.

(126) D.T. Fleming and J.N. Wasserheit, "From Epidemiologic Synergy to Public Health Policy and Practice: Contribution of Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases to Sexual Transmission of HIV Infection", Sexually Transmitted Infections 75, no. 1 (1999): 3-7.

(127) S. He, "Reforms and Development of Rural Preventive Care Network in Hubei Province", China Rural Health Administration 21, no. 4 (2001): 5.

(128) Lous Sulliavan, J. Stapleton Roy, J. Stephen Morrison and Gill Bates, Averting a Full-blown HIV/AIDS Epidemic in China: A Report of the CSIS HIV/AIDS Delegation to China, Jan. 13-17, 2003 (Washington, DC: The CSIS Press, 2003), p. 6.

(129) Kyung-Hee Choi, et al., "Treatment Delay and Reliance of Private Physicians among Patients with STDs in China", International Journal of STD and AIDS 110 (1999): 310.

(130) "State Alert as STDs on the Rise", China Daily, 6 Nov. 2000.

(131) Quoted in "Experts Predict High STD Incidence in 3 to 5 Years", People's Daily, 13 Jan. 2004.

(132) "China Deals with Increasing Venereal Diseases", People's Daily, 11 Mar. 2000.

(133) Harriet Evans, Women and Sexuality in China (New York: Continuum, 1997), p. 177.

(134) Harvey J. Locke, "Changing Attitudes Toward Venereal Diseases", American Sociological Review 4, no. 6 (Dec. 1939): 842.

(135) Haterm, "With Mao Tse-tung's Thought as the Compass for Action in the Control of Venereal Diseases in China", China Medicine (Oct. 1966): 60.

(136) Fang-fu Ruan, "China", in The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality, ed. Robert T. Francoeur (The Continuum Publishing Company, 2001).

(137) E. Rosenthal, "Scientists Warn of Inaction as AIDS Spreads in China", New York Times, 2 Aug. 2000, p. 1.

(138) Hongmei Yang, Xiaoming Li, Bonita Stanton, Hongjie Liu, Hui Liu, Ning Wang, Xiaoyi Fang, Danhua Lin and Xinguang Chen, "Heterosexual Transmission of HIV in China: A Systematic Review of Behavioral Studies in the Past Two Decades", Sexually Transmitted Diseases 32, no. 5 (May 2005): 270-80.

(139) "Anti-AIDS Campaign Spotlights Sex Workers", People's Daily, 4 May 2005.

(140) Leslie H. Lang, "Hidden Chlamydia Epidemic Found In China", Carolina 154, 11 Mar. 2003.

(141) "Beijing Sets Up Condom Selling Machines", People's Daily, 24 Oct. 2004.

Jinghao Zhou (zhou@hws.edu) is currently Assistant Professor in the Department of Asian Languages and Cultures at Hobart and William Smith Colleges in Geneva, New York. He earned his PhD in Church-State Studies from Baylor University in Waco, Texas. His research interests include Chinese politics, ideology, Christianity, feminism, and Sino-US relations, focusing on China's democratisation and modernisation in a global context.
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