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Ceremonies of the ancients: among the treasures of the collection of classical sculpture at Wilton acquired by the 8th Earl of Pembroke in the 17th and 18th centuries are four marble Roman sarcophagi. As Elizabeth Angelicoussis explains, they embody the Earl's intellectual curiosity as well as his aesthetic discrimination.

Decorated coffins, or sarcophagi, are the most numerous Roman works of art to have survived. (1) They often escaped the destruction that befell more prominent and accessible works of art--especially those made of precious materials. As a result, funerary marbles provide a continuous source for studying the evolution of relief sculpture from the 2nd to the 4th century AD.

Romans of the republic and early empire regarded cremation as the norm, until a revolution in burial customs around the mid-2nd century. Thereafter, inhumation became standard practice, leading to the adoption of sarcophagi, a Greek word meaning 'flesh-eaters', referring to their original material of limestone, that decomposed the flesh of corpses interred within. Among the reasons for this radical shift were the Roman love of ostentatious display and a desire to create enduring memorials. Large coffins of expensive marble replete with carved decoration both honoured the dead and impressed the living. Ironically, most were not displayed above ground in full view, but were crowded into small burial chambers, where they could be seen only by flickering lights. (2)

Private British collectors of antiquities never favoured sarcophagi, though they were readily available. Ponderous coffins were expensive to ship and difficult to display; moreover, their complex, sometimes arcane imagery posed intellectual and aesthetic challenges. The average collector preferred the straightforward identifications and messages conveyed by statuary and portraits. Typically, a gentleman's collection might include a token example. Thomas Herbert, 8th Earl of Pembroke (c. 1656-1733), was unique in amassing eight complete examples and numerous fragments. (3)

Alone among his peers, only Pembroke found these marbles fascinating, devoting many pages in his catalogue of his works of art to their description and interpretation. (4) What intrigued him was that sarcophagi 'preserve many curious things, relative to the sepulchre, marriages and other tires of the ceremonies of the Greeks and Romans'. The Earl proudly displayed many of the marbles in the Great Hall at Wilton, where they served as eye-catching pedestals for statues or busts.

Pembroke acquired the Meleager Sarcophagus (Fig. 2) from the estate of the politican and lover of the arts Cardinal Jules Mazarin. (5) It had sparked the interest of several antiquaries. A particularly precise illustration exists in the first, systematic corpus of visual evidence from antiquity, the Museum Chartaceum or Paper Museum of Cassiano Dal Pozzo, created in the early 17th century. (6) The sarcophagus was by then already a celebrated work: Donatello had adopted one of its figures in his bronze relief of the Lamentation, now in the Victoria and Albert Museum. (7)

Illustrations of Greek myths suited Roman sensibilities. Their presence suggested refined taste and education, and on sarcophagi such imagery implied parallels between the virtues of the deceased and those of exalted mythological figures. The story of Meleager was popular, because its tale of derring-do revered male physical prowess, while his tragic death and family bereavement aptly suited a tomb. (8) The saga begins with the Calydonian hunt. Oineus, king of Calydon in Aetolia, failed to honour Artemis, whereupon the angry goddess sent a monstrous boar to ravage his realm. His son, Meleager, set out in its pursuit, together with his lover Atalante and his maternal uncles. Having slain the boar, the hero awarded its pelt to Atalante; this angered his uncles, and in the ensuing quarrel, Meleager murdered them.

At the left, the carving shows a snake twined round a tree, and in the background, a youthful hunter carrying a pig-stick, which suggests the forest locale. Meleager, who is depicted nude, his sword drawn, wrests the boar's hide from the grip of a dying uncle and tramples on his body. Another uncle, armed with sword and spear, lunges forward in counter-attack. In the centre emerges the divinely ordained consequence of Meleager's massacre: the hero's own death. His mother, Althaia, knowing the prophecy that her son will die when a particular log is burnt, thrusts it into the flames of an altar in revenge for her brothers' deaths. Horrified by her deed, she turns her face and body away, gesturing in remorse. She is attended by Fate, holding the scroll of Destiny. Behind the altar a Fury, brandishing her torch, encourages Althaia in her act of retribution.



The lamentation of Meleager completes the panel on the right. The dead man lies in state on a couch, placed atop a dais. Weaponry testifies to his bravery: propped at the foot of his bier is a large highly-embossed shield, embellished with an apotropaic gorgon's head; a helmet and sword rest against a corner of his bed's platform. Oineus appears bearded, stooped and supported by a gnarled stick, grieving at Meleager's side. Behind the couch, with hair streaming, Meleager's old nurse flings her arms back toward the fateful altar scene in anguish; beside her, his sister weeps. The fallen hero's tutor tenderly raises the youth's head, placing a coin (the obolos) in his mouth to pay the fare to Charon, who ferried departed souls across the rivers of the underworld. At the far right corner of the coffin, Atalante stands under an arch, still dressed for a hunt and with a dog by her side; she turns aside to mourn her loss. The long, narrow format and restrained use of the drill allow us to date this this marble to around 180 AD. (9) Dramatically posed figures accented by agitated drapery link episodes of the composition and highlight its tragic events.


Many Romans had quite strong spiritual beliefs, as a sarcophagus with the myth of Triptolemos verifies (Fig. 3). Pembroke acquired this intriguing marble from the collection of the polymath lawyer Nicolas-Joseph Foucault, 1st Marquis de Magny. (10) He appreciated the marble's 'remarkable' and 'fine' quality of sculpting of a story that would have been familiar to every Roman. Hades, god of the underworld, abducted Persephone, daughter of earth-goddess Demeter. Broken-hearted, the goddess caused the earth to become sterile and wandered everywhere in search of her child. On her journey she was given hospitality by the family of Triptolemos and, as a thanks blessing, Demeter presented him with the gift of grain, and instructed him in the art of agriculture. (11) She then charged this agrarian demi-god with the task of spreading life-sustaining seed far and wide.

Hades eventually released Persephone, although she was bound to return to him for part of the year. In celebration of the deities' reunion, a mystery cult was established at Eleusis (modern-day Eleusinia, some 20 kilometres from Athens on the Saronic Gulf). In this religion, death was understood to be part of an eternal cycle of loss and renewal; just as Persephone's retreat to the underworld signalled bleak winter, so her re-emergence brought spring and rebirth. Eleusinian initiates kept their faith in the hope of a happy afterlife. It was a potent mystery cult, and the sarcophagus's date, c. AD 170, proves that it continued to be compelling during imperial times. (12) Countless citizens embraced Eleusinian secrets and rituals, including Emperors Augustus, Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius.

The sculpture's first two scenes illustrate Persephone's saga--a perennial favourite in funerary art. (13) Starting at the left, the maiden returns by chariot from the underworld to terra firma, which is personified by the earth deity Tellus, who reclines beneath the horses. An Amazonian female, whip in hand, attempts to subdue one of the rampant steeds. She is Hekate, queen of ghosts, who greets Persephone on her homecoming. To the right, beside a rugged vine stalk, stands Dionysos, god of wine; his sustaining gift offers a direct parallel with Triptolemos, the bringer of grain for bread.

Next comes Demeter, sitting atop a stone, over which a snake slithers; her throne is the 'mirthless rock', where she sat weeping during her search. (14) Snakes--fertility symbols--are her fixed attribute. Beside her, Persephone, cradling sheaves of wheat, clasps hands with her mother in a gesture of harmony and imminent farewell. The pain of their poignant separation is eased by an implied promise of reunion when the seasons turn again. In the background, on either side of Persephone, appear a harvest goddess, bearing a bundle of grain, and a peasant, shouldering a wicker basket. They illustrate the earth's bounty and life's blessings.

Triptolemos--nude save for a cloak--has just mounted his chariot, and is on the verge of being borne aloft by two large, scaly serpents. He loops his mantle to form a deep pocket for a heap of grain--just as real sowers did. Looking back to the goddesses, he touches Persephone's arm, gently urging her to make haste. They will embark on a mission to cultivate the world. With this single gesture, the sculptor subtly reinforced the core belief of the Eleusinian cult: life regenerates; the spirit is eternal.


Five figures conclude the panel: Demeter, holding a sceptre, salutes Triptolemos's departure; to her right, Triptolemos embraces her and his companion, Persephone, who carries a torch. This trio reflects a statuary group of the Eleusinian deities sculpted by the famous 4th-century BC Greek artist Praxiteles, which was one of the most famous sights in ancient Rome. (15) The final adult figure, a female with a sickle, touches the head of a small nude boy, who grips a sheaf of grain. She is Summer and the boy is Ploutos, both symbols of agrarian abundance.

An epitaph in Greek informs us that 'Aurelia Valeria made this tomb in memory of her husband, Aurelius Epaphroditus'. (16) The given name of Aurelius shows that the deceased was a freedman of the imperial household of the Aurelii, and the surname Epaphroditus reveals that he was a Greek. (17)

Although representations of Demeter and Persephone were popular, Triptolemos's tale is very uncommon on coffins, suggesting that this was a special commission. (18) Sarcophagi were rarely executed to order, but rather kept in stock to be purchased as needed. Numerous details show that the sculptor was knowledgeable about Eleusinian symbolism, culled from copy books and votive reliefs to its deities. By including Triptolemos's mission--a theme exclusive to the mystery cult--the carver transformed a standard, mythological legend into a distinctive work of art. The composition is well executed and in such high relief that some parts of the figures are completely detached from the field, producing the effect of a pierced ivory box. When crisp and newly-crafted, the effect must have been exceptionally fine.

Pembroke was very fortunate to purchase five sarcophagi from Henry Somerset, 3rd Duke of Beaufort. They came from a large tomb discovered in 1725 near the Appian Way, Rome. (19) The columbarium (so-called because its numerous recesses resembled those of a dovecote) was built for the members of the household of Livia, wife of Emperor Augustus. It had been demolished by 1737, but sustained interest in the tomb and its artifacts led to the 1756 republication of earlier engravings in volume III of Piranesi's Le antichita romane. (20) One engraving shows archaeologists hard at work (Fig. 4), surrounded by walls filled top to bottom with rows of niches for funerary vessels. Set within the ground-level alcoves are two sarcophagi. Another illustration (Fig. 5) records more of the discoveries, including two sarcophagi now at Wilton.

The first, the Garland Sarcophagus (Fig. 7) is known as a lenos, because its shape resembles the oval vat used for treading grapes; appropriately, it is adorned with garlands and paraphernalia from the worship of the god Dionysos. (21) At either end two plumpish amorini with enormous wings energetically bear up great festoons laden with fruit; the swags hang from calyces of grape leaves. The cupids hold ribbons, which flutter down between their legs. At the centre, the garlands are attached to a thyrsos, a Dionysiac wand normally covered in ivy and tipped with a pine cone, from which a ribbon unfurls.

In the semi-circular spaces above the garlands appear pairs of masks of Dionysos's retinue, turned toward each other in profile and resting on rocky slabs. To the right of the thyrsos is an impish young satyr, a woodland being with a fondness for wine and women and song. Displaying goat-like ears and crowned with pine, he leers at a maenad, of female follower of Dionysos, who wears a wreath of ivy. At the left appear the god of wine himself, crowned with grapes and vine, and the mischievous old satyr Papposilenus, shown with a bald pate, heavy beard and sporting a chaplet of evergreen ivy. Dionysos and his followers represent the potent force of nature and its cyclical renewal.

Beneath each festoon lie three animals--a lion, a bull and a goat--while at the far right, a rooster pecks at fallen fruits. This rustic scene evokes the idyllic site Romans so desired for their tombs. (22) Masks and fauna were conventional devices for filling the curved spaces created by the swags. Carved garlands represented fruit and flower offerings to the dead that were made at gravesites on certain festivals and anniversaries. Because of their neutral import, such swags became the most popular embellishments for coffins, although no two garland sarcophagi are alike. In this example deep undercutting and high-relief modelling give the fruit razor-sharp outlines, while heavily-drilled furrows, intermittently crossed by bridges, define the hair of the masks. The fondness for the drill to produce a rich, pictorial effect of highlights and deep shadows dates the marble to AD 210-20. (23)


A second Wilton lenos from the columbarium (Fig. 1) is embellished with antithetically curved flutings. Because its channels resemble the curved strigil--an instrument used to scrape down the body after exercise of a bath, the pattern, inspired by metalwork forms, is called strigillation. Generally, fluted coffins are considered 'poor cousins' to multi-figured friezes; but this sarcophagus is of fine quality. Clearly, financial considerations alone did not always dictate the buyer's choice of ornament. (24)

One remarkable feature of this sarcophagus is the central medallion's vivid, ruthlessly honest portrait of an elderly couple (Fig. 7). All the visible signs of age are here: sagging flesh; sunken cheeks; bags under the eyes; heavy wrinkles; and receding hairlines. Yet the message conveyed is heart-warming. Through a lifetime of marital devotion, two have been rounded into one. The wife embraces her husband with tenderness. Considerable contrast exists between the workmanship of the faces and that of other details, suggesting that, after purchase of a sarcophagus, a specialised sculptor was responsible for carving the portraits. Care was taken over the hair, beard and realistic expressions, but the pleats of the garments are just linear slashes, and the lady's stick-like fingers are crudely carved. Restrained use of the drill, the distinctive draping of the man's toga and the lifelike quality of the portraits dictate a date of AD 250-60. (25) A renewed interest in life-like images peaked around the middle of the 3rd century AD, as the popularity of mythological stories waned.

Below the roundel, two tragic masks stand back-to-back on rocky ledges; the one at the left wears a high wig (onkos), enriched with long side curls, while the other displays a cloth-draped hairpiece. Masks, although ubiquitous space fillers, may also allude to the crucial role of the theatre in Roman society. At each end of the sarcophagus, a ferocious male lion emerges, pouncing onto its prey with rapier tooth and claw.

At the right, the victim is a boar; at left, an ibex. The striking feline heads are carved in high relief and in great detail; their manes are enlivened by short, thick grooves interlaced with decorative struts. It is a brutal depiction of sudden death, originally painted to make it even more terrifyingly real--polychromy was a vital visual element of Roman sculpture. (26) Here, the strigils would have been painted in ochre, while the lions' bodies were auburn; their mouths and eyes picked out in red and the manes' gilded.

Images of lions fighting a variety of prey reflect the dramatic events of the Roman arenas, where citizens flocked to watch struggles between wild, exotic animals, such as bears or lions, imported from all across the empire. (27) Given the sarcophagus's references to such spectacles, it is possible that it belonged to an important official (notice the scroll of authority the man holds) responsible for staging such events. Perhaps he commissioned this sarcophagus to commemorate his achievements and a long, happy marriage.



Many Roman coffins, including those at Wilton, were demoted to the role of garden ornaments. Recognising their importance, the present Earl of Pembroke has moved them into the cloisters, where some serve as supports for other marbles, echoing his ancestor's display of the sculptures, and allowing them to be properly examined and enjoyed. Their overall quality is high, and the unique Triptolemos sarcophagus is an artistic tour de force. They reflect a remarkable aspect of the 8th Earl's connoisseurship: having bought such unfashionable works, he undertook diligent research in order to understand their imagery and appreciate their aesthetic quality. His love for these unfashionable sculptures has enriched both Wilton's and the world's heritage.

(1) An estimated 12,000 15,000 sarcophagi are known: Guntram Koch, Sarkophage der romischen Kaiserzeit, Darmstadt, 1993, p. 206. For literature on Roman death rites and the various memorials: Jocelyn M.C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World, London, 1971; Susan Walker, Memorials to the Roman Dead, London, 1985; Maureen Carroll, Spirits of the Dead Roman Funerary Commemoration in Western Europe, Oxford and New York, 2006. The best introduction to the topic is Koch, op. cit. The comprehensive work is Hellmut Sichtermann and Guntram Koch, Handbuch der Archaologie. Romische Sarkophage, Munich, 1982.

(2) Cf. the interior of a tomb chamber in the necropolis of Isola Sacra, Ostia; the sarcophagi were later additions to the original furnishings: Paul Zanker and Bjorn Christian Ewald, Mit Mythen leben: die Bilderwelt der romischen Sarkophage, Munich, 2004, p.31, fig. 2. For the archaeological evidence of the forms of mausolea, the placement of sarcophagi in them and the implications of placement for the ways they were decorated see idem, pp. 28-36.

(3) It is not possible to establish the precise dates for any of Pembroke's acquisitions, the prices paid or the agents he used, because no papers or accounts have been preserved in the Wilton archive. Sundry sarcophagi fragments were sold at Christie's in 1961 and 1964, whereas eight complete examples remain in the house today. For Pembroke and his collection: Jonathan Scott, The Pleasures of the Antiquity: British Collectors of Greece and Rome, New Haven and London, 2003, pp. 39-49. Adolf Michaelis catalogued the entire assemblage in Ancient Marbles in Great Britain, Cambridge, 1882, pp. 665-715.

(4) A Copy of Ye Book of Antiquities at Wilton, British Library, Stowe MS. 1018. In 1751, Richard Cowdry issued 'A Description of the Pictures, Statues, &c., at Wilton House'. In 1769, the work was reprinted, an introduction added and the name James Kennedy substituted. Both works are elaborations of Pembroke's MS.

(5) The Mazarin works of art were housed in Palais Cardinal in Paris, which had been established by Cardinal Richelieu and then passed to Mazarin (1602-61), who enlarged it. See Patrick Michel, Mazarin, Prince des collectionneurs: les collections et l'ameublement du Cardinal Mazalin (1602-1661): histoire el analyse, Paris, 1999. For the Pembrokc works, acquired from Mazarin's collection see Michaelis, op. cit., pp. 667-69.

(6) Cornelius C. Vermeule, 'The Dal Pozzo-Albani Drawings of Classical Antiquities in the British Museum', Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 50, part 5, 1960, vol. 1, p. 19, fol. 136, no. 153; The Paper Museum of Cassiano Dal Pozzo, Quaderni Puteani 4, 1993; Ingo Herklotz, Cassiano Dal Pozzo und die Archaologie des 17. Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1999. For works of art that used motifs from the marble, a list of the drawings of the marble and its history before entering the Mazarin collection: Phyllis Pray Bober and Ruth Rubinstein, Renaissance Artists and Antique Sculptures, London, 1986, pp. 145-46 no. 115.

(7) Bober and Rubinstein, op. cit., p. 146.

(8) For the theme in general: Sichtermatm and Koch, op. cit., pp. 161-66; Susan Woodford and Georg Daltrop, 'Meleagros', Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae (LIMC), Zurich and Munich, vol. VI, 1992, pp. 414-434. The Wilton sarcophagus is idem, pp. 428-29, nos. 137, 154. For an in-depth treatment: Guntram Koch, Die Mythologische Sarkophage. Meleager, Berlin, 1975. The Wilton work is idem, pp. 123-24, no. 122.

(9) For the stylistic traits of mid-Antonine times see Sichtermann and Koch, op. cit., pp. 176. 263. One rule of thumb for dating coffins is that the height of sarcophagi increased over the years.

(10) Foucault's dates: 1643-1721. For his collection: Marie-Christine Hellmann, Lampes Antiques de la Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, vol. II, 1987, p. vii. The sarcophagus was well known by early 18th-century French antiquaries and scholars. The monk and archaeologist Bernard de Montfaucon, published it in Antiquite expliquee et representee en figures, vol. I, part1, Paris, 1719, pp. 86-92, pl. 45 opp. 94. For Pembroke's description of the marble, see the Stowe MS., op. cit., pp. 19, 113.

(11) For the legend of Triptolemos in Greek and Roman literature and art see Gerda Schwarz, Triptolemos. Ikonograpie einer Agrar-und Mysteriengottheit, Grazer Beitrage. Zeitschrift fur die Klassisiche Altertumswissenschaft, suppl. II, Horn, Austria, 1987; idem, 'Triptolemos' in LIMC, vol. VIII, 1997, pp. 56-68. For the Wilton sarcophagus and its dating: Schwarz, op. cit., p. 68 no. R 17; Francois Baratte, 'Le sarcophage de Triptoleme su Musee du Louvre', Revue Archeologique, 1974, pp. 271-290. For the Eleusinian mysteries: Kevin Clinton, 'Myth and Cult. The Iconography of the Eleusinian Mysteries'. The Martin P. Nilsson Lectures on Greek Religion, delivered 19-21 November 1990 at the Swedish Institute at Athens, Stockholm, 1992.

(12) For the continuation of the Eleusinian mysteries during Roman imperial times: Larry J. Alderink, 'The Eleusinian Mysteries in Roman Imperial Times', and K. Clinton, 'The Eleusinian Mysteries: Roman Initiates and Benefactors 2nd century BC to AD 276' in Hildegard Temporini and Wolfgang Haase eds., Austieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt. Geshichte und Kultur Roms in Spiegel der neueren Forschung, part II, Principat, vol. 18, part 2, 1989, pp. 1457-98; pp. 1499-1539.

(13) For Pcrsephone sarcophagi: Sichtermann and Koch, op. cit., pp. 175-79; Gudrun Guntner, 'Persephone' in LIMC, vol. VIII, 1997, pp. 956-978. The identifications of the other figures on this relief are found in the relevant entries in LIMC; Schwarz, op. cit.; Baratte, art. cit.

(14) For the mirthless rock: Clinton, op. cit., pp. 14-27.

(15) Pliny the Elder in his Natural History, chapter 36., paragraph 4, line 23, mentions that this work had been brought to Rome to decorate the Horti Serviliani. For the statuary group see: Antonio Corso, The Art of Praxiteles, Rome, 2004, pp. 207-229 no. 13.

(16) A. Boeckh ed., Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, Hildesheim and New York, vol. I, 1977, p. 533, no. 926. For inscriptions on sarcophagi: Sichtermann and Koch, op. cit., pp. 25-27. For a good survey of the subject: B. Hudson McLean, An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods from Alexander the Great down to the Reign of Constantine (323 BC-AD 337), Ann Arbor, 2002.

(17) On this topic: P.R.C. Weaver, Familia Caesaris: A Social Study of the Emperor's Freedmen and Slaves, Cambridge, England, 1972.

(18) There is an almost exact parallel of the Wilton work in the Musee du Louvre, Paris: Baratte, art. cit.; idem and Catherine Metzger, Musee du Louvre. Catalogue des sarcophages en pierre d'epoques romaine et palechretienne, Paris, 1985, pp. 118-121 no. 48.

(19) For the history of the structure and its discovery, the dispersal of the finds and subsequent publications: Maria Raina Fehl, 'Archaeologists at Work in 1726: The Columbarium of the Household of Livia Augusta', in Borje Magnusson, et al., eds., Ullra Terminum Vagari. Scritti in onore di Carl Nylander, Rome, 1997, pp. 89-112. Francesco Bianchini, the pope's superintendent of antiquities, was directly involved in the excavations and published the first account.

(20) See Luigi Fiacci, Giovanni Battista Piranesi. The Complete Etchings, Cologne, 2000, pp. 268-69, figs. 298, 300.

(21) For lenoi: Sichtermann and Koch, op. cit., 80-82. For garland sarcophagi in general see idem, pp. 223-235. For a more specialised treatment of the theme, concerning works earlier in date than the Wilton marble: Helga Herdejurgen, Stadtromische und italische Girlandensarkophage. Die Sarkophage des 1. Und 2. Jahrunderts, Berlin, 1996.

(22) For funerary gardens: Toynbee, op. cit., pp. 94-100.

(23) For the stylistic characteristics of the first quarter of the 3rd century: Sichtermann and Koch, op. cit., p. 256.

(24) Strigil sarcophagi, decorated with lions, represent a special group of fluted coffins: Sichtermann and Koch, pp. 75-76. For an in depth examination of the theme: Jutta Stroszeck, Lowen-Sarkophage. Sarkophage mit Lowenkopfen, Schreitenden Lowen und Lowen-Kampfgruppen, Berlin, 1991. For the Wilton work: idem, pp. 162 63, no. 408.

(25) For the stylistic characteristics of this period: Sichtermann and Koch, op. cit., p. 257; Stroszeck, op. cit., pp. 82-85. The form of the toga with a large strip of cloth across the chest became fashionable in the second decade of the 3rd century: Hans-Rupprecht Goette, Studien zu romischen Togadarstellungen, Mainz, 1989, pp. 71-74. The interest in realistic portraiture first appears in portraits of the early 3rd century: Susan Wood, Roman Portrait Sculpture 217-260 AD. The Transformation of an Artistic Tradition, Leiden, 1986, pp. 66-87.

(26) For the use of colour on sarcophagi: Sichtermann and Koch, op. cit., pp. 86 88; Stroszeck, op. cit., pp. 21-22; Jan Stubbe Ostergaard, 'Roman Sculptural Polychromy Revived', in Roberta Panzanelli et al., eds., The Color Of Life: Polychromy in Sculpture from Antiquity to the Present, exh cat, The J. Paul Getty Museum and the Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, 2008, pp. 40-61

(27) Stroszeck, op. cit., pp. 66-67; Susan Walker, Catalogue of the Roman Sarcophagi in the British Museum, London, 1990, pp. 35-36, no. 41; O.F. Robinson, Ancient Rome. City Planning and Administration, London and New York, 1992, pp. 168-69.

Elizabeth Angelicoussis specialises in ancient art in private British collections.
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