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Catherine of Austria: a Portuguese Queen in the shadow of the Habsburg Court?

January 14, 2007 has marked the 500th anniversary of the birth of Catherine of Austria, queen of Portugal (1507-1578), the youngest (posthumous) daughter of Joanna of Castile (Juana la Loca) and Philip the Fair (1478-1506); the fruit of a dynastic union which had joined the Burgundian and Habsburg houses with that of Castile and Aragon in 1496. As the youngest sister of the Emperor Charles V (1500-1558), Catherine was strategically placed on the Portuguese throne by her brother in 1525, as a means for the emperor to secure political stability in the Iberian peninsula. By marrying his sister, a woman he barely knew, to John III (r. 1521-1557), Charles could rely on family ties and loyalties to protect his interests in Iberia. His own marriage in 1526 to John's sister, Isabella (d. 1539), reinforced this security, besides reaffirming a marriage policy long established between the Spanish and Portuguese royal houses. (2)

Historiography has imaged Catherine as a Habsburg princess, who only represented and promoted Habsburg policies at the Lisbon court. Unquestionably dedicated to the emperor, and beside his wife Isabella, one of his strongest allies in Iberia, Catherine did not blindly support his policies. One case in point: when Charles V contested Portugal's sovereignty over the Molucca (Spice) Islands in 1527, Catherine mediated diplomatically between her husband and brother, even offering the emperor her "jewels and life" to finally resolve the diplomatic stalemate. (3) Catherine was often forced into the delicate position of balancing the interests and policies of the Avis royal house with those of Charles V. Even though she revered her brother, and promoted a personal cult of the emperor at the Lisbon court, Catherine would never sacrifice the interests of the Portuguese throne for his political schemes. (4)


As a foreign queen, Catherine has largely been ignored by Portuguese historians, her image much maligned because of Philip II of Spain's incorporation of the Portuguese crown in 1580. Historians have insisted upon her pro-Castilian views and submissiveness to her brother and, later, her nephew. Responsibility for the conquest of Portugal and subsequent loss of independence for sixty years has been passed off to Catherine without substantiation or documentary evidence. (5)

She matured into an astute queen, stateswoman and politician in her own right: qualities recognized early on by her husband, John III, who granted her his complete trust and enormous authority. (6) Such freedom of power was seldom shared by contemporary consorts or regents. Both John III and Charles V relied upon women of their family to assist them in the government of their kingdoms: Isabella, for instance, acted as royal lieutenant and governor of Castile during the emperor's many absences. (7) Catherine's maneuverability at the Lisbon court was equally unique.

Until this present date, no biography of this queen has ever been written, and the earliest work devoted to her life was a panegyric by Count Joseph Vimioso in Elogio das Rainhas, Mulheres dos cinco Reys de Portugal do nome de Joao. (8) An anonymous, eighteenth-century account in Vienna, Biographischen skizzen der Infante Katerina von Castilien, was probably written by Antonio Caetano de Sousa for Father Karl Gallenfels at the Austrian court. (9) In the nineteenth-century, a chapter dedicated to Catherine was included in Francisco da Fonseca Benevides, Rainhas de Portugal.10 The only historian to reconstruct Catherine's life and court more scientifically, with the inclusion of some archival material gathered in Portugal and Spain, is Felix Llanos y Torrigilia's essay, Contribuicion al estudio de la Reina de Portugal, hermana de Carlos V, Dona Catalina de Portugal. (11) The most historical (and only standard) work on Catherine's regency (from 1557 to 1562) remains As Regencias na menoridade de D. Sebastiao. Elementos para uma historia estrutural by Maria do Rosario de Sampaio Themudo Barata de Azevedo Cruz. (12)

More recently, Catherine's court, household, collection, (13) slaves (14) and use of ceremonial, (15) became the focus of the author's doctoral dissertation, (16) and subsequent publications. The dissertation catalogues and collates for the first time over 800 documents from the Corpo Chronologico I, II and III and other sections of the Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais/Torre do Tombo (hereafter IAN/TT), the Biblioteca Nacional and Biblioteca da Ajuda in Lisbon, providing as well transcriptions and translations of seven royal inventories. The first part of the dissertation synthesizes the inner workings and structure of the queen's household, from the kitchen to the chapel, (17) providing a complete catalogue of Catherine's forty-two household books (livros de moradias), dating from 1526 to 1575, with a transcription of one book: IAN/TT, Nucleo Antigo (hereafter NA) 176 (1575). (18) The second part concentrates on the development of Catherine's collection and patronage within the context of her court and household. She ran her extensive household and palace administration, with the same efficiency and astuteness she conducted her political affairs. Her collection, no longer extant, is documented not only by numerous inventories, but also correspondence, mandates, receipts and patent-letters.

Investigation of Catherine's patronage and collection was taken further by the author in the project funded by the Getty Foundation (Documents for the History of Collecting): Royal Inventories of Charles V and the Imperial Family, edited by Fernando Checa, in which early inventories of Catherine's trousseau and dowry in the Archivo General de Simancas, dating bewteen 1524 and 1525, and the first inventory (over 350 folios in length) drawn up in 1528 (IAN/TT, NA 790), three years after her arrival in Portugal, have been transcribed.

The objective of the author's doctoral thesis was to provide an historical, bibliographic (19) and documentary platform with which Catherine, her court and household could be studied, and which subsequently served as point of departure and principal source for Felix Labrador Arroyo's in-depth analysis of Catherine's household between 1550 and 1560. (20) Although Labrador Arroyo qualifies Catherine's political powers as having reached its apogee within the latter time-frame, evidence underscores that her powerbase, despite a reduced household and court after 1559, never really diminished until her death in 1578. Notwithstanding political differences with her brother-in-law, Cardinal Infante Henry (1512-1580), (21) during his regency, and later with her grandson, Sebastian (1554-1578), Catherine's authority and influence was quite evident, even in periods when she lived semi-retired from court at the palace of Xabregas, outside of Lisbon.

Paralleling Labrador Arroyo, Isabel Mendes Drumond Braga investigated Catherine's household from 1525 to 1557, presenting a general view of the various components of the queen's court and criteria for the maintenance of her household: sources of income, (22) expenses, salaries, grants of monies, religious patronage, costs related to food and gifts. (23) Drumond Braga drew her conclusions strictly from the first division (Parte I) of the Corpo Chronologico (hereafter CC) in IAN/TT; therefore the exclusion of the second and third sections of this rich section of the Lisbon archive leaves her findings somewhat incomplete. The sections dedicated to the queen's wardrobe, jewels, plate and treasury were, in part, reliant upon an unpublished Senior thesis by Maria dos Reis de Matos Candeias. (24)

While the study of Catherine's religious patronage of clergy, convents and religious institutions was continued by Isabel Mendes Drumond Braga, (25) Annemarie Jordan Gschwend investigated Catherine's veneration of relics, especially those with singular associations with the Habsburg dynasty. (26) These initial forays in the different aspects of Catherine's collee tion and court outlined above have encouraged more recent investigations of Catherine's household and one of the queen's livros de moradias by Maria Paula Marcal Lourenco (27) and Maria Jose Azevedo Santos respectively. (28) The latter author transcribes one of Catherine's (fragmented) household books, NA 785, dated 1526, erroneously identifying the queen's scribe as Pedro Roiz, instead of Pero Roiz. Certain findings here remain inconclusive as the number of slaves incorporated in the queen's household at this early date is not taken into account. Lastly, more employees and servants were more literate than the author deduces; literacy at the queen's court being the principal thesis of this book. Similar to Labrador Arroyo, Marcal Lourenco traces the careers of several higher officials and courtiers engaged in the queen's household, outlining their aristocratic backgrounds, genealogies, blood ties and political relations to the Lisbon court. The author, Labrador Arroyo and Marcal Lourenco have shown that a certain fluidity existed in Portuguese and Spanish royal households, throughout the sixteenth century, underscoring that nationals and courtiers of both countries crisscrossed borders with marriageable princesses, and that careers were being simultaneously carved out at both courts.

Education at Tordesillas

Catherine was born in Torquemada, Spain on 14 January 1507. Until her betrothal to John III in 1524, she lived isolated from her other siblings (Charles V, Mary of Hungary, (29) Leonor, (30) and Isabella of Austria31), who resided with their aunt, Margaret of Austria (1480-1530), at the Malines court in the Netherlands. She spent her childhood and youth at Tordesillas, also separated from her brother, Ferdinand (later Emperor Ferdinand I), forced into semi-imprisonment with her mother, Joanna of Castile. (32)

Although isolated from court, her mother carefully supervised her daughter's education; as Habsburg princess, Catherine was destined to be queen. Joanna spoke French and was an accomplished Latin scholar, having received a humanistic education at the court of her mother, Isabella of Castile (1451-1504). She enjoyed dancing, played the guitar, monochord and clavichord, and did not neglect to pass on these accomplishments to her daughter. Joanna assumed a significant role in Catherine's formative years and was influential upon her tastes and education.

Catherine was fluent in Latin and could read Greek, and at the Lisbon court cultivated an appreciation for classical and humanistic learning, purchasing French and Spanish editions of Virgil, Horace, Seneca, Terence, Ovid and Lucan for the education of her household and chapel boys. Her favorite books were on doctrine, morals and philosophy: Epistolae morales by Seneca and the Decades of Livy counted among some of the works in her library, which by 1534 contained foreign editions of Petrarch, Marcus Aurelius, Caesar and Quintus Curtius. (33)

At Tordesillas, Catherine learned to be a capable musician and an excellent dancer. Before her marriage, Martin Sanchez was employed as her vihuela player, before he entered the service of Philip II in 1543. The number of instruments recorded afterward in her collection in Portugal bears witness to her predilection for music: organs, harpsichords and clavichords.34 Professional and amateur musicians of all levels and artistic proficiency were employed in great numbers at the Lisbon court--for instance Rodrigo the German and Diogo de Madrid--and were responsible for playing the lute, cittern, tambourine, harp, Indian trumpets and charamelas. Music and dance was considered an essential part of the cultural education of royal princes and aristocrats, and Catherine made sure her ladies completed their education with music and dance lessons; in 1556, for example, Manuel Ferreira was hired as their ballet master. One of the most popular dances at the Lisbon court was the alta e baixa (basse danse in French), in which the queen excelled. Another favorite was the danca mourisca, performed with swords by groups of dancers dressed in North African costume, a reminder of the Moorish occupation of the Iberian peninsula.

The Lisbon royal chapel during her reign was equipped with an excellent choir of singers. Choir masters led vocalists and organized masses for the queen, as did Fernando Gomes Correa, who was in charge of the queen's Easter services in 1572. In 1552, Catherine commissioned two singers, Joao Pires de Penela and Joao Monteiro to compose and collate eleven song books, bound by her book maker, Joao de Borgonha. The global and exotic allure of her court was underscored by the singers and musicians recruited from Spain, Flanders, Austria and the rest of Europe, and from amongst her slaves originating from Africa and Brazil.

Joanna of Castile's Treasury and Catherine's Trousseau: 1519-1524

In 1517 Charles V and Leonor of Austria arrived at Tordesillas, meeting for the first time their younger sister on 12 November. Until their arrival, the princess had been kept a virtual prisoner with her mother. Although Charles made an attempt to abduct her from Tordesillas and bring her to his court, in a coup aborted by Joanna's violent reaction, (35) the dramatic event at least improved living conditions for Catherine and her status ameliorated. Given her status as a prospective Habsburg bride, Charles took control of Catherine as a pawn for his marital plans: at one point she had been promised by her grandfather, emperor Maximilian I, to the elector of Brandenburg, and at another point by her brother to the duke of Guelders. (36) In order to preserve political stability in Iberia, a double marriage with the Portuguese house was arranged instead in 1525 and 1526.

Catherine's wedding was celebrated in 1524, during the emperor's second trip to Spain. In the intervening years, from 1519 to 1524, Charles ordered officials to outfit his sister from his mother's estate. (37) Joanna's treasury was ruthlessly plundered and many gems, plate, books, illuminated manuscripts, textiles, clothes and Flemish tapestries were personally selected by Catherine with her brother's approval. The list of jeweled collars, carcanets, gold chains, belts, rings, bracelets, relics, reliquaries, hat badges, medallions, dress buttons and aiglets (puntas) in Catherine's early trousseau inventories seem endless. Some of the better pieces were heirloom jewels Joanna had inherited from Isabella of Castile, dubbed with special nicknames. One special collar Catherine chose--la colar de las rosas--was a favorite necklace she wore for years and is depicted in her 1552 portrait painted by Anthonis Mor. (38) Older, late medieval pieces were later modified by the queen shortly after her arrival in Lisbon to suit changing fashions and tastes of the early Renaissance; transformations she commissioned from her court goldsmith, Baltasar Cornejo, whom she brought to Lisbon from Tordesillas in her retinue. (39)

This theft was convenient and saved the emperor a great deal of money: he did not have to dower his sister. Early inventories underscore the quantity and quality of objects taken from Tordesillas, which formed the core of Catherine's collection in Portugal. Of all of Joanna's children, Catherine and Charles profited the most. The Lisbon court and its courtiers were well informed about what had passed--as an anonymous writer observed, "no future queen of Portugal had been so richly dowered," (40) In short, the best of the Spanish crown treasury of Isabella and Joanna of Castile had passed on to Catherine, with the remainder taken by Charles for himself and his new wife, Isabella.

1528: The Genesis of a Kunstkammer

In 1525 Catherine of Austria arrived in Lisbon equipped with Flemish tapestries, illuminated manuscripts, Netherlandish paintings, heirloom jewels and a lavish wardrobe; requisite components of a dowry of a Habsburg princess destined to be queen. These personal goods formed the early nucleus of her collection, which subsequently evolved into a Renaissance collection of curiosities, or Kunstkammer, filled with exotic collectibles, rarities, textiles, clothes, jewels and wild animals imported from the Portuguese colonies in Asia and the Far East. In subsequent years, luxury goods and exotica were purchased for Catherine in Goa, Ceylon, Malacca, Macao, Japan, China and even the elusive Ryukyu Islands. A system to obtain these rarities was organized from the onset of Catherine's reign: factors, merchants, agents, goldsmiths, Portuguese viceroys and household officials stationed in Goa, Cochin and Malacca were recruited to aid the queen in her search for exclusive items. Her court goldsmith, Diogo Vaz, was stationed in Goa for over twenty years, and was primarily responsible for obtaining the best precious stones, diamonds, Indian and Ceylonese jewelry. He once purchased for her in 1552 an Indian necklace with 400 diamonds. In 1551, the treasurer of Cochin bought her a gem with seven emeralds, four rubies and eight pearls. As early as 1531, Manuel Botelho was commanded by Joao III to sail in the Far East for three years with three ships, on the queen's behalf, and, later in 1537, Catherine relocated a valet of her bedchamber, Antonio Correa, to Goa, where he was paid a salary to "serve the queen in India." (41) As the queen's agent, Correa was to buy from direct sources in Asia, at cheaper prices, and keep her regularly informed of goods for sale in these markets. Catherine eventually evolved into a merchant queen with a great deal of business acumen, even undertaking overseas ventures to finance her shopping sprees, as she did on numerous occasions. She sold Portuguese wine in Goa, while importing a surplus of Indian textiles and clothes to sell in Lisbon

The 1528 inventory is the first of a series of inventories made of Catherine's collection, over a period of fifty years. (42) It records not only the items Catherine brought from Tordesillas, but also cites for the first time the Asian export wares she began to collect shortly after her arrival. The inventory begins with the queen's jewelry and heirloom gems (gold chains, collars, belts, earrings, rings, bracelets), the majority of which came from Joanna of Castile's treasury. Many gems were large pieces set with diamonds, rubies and pearls, given special nicknames such as El Fex, Angulo, Solomon, Huerfana, Venera and La Rosa. Among the furnishings for her chambers: a rich bed with an embroidered cover with the Habsburg arms, mirrors, dossals, tooled leather hangings, carpets and richly embroidered pillows. Also included were thirty-one tapestry panels of silk and gold from her mother's outstanding collection of Flemish tapestries. Six early Netherlandish or Spanish paintings (panel and canvas), were taken from Tordesillas: five depicted the Virgin and Child, one Saint Catherine, and yet another of the Virgin and Child was intended as a donation for the chapel of Our Lady of Antigua in the Seville Cathedral.

Relics and reliquaries formed an essential part of Catherine's early collection: several taken from her mother are listed in the 1528 inventory. Catherine owned diverse pieces, remnants of the medieval Schatzkammer, thought to produce miracles: a piece of rock from the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem; the hat of Saint Leonard to aid in childbirth; a reliquary containing the monies paid to betray Christ; rosaries with cameos depicting scenes of the passion of Christ (carved prayer nuts), others made with coral beads or cherry stones filled with amber; a relic of St. Eusebius and a gold St. Andrew's cross set with five, large table diamonds that had belonged to Joanna.

Fifty-three covads of white Chinese silk, the first reference to China in Catherine's documents, were recorded on 30 August 1528, substantiating that the Portuguese continued to trade illegally with Southern China at this date, even though commercial relations were prohibited. Exotica from India included two fans, (43) various cottons and gauze, sinabafa from Bengal and diaphanous hangings, volantes, perhaps from Chaul, benzoin for medicinal purposes and two coconuts. In August 1528, an Indian potentate (the king of Parafe) (44) sent the queen two hangings, made of colored silk and gold thread in the manner offalfonbillas, (45) and a large wooden lacquered tray inlaid with gold and polychrome decoration. Yet another Indian ruler sent the queen rich pearls.

From 1528, Catherine increasingly concentrated her activities on the collecting of rarities from India and the Far East. In 1534, when her second inventory was drawn up, there is a marked increase in Asian wares. (46) During the decade of the 1540s, Catherine received exceptional Ceylonese ivories as diplomatic gifts from the emperor of Ceylon, Bhuvaneka Bahu. (47) These caskets, combs and folding fans exemplify the close political and artistic ties Catherine cultivated with Ceylon, a kingdom under her authority and rule. By 1540, Catherine was quite a connoisseur of IndoPortuguese merchandise, buying exclusive pieces in Goa for herself, or as gifts for her family. Catherine's access to exotic goods afforded her family the opportunity to request and receive exclusive commodities and curiosities.

The queen obtained for the first time in 1542 a mother-of-pearl casket with silver decoration from Gujarat for use as a jewelry casket in her camara (wardrobe), that was recorded in her 1545 inventory. (48) By 1550, Catherine was buying at great expense quantities of Asian collectibles for her personal use and for the decoration of the Lisbon royal palace as emblems of her power. Her collection, housed in a suite of rooms adjacent to her private quarters, became the first significant Kunstkammer in Renaissance Portugal.

A remarkable aspect of the 1528 inventory are the exterior leather covers embossed and painted in each corner with the coat of arms of Portugal and the personal device of Catherine's father-in-law, Manuel I (r 1498-1521). The armillary sphere, a symbol of the universe, was an emblem Manuel chose to exemplify the Portuguese maritime explorations and overseas conquests. This sphere was visually linked with Manuel's new role as universal lord of a global empire that stretched from Lisbon to Goa. (49) As a foreign queen, Catherine would have selected her own arms (and her conjugal arms) to adorn an inventory of her collection. These would have included Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily and ostensibly the Habsburg imperial insignia. Catherine, conscious of the potent imagery of empire cultivated at the Lisbon court, deliberately chose Portuguese arms and Manuel's armillary sphere for the embellishment of her first inventory. As queen of Portugal, Catherine's royal titles now included those she inherited from Manuel: Rainha daquem e dalem mar--"queen of these seas and overseas," and "of the conquest, navigation and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India." Catherine identified with this imperial symbolism, appreciative of her new position as queen of Portugal's empire, underscored by the regal gifts from India and the rare Chinese silk recorded in 1528.

The Queen's Menagerie

The exotic animals--elephants, (50) parrots, monkeys and wild civet cats (51) from Central Africa--acquired by Catherine during her reign and stabled in a menagerie in the queen's garden of the Lisbon royal palace, (52) symbolically represented her majesty and rule over flora and fauna in Africa, Asia, India and Brazil. (53) Renaissance theorists believed wild animals tamed by monarchs revealed their royal power and magnificence, thus supporting the notion that as a powerful ruler Catherine could domesticate the untamable forces of nature. (54) Owning exotic and domestic pets also belonged to the tradition of Habsburg collecting. Catherine's aunt, Margaret of Austria loved parrots and always carried one on her arm (she called her Amant vert (Green Lover)), as she walked through her palace gardens at Malines. At Tordesillas, Catherine had a small dog and a parrot, and she often surprised members of her family with animals: three civet cats in Empress Isabella's collection were sent from Lisbon. (55) In order to distract the emperor, during his retirement at Yuste in 1557, Catherine made sure he was entertained with a very talkative parrot (un muy buen papagayo) and two Indian cats he kept amused with live mice. Her niece, Joanna of Austria, was offered four lap dogs in 1566, along with an assortment of exotic birds and animals for her brother, Philip II and Catherine's grandson, Infante D. Carlos: 2 large waterfowl, called gangas; a pair of civet cats; 2 macaws and a small bird from Santo Domingo, "whose feathers supposedly changed colors every time it moved." (56) She again sent several parrots, no doubt aras from Brazil, to Joanna in 1571. (57) The custom of giving rare, expensive animals as diplomatic gifts to cement international relations between princely courts was fostered by Catherine throughout her reign. She enjoyed giving exclusivities: as she did in 1551, when she offered her nephew, emperor Maximilian II, an elephant, nicknamed Suleiman, the first ever seen in Renaissance Austria, and the king of Belez in North Africa two civet cats in 1552. (58) A great deal of time and expense was invested in the acquisition of such curious and extraordinary specimens; a monopoly Catherine controlled with help from her global network and connections.

The Queen's Household

A reconstruction of Catherine's household can be made from her payroll lists, known as livro de moradias. These household ordinances chart in detail, from 1525 to 1575, the people employed by Catherine, their positions and salaries. From an analysis of these lists and related documents in IAN/TT, it is possible to surmise that Catherine's court was styled after existing Peninsular traditions (Castilian and Aragonese), as well as emulating Burgundian ceremonial practices she may have been exposed to at her mother's court in Tordesillas and before they were officially introduced by Charles V in 1548. Catherine's house, the organization of her court and staff and its financing remained distinct from that of her spouse, John III. On occasion there was some overlap and officers fluctuated between the two houses with different posts and charges.

In 1525 Catherine entered Portugal with a small retinue of Castilian courtiers, ladies, ecclesiastics and artisans. Her household was established and organized before her departure, structured, not unlike Charles V's Burgundian ducal court, around her chapel, camara (the administrative section), kitchen and stable. A majordomo governed the queen's household, alongside the camariera mor and the camareira menor, all of whom controlled the numerous ladies, gentlemen, pages and porters. The daily maintenance was accomplished by the kitchen and stable staff, while the spiritual and physical needs of the queen were overseen by the chapel and physicians, in charge of the apothecary. The administration was divided among the various secretaries, accountants, scribes and treasurers. Approximately 180 people were recorded in an early household book dated 26 July 1526.

An equal number of Portuguese and Castilians were employed by the queen, refuting the accepted belief that Catherine only employed and promoted Castilians. Other foreigners and nationals, French, Flemish and German, are recorded. An important labor force integrated into the structure of Catherine's court were slaves from North Africa, West Africa and Brazil. A high percentage of male and female slaves were engaged in various capacities: as sweepers, as servants for herself and her ladies, as subordinates for various officers, as help in the stables and other sectors of her household (such as the wardrobe), even one Indio was engaged in the apothecary.

A gradual increase in the number of servants and employees occurred over the years, reaching a climax in 1559 when the queen herself decided she must re-structure her household and reduce staff. Salaries had become onerous and by this date expenses had far exceeded her yearly budget. Catherine preferred to cut back and curtail staff salaries, rather than reduce the cost and expense of her shopping sprees for animals, exotica, luxury goods, Flemish tapestries, rich clothes, gems and jewelry. On average, from 1525 to 1575, 220 to 250 people worked in the queen's household, "below and above stairs." The court officials closely involved in the administration of the queen's household, council, estate and chapel were: the superintendent-in-general (veedor da fazenda), quartermaster (aposentador), comptrollers or auditors (contadores), an attorney (procurador da fazenda), supervisors and magistrates of the queen's lands, cities and royal palaces (almoxarifes and ouvidores), receiver of the queen's chancery (recebedor da chancelaria), purchaser (comprador), scribe of the payroll lists (escrivao da matricola), chief steward (dispenseiro mor), carver of meats (trinchante), cupbearer (copeiro), valets of the bedchamber, couriers, Master of the Horse, grooms, huntsman (monteiro), porters, kitchen staff (cooks, pastry chefs and their help) and a chapel staff with a deacon (dayao da capela), preacher (pregador), almoner (esmoler), chapel treasurer, chaplains, chapel boys and a choir. Household officers were directly appointed by the queen and were sworn into office in her presence.

Surveying the livro de moradias, it is possible to chart the careers of many of her staff and courtiers, some of whom advanced to high positions at her court. Some members of her Castilian retinue were promoted afterwards to political, religious and administrative posts outside of her house. Her patronage of Juliao d'Alva, Torribio Lopes and Rodrigo Sanches has been studied. (59) It is impossible to trace here the careers of all her courtiers, but one person deserves greater attention. This case in point is a craftsman from Tordesillas, the goldsmith Baltasar Cornejo, who rose to a higher household position while still working as goldsmith and jeweler. Cornejo was the official selected to evaluate the queen's jewels and gems she brought with her as part of her dowry in 1525. At the same time he was commissioned to execute new pieces Catherine wore for her royal entry into Lisbon. In 1532 John III appointed him as evaluator of gems, pearls and jewels in the Casa da India, for which he received an additional annual salary. In the latter post, Cornejo had the enormous responsibility of sorting out false gemstones imported from India. As goldsmith he worked almost exclusively for the queen in her treasury for twenty-nine years, creating new pieces of jewelry, as well as re-working older ones to conform with changes in fashion, taste and styles. Catherine invested much money in Cornejo and spent a small fortune in the maintenance of her jewelry and in the acquisition of new items. In 1530 Cornejo purchased the office of guarda reposte, the person responsible for the queen's Flemish tapestries, pillows, rugs, carpets and other such articles of her wardrobe. He paid 400,000 reais for this office, which was reimbursed to him when he retired in 1554.

The apparent flexibility of rising through the household ranks and purchasing a position was likewise afforded to other courtiers and employees. The selling of offices was evidently a prime source of income for the queen. During the 1550s, her silversmith, Joao Cansado (a Portuguese), was appointed squire (escudeiro), while maintaining his old job and continuing to execute commissions for the queen. Often, generations of the same family worked for Catherine, like the Cornejos. Belchior, Baltasar's son, was funded by Catherine to study at the University of Coimbra in 1536, before becoming am important Latinist. He served as valet in 1543, and during the council of Trent was appointed a secretary. In the 1550s, Belchior became Canon of letters at the University of Coimbra. Afterwards, before he died in 1572, he served as diplomat in Rome, at the same time receiving a salary as chaplain (since 1567) in the queen's chapel.

An in-depth study and analysis of Catherine's household is begging for a future, scientific project with the objective of establishing a database of names, positions and salaries, by which the careers and movements of these employees and servants could be charted over a fifty-three year time span. This undertaking would require several years of research, largely due to the numerous lists and accounts of Catherine's court that have survived in IAN/TT.


The role of queens and female collectors in Renaissance Portugal has been neglected by historians and scholars. Studies of John III's court and administration have only begun to emerge and shed more light on this period. (60)

The role of ceremonial and etiquette and its implementation at the Lisbon court, during the reign of Catherine and John III, still remains a neglected area. In the larger context offetes, festivities and royal entries, much still needs to be done, as well as resolving open questions regarding the private and public lives of Renaissance monarchs in Portugal, and the structure and organization of their royal households.

Catherine managed to negotiate a unique position of power for herself, which gave her the independence to govern her household and administration with great acumen and intelligence; an experience she transposed to the political arena when she was given greater powers of government by her husband during his lifetime, and after his death in 1557, when she assumed the regency for five years. She used patronage and collecting to reinforce her position as merchant queen of an oversea empire: a unique circumstance for a woman of her time, and an image she was evidently proud of. Her collection of Asian and Far Eastern exotica and luxury goods evolved into one which clearly defined her political position at court, reflecting a particular hierarchy and symbolism of Catherine's rule in Portugal and abroad in the Estado da India. The housing of her collection, its organization, and the manner in which she influenced the arrangement and decoration of her quarters in the Lisbon royal palace played an important role. Essentially, Catherine's acquisition of luxury objects from Portuguese Asia embodied her social status at court. (61)

As early as 1528, Catherine developed an insatiable passion for treasures available from the Portuguese trading posts (feitorias) in Africa, Asia and Brazil, and soon after her arrival in Portugal, Asian and Oriental wares, clothes and dress accessories appear in her inventories. Her collection became the first significant Kunstkammer in Renaissance Portugal, comprising more non-European objects than any other contemporary collection before the mid-sixteenth century.

As a foreign queen, Catherine used her possessions to create her own identity at the Portuguese court. Her collection, located within her private domain and resembling an Italian studiolo, progressively moved into more public areas, like the queen's hall, the Sala da Rainha. It appears Catherine was responsible for the decoration of the Lisbon royal residence, the principal seat of the Portuguese monarchs, and for the visual decoration of the public and private spaces normally reserved for the male ruler and his courtiers.

Dynastic and family ties were reaffirmed by the formation of a large portrait gallery, the greater part of which was painted by the Habsburg court painter, Anthonis Mor, who was sent from the Brussels court exclusively for this purpose. These images of relatives served as visual affirmations of family ties and alliances at the Lisbon court. Catherine's portraits stressed her cult of Charles V and the Habsburg dynasty, emphasizing her need to be visually associated with members of the ruling houses of the Netherlands, Spain, Denmark and Austria. As Sheila Ffolliott has recently observed, portraits assumed a talismanic function, perpetuating the idea of dynasty and keeping that dynasty apparent. (62) It was the first Renaissance portrait gallery of its kind in Portugal.

The quantities of Flemish tapestries Catherine owned (from her mother's collection and later purchases), signified not only her links with her Burgundian and Castilian heritage, but also reflected a Portuguese predilection for collecting Flemish, rather than Italian, works of art. Catherine externalized her power and authority at the Lisbon court through the exploitation of Flemish tapestries: those she brought from Spain, others she borrowed from the Portuguese royal guardaroba, and later commissions she purchased in Brussels in 1551. The Conquest of India and Romulus and Remus cycles promoted Portugal's founding of a new empire and the establishment of Lisbon as the new Rome; the Conquest of Tunis demonstrated Charles V's victory over the infidels; the Months of the Year symbolized the Portuguese monarch's control over nature and the seasons; Esther represented an allegory of Catherine's queenship; and the Spheres (terrestrial, celestial and armillary) depicted Catherine and her spouse, John III, as Juno and Jupiter, rulers of a global and heavenly empire.

Catherine was motivated both in the commissioning of family portraits and the collecting of propagandistic Flemish tapestries by family ideologies and cultural politics, which helped to define the traditions and aspiration of both the Avis and the Habsburg dynasties. Her own prestige at the Lisbon court was enhanced by her political affiliations, as well as familial and artistic relations with her Habsburg family. Brussels, Vienna, Madrid and Lisbon were linked through family ties and common patterns of collecting. Family identity through the exchange of gifts, heirlooms, relics, and the acquisition of specific objects as symbolic, visual reaffirmations of a family (and/or dynastic collective), in relation to Catherine and her relations, is one that has often been disregarded by scholars. Extensive correspondence and gift-giving cemented Catherine's ties with her family: Charles V, Empress Isabella, and Charles' children in Spain; her sisters, Mary of Hungary and Leonor of Austria at the Brussels and Paris courts; and her brother, Ferdinand I, in Vienna.

At the close of her reign, Catherine's transformation of the Manueline capela mor into a royal pantheon at the Jeronimos monastery in Belem, erected by Manuel I in 1498 to honor the maritime explorations of the Portuguese, represented her first and only significant architectural undertaking. Her intent was to superimpose a severe dignity upon the ornate decor of the Jeronimos complex, erecting a classical structure never seen before in Renaissance Portugal. This undertaking reflected Catherine's concern with her self-image, as she sought to promote the Avis dynasty and legitimize her own associations and status within both her natal family and the Portuguese royal family. Catherine's chapel was dedicated to the memory of an illustrious dynasty that divided the world with Habsburg Spain throughout most of the sixteenth century. (63)

The dynastic marriages Charles V arranged for Catherine of Austria and his other sisters allowed for an elaborate family network to be set up which linked him to Lisbon and other courts. Such close family ties helped maintain social hierarchies within the family and regulate international relations. R. Malcolm Smuts and Melinda J. Gough recently pointed out the need to further study such family ties, underscoring that "dynastic networks centered on queens provided one important channel through which communication circulated between major European courts." (64) Dynastic marriages, such as those arranged by Charles, provided a platform upon which Habsburg prestige and influence could be extended and consolidated.

Portuguese historiography has presented a biased view of Catherine of Austria as a Habsburg pawn manipulated by her brother. As a marriageable princess, she proved to be a valuable political commodity for Charles V and the Habsburg dynasty. Although dedicated to the emperor, Catherine learned to conform to new values and customs, continuously reinforcing her duties towards the Avis dynasty, while upholding the claims of her Habsburg family. From the onset of her reign, Catherine began a process of legitimizing her status in her new country through the means of her wealth, power, cultural patronage and collecting, using material objects to articulate power and prestige. As queen, she developed a profound understanding of domestic and international politics, bridging two courts and two dynasties, collaborating and mediating with her husband and brother in order to maintain diplomatic ties. As mother of a future king and a handful of royal princes, Catherine's aim was not to undermine the dynasty she married into. She was ever concerned with the preservation and advancement of the Avis house, only to see her heirs die before her. Traditional historiography holds her responsible for the dramatic political events after her death in 1578, when Spain took over the Portuguese crown. In light of recent studies of queens at early modern courts, a re-assessment of Catherine's life and reign is long overdue.

Annemarie Jordan

Independent Research Scholar, Switzerland

(1) This article is dedicated to Professor Rudy Bauss (Austin, Texas), a colleague at the old Torre do Tombo in Lisbon, where we spent many hours combing through countless macos. The research findings presented in this article are the result of the author's ongoing work of Queen Catherine of Austria, which will be published in 2007 by Brepols, in the form of a scholarly monograph, Catherine of Austria. Patron and Collector in Renaissance Portugal.

(2) Ivana Elbl, "'The Elect, the Fortunate and the Prudent': Charles V and the Portuguese Royal House, 1500-1529," in Alain Saint-Saens, ed., Young Charles V1500-1531 (New Orleans: University Press of the South, 2000), 87-111; Isabel Mendes Drumond Braga, Um Espaco, Duas Monarquias (Interrelacoes na Peninsula Iberica no Tempo de Carlos V) (Lisbon: Hugin Editores, 2001).

(3) Aude Viaud, Lettres des souverains portugais a Charles Quint et a l'imperatrice (1528-1532) conserves aux archives de Simancas (Lisbon-Paris: Centre Culturel Calouste Gulbenkian, 1994), 77.

(4) The legend that Catherine acted strictly as the emperor's agent, subservient to his political interests has been disproved by A. A. Mendes Correa, "A lealdade duma Rainha Portuguesa," Revista de estudos historicos 2 (3) (1925): 1-24; Paulo Drumond Braga, Joao III (Lisbon: Hugin Editores, 2002), 57.

(5) Jose Maria Queiroz Veloso, "A politica castelhana da Rainha D. Catarina de Austria," Estudos historicos do seculo XVI (Lisbon: Academia Portuguesa da Historia, 1950), 19-133. Catherine's correspondence in the Archivo General de Simancas (hereafter AGS) does not substantiate Queiroz Veloso's biased view of the queen, later championed by Joaquim Verissimo Serrao (Joaquim Verissimo Serrao, "A regencia de D. Catarina," Historia de Portugal, 3, O Seculo de Ouro, 1495-1580 (Lisbon, Editorial Verbo, 1977), 58-60).

(6) Drumond Braga, D. Joao III, 90.

(7) Felix Labrador Arroyo, La casa de la Emperatriz Isabel de Portugal (1526-1539), Master Thesis, Universidad Autonoma de Madrid (1999), and Labrador Arroyo's essay in this volume.

(8) Count Joseph Vimioso, Elogio das rainhas, mulheres dos cinco reys de Portugal do nome de Joao (Lisbon: Officina de Manoel Coelho Amada, 1747), 31-44. A copy in Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon, Reservados 3145.

(9) Osterreichisches Staatsarchiv (hereafter OSA), Haus, Hof- und Staatsarchiv (hereafter HHStA), Vienna, Handschriften, W4.3/T 7, fols. 891-900. Pending publication by the author.

(10) Francisco da Fonseca Benevides, Rainhas de Portugal (Lisbon: Castro e Irmao, 1878), 1: 3-33.

(11) Felix Llanos y Torrigilia, Contribuicion al estudio de la reina de Portugal, hermana de Carlos V Dona Catalina de Portugal (Madrid: Imprensa de la Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1923).

(12) Maria do Rosario de Sampaio Themudo Barata de Azevedo Cruz, Elementos para uma historia estrutural, 2 vols. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional da Casa da Moeda, 1992).

(13) Annemarie Jordan, "Catarina de Austria: Coleccao e Kunstkammer de uma Princesa Renascentista," Oceanos 16 (1993): 62-70; "In the Tradition of Princely Collections: Curiosities and Exotica in the Kunstkammer of Catherine of Austria," Bulletin of the Society for Renaissance Studies 13 (1995): 1-9; "Catherine of Austria, Queen of Portugal," in Jane Turner, ed., The Dictionary of Art (London: Macmillan Publishers, 1996): 874; Retrato de Corte em Portugal. O Legado de Antonio Moro (1552-1572) (Lisbon: Quetzal Editores, 1994); "O Manierismo e o retrato da corte em Portugal: As fontes, as inovacoes e a importacao de um estilo," A Pintura Manierista em Portugal. Arte no Tempo de Camoes (Lisbon: Commissao Nacional para as Comemoracoes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1995), 114-21; "Portuguese Royal Collecting after 1521: The Choice between Flanders and Italy," in Kate Lowe, ed., Cultural Links between Portugal and Italy in the Renaissance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 265-93; "The Manufacture and Marketing of Flemish Tapestries in Mid-Sixteenth Century Brussels. Two Habsburg Patrons and Collectors: Mary of Hungary and Catherine of Austria," in Bernardo Garcia Garcia and Fernando Grilo, eds., Ao modo de Flandres. Disponibilidade, inovacao e mercado de arte na epoca dos Descobrimentos (1415-1580) (Lisbon and Madrid: Fernando Villaverde Ediciones, 2005), 91-113; Catherine of Austria. Patron and Collector in Renaissance Portugal (Brepols, Burgundica Series, forthcoming 2007).

(14) Annemarie Jordan, "Images of Empire: Slaves in the Household and Court of Catherine of Austria," in Thomas Earle and Kate Lowe, eds., Black Africans in Renaissance Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 155-80.

(15) Annemarie Jordan, "Queen of the Seas and Overseas. Dining at the Table of Catherine of Austria, Queen of Portugal," Royal and Princely Tables of Europe. Commissions and Gifts. European Royal Tables--International Symposium Acts, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, December 12-14, 1996 (Lisbon: Instituto Portugues dos Museus, 1999), 14-43.

(16) Annemarie Jordan, "The Development of Catherine of Austria's Collection in the Queen's Household: Its Character and Cost," Ph.D. Thesis, Brown University (1994).

(17) More on the royal chapel during the reign of Catherine and John III in Annemarie Jordan, "La capela real del palazzo reale di Lisbona: Politica, dottrina, ceremoniale e committenza religiosa alla corte di Giovanni III e Caterina d'Austria," in Giuseppe Bertini, ed., Maria di Portogallo, sposa di Alessandro Farnese. Principessa di Parma e Piacenza dal 1565-1577 (Parma: Ducati Editore Parma, 2001), 27-81.

(18) Jordan, The Development, 95-7, cats. 18-60; 98-9, cat. 65.

(19) Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "'Verdadero padre y senor': Catherine of Austria, Queen of Portugal (1507-1578)," (forthcoming).

(20) Felix Labrador Arroyo,"La casa de la reina Catalina de Portugal: Estructura y fae ciones politicas (1550-1560)," Miscelanea Comillas. Revista de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales 61 (2003): 203-52.

(21)"Cardinal Infante Henry, King of Portugal," in Turner, ed., The Dictionary, 874.

(22) For rents Catherine collected from her properties in the Algarve see Isabel Drumond Braga, "As terras algarvias da Rainha D. Catarina. Elementos para o seu estudo," Anais do Municipio de Faro 23 (1993): 185-97. For revenue and goods from Sintra for the queen's kitchen and apothecary see IAN/TT, NA 796.

(23) Isabel Mendes Drumond Braga, "O 'Deve' e o 'Haver' da Casa da Rainha Dona Caterina," Arquivos do Centro Cultural Portugues 28 (1990): 137-211. Similar issues investigated and analyzed in Jordan, The Development, 41-107.

(24) Maria dos Reis de Matos Candeias, "Os Inventarios da Casa da Rainha D. Catarina de Austria," Senior Thesis, University of Lisbon (i960), 2 vols. The Faculdade de Letras which should have a copy, does not. One illegible photocopy is available for consultation in the library of the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon (call number: HF22).

(25) Isabel Mendes Drumond Braga, "A Casa de D. Catarina e as dadivas ao Clero," Itinerarium. Revista Quadrimestral de Cultura 133-134 (1989): 92-123.

(26) Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "Catherine of Austria and a Habsburg Relic for the Monastery of Valbemfeito, Obidos," Journal of the History of Collections 2 (2) (1990): 18798.

(27) Maria Paula Marcal Lourenco, "Mulheres e homens ao servico da Casa de D. Catarina de Austria: Estatuto, prestigio e poder (1525-1578)," Revista Portuguesa de Historia 36 (1) (2002-2003): 367-90, Appendix "The Livro da Matricola dos Moradores da Casa da Rainha D. Catarina." "The Livro da Matricola" was then catalogued and discussed in Jordan, The Development, 95, cat. 18. Also Marcal Lourenco, "O Sequito e a Casa de D. Catarina de Austria: A Familia Real, a India, e os grupos de poder," in Roberto Carneiro and Artur Teodoro de Matos, eds., D Joao III e o Imperio. Actas do Congresso Internacional comemorativo do seu nascimento (Lisboa e Tomar, 4 a 8 de Junho de 2002) (Lisbon: Centro de Historia de Alem-Mar, 2004), 175-84.

(28) Maria Jose Azevedo Santos, Assina quem sabe e le quem pode. Leitura, transcricao e estudo de um rol de moradias da Casa da Rainha D. Catarina de Austria (1526) (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade, 2004). This manuscript was first catalogued and discussed in Jordan, The Development, 98-9, cat. 65. Azevedo Santos was also unaware of the unpublished accounts which immediately follow NA 785 chronologically: CC 1, maco 73, doc. 134 (1527), CC II, maco 142, doc. 115 (1527), CC I, maco 40, doc. 69 (1528), CC III, maco 11, doc. 5 (1530).

(29) Dowager Queen of Hungary and Regent of the Netherlands (1505-1558).

(30) Queen of Portugal and France (1498-1558). See A. Jordan Gschwend, "Ma meilleur soeur: Leonor of Austria, Queen of Portugal and France (1498-1558)," Royal Inventories of Charles V and the Imperial Family, in Fernando Checa, ed., (forthcoming).

(31) Queen of Denmark (1501-1526).

(32) Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "Juana de Castilla y Catalina de Austria: La formacion de la coleccion de la reina en Tordesillas y Lisboa," in Miguel Angel Zalama, ed., Juana I de Castilla, 1504-1555. De su reclusion en Tordesillas al olvido de la Historia. I Symposio Internacional sobre la Reina Juana de Castilla. Tordesillas (Valladolid), 23-24 de Noviembre 2005 (Valladolid: Ayuntamiento de Tordesillas, 2006), Ch. 7: 143-71.

(33) F. M. Sousa Viterbo, "A Livraria da Rainha D. Catharina," A Livraria Real, especialmente no reinado de D. Manuel I (Lisbon: Tipografia da Academia, 1901), 26-41. More recently, Jose Luis Gonzalo Sanchez-Molero, "I. La bibliofilia regia en la Espana del siglo XVI (1504-1558)," Regia Bibliotheca. El Libro en la Corte Espanola de Carlos V, 2 vols. (Merida: Editora Regional de Extremadura, 2005), 1: 43-168. I am grateful to the author for allowing me to read the latter chapter before publication.

(34) Jordan, The Development, 126, n. 68.

(35) M. J. Rodriguez-Salgado, "Charles V and the Dynasty," in Hugo Soly, ed., Charles V (1500-1558) and his Time (Antwerp: Fonds Mercator, 1999), 56-61.

(36) OSA, HHStA, Belgien, DD 234 (1518).

(37) Miguel Angel Zalama, "El tesoro de la reina Juana I en Tordesillas: Relacion de su expolio," in Maria Jose Redondo Cantera and M. A. Zalama, eds., Carlos V y las Artes. Promocion artistica y familia imperial (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Leon and Universidad de Valladolid, 2000), 45-66.

(38) Museo del Prado, Madrid, inv. no. 2109.

(39) A. Jordan, The Development, 57-60.

(40) Biblioteca da Ajuda (hereafter BA), Lisbon, 51-VI-40, fols. 41-54. The document will be published in A. Jordan Gschwend, "Verdadero padre y senor," (forthcoming).

(41) IAN/TT, NA 792, fol. 109.

(42) A. Jordan, The Development, provides transcriptions and analyses of the following inventories: IAN/TT, NA 794 (1550-1553), 797 (1557-1561) and 782 (1570); Casa Forte (hereafter CF) 64 (1557) and 56 (1558); Ms. da Livraria 1217. The following: IAN/TT, NA 754 (1545), 791 (1534), 793 (1541) remain unpublished. CF 56 was published by E. Felix, Joias e outro bens da Rainha D Catarina, Documentos para a historia da arte em Portugal 8 (Lisbon: Fundacao Calouste Gulbenkian, 1969).

(43) Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "Exotic Renaissance Accessories. Japanese, Indian and Sinhalese Fans at the Courts of Portugal and Spain," Apollo 150 (November 1999): 25-35; Jordan Gschwend, ""Los primeros abanicos orientales de los Habsburgo," Oriente en Palacio. Tesoros asiaticos en las colecciones reales espanolas (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2003), 267-71.

(44) Perhaps the kingdom Duarte Barbosa referred to as Patenexy in Gujarat.

(45) It is not clear what is meant by this term.

(46) IAN/TT, NA 791 (unpublished). Cf. A. Jordan Gschwend, ""O Fascinio de Cipango. Artes decorativas e lacas da Asia oriental em Portugal, Espanha e Austria (1511-1598)," Os Constructores do Oriente Portugues (Porto: Commissao Nacional para as Comemoracoes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1998), 195-227 and 406-11; Jordan Gschwend, "Os produtos exoticos da carreira da India e o papel da corte portuguesa na sua difusao," Nossa Senhora dos Martires. A ultima Viagem (Lisbon: Portuguese Pavilion, Expo 98, 1998), 123-41.

(47) Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "As Maravilhas do Oriente: Coleccoes de curiosidades renascentistas em Portugal," A Heranca de Rauluchantim (Lisbon: Commissao Nacional para as Comemoracoes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 1996), 104-10; Jordan Gschwend, "Rarities and Novelties", in Anna Jackson and Amin Jaffer, eds., Encounters. The Meeting of Asia and Europe, 1500-1800 (London: V & A Publications, 2004), 39, fig. 3.1. Cf. A. Jaffer and Melanie Schwabe, "A Group of Sixteenth Century Caskets from Ceylon," Apollo 49 (March 1999): 3-14.

(48) IAN/TT, NA 754, fol. I47v.

(49) Cf. Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "Lisbon. Between Spices and Diamonds, 1500-1700," The Court Historian 3 (1) (March 1998): 16-23.

(50) The Lisbon court received ten elephants as annual tribute from the Kingdom of Jaffna.

(51) This species secretes an oily and odorous musk (known as algalea) used for perfumes and medicines in the queen's kitchen and apothecary.

(52) N. Senos, O Paco da Ribeira: 1501-1581 (Lisbon: Noticias Editorial, 2002), 154-9.

(53) Isabel Ribeiro Mendes, "A Proposito dos Descobrimentos: Animais exoticos e outras novidades," Historia 127 (1990): 20-9; A. Jordan Gschwend, "Exotic Animals in Sixteenth-Century Europe," Encounters, in Anna Jackson and Amin Jaffer, eds., Encounters. The Meeting of Asia and Europe, 1500-1800 (London: V & A Publications, 2004), 41-3; Almudena Perez de Tudela and Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "Renaissance Menageries in the Renaissance. Exotic Animals and Pets at the Habsburg Courts," in K. A. E. Enenkel, E. Kolfin, W. Neuber and P. Smith, eds., Intersections. Yearbook for Early Modern Studies. Representations of Animals in Early Moden Europe 6 (forthcoming May 2007).

(54) Claudia Lazarro, "Animals as Cultural Signs: A Medici Menagerie in the Grotto at Castello," in Claire Farago, ed., Reframing the Renaissance. Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America 1450-1650 (New Haven: Yale University Press 1995), 197-227.

(55) AGS, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg, 67.

(56) Biblioteca Publica Municipal do Porto, Porto, Ms. 85, fols. 903r-903I. Cf. Fernando Bouza, Palabra e imagen en la Corte. Cultura oral y visual de la nobleza en el Siglo de Oro (Madrid: Abada Editores, 2003), 23-4, who cites an incorrect folio number.

(57) BA, Ms. 49-X-1, fol. 19.

(58) IAN/TT, CC I, maco 93, doc. 14. Cf. Almudena Perez de Tudela and A. Jordan Gschwend, "Luxury Goods for Royal Collectors: Exotica, Princely Gifts and Rare Animals Exchanged between the Iberian Courts and Central Europe in the Renaissance (1560-1612)," Helmut Trnek and Sabine Haag, eds., Exotica. Portugals Entdeckungen im Spiegel furstlicher Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Renaissance. Die Beitrage des am 19. und 20. Mai 2000 vom Kunsthistorischen Museum Wien veranstalteten Symposiums, Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien 3 (Mainz: Verlag Philipp von Zabern, 2001), 1-127; Annemarie Jordan Gschwend and Almudena Perez de Tudela, "Exotica Habsburgica. La Casa de Austria y las colecciones exoticas en el Renacimiento temprano," Oriente en Palacio. Tesoros asiaticos en las colecciones reales espanolas (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2003), 27-44.

(59) Jose da Silva Terra, "Espagnols au Portugal au temps de la reine D. Catarina. I-D. Juliao d'Alva (c. 1500-1570)," Arquivos do Centro Cultural Portugues 9 (1975): 417-506.

(60) Maria Leonor Garcia da Cruz, A governacao de D. Joao III: A Fazenda Real e os seus Vedores (Lisbon: Centro de Historia da Universidade de Lisboa, 2001).

(61) As set forth in R. M. San Juan's article: "The development of a cultivated person and the acquisition of luxury objects provided ways of negotiating an advantageous position within the court, and in turn a way of life which assured exclusivity and, therefore, some sense of control" (R. M. San Juan, "The Court Lady's Dilemma: Isabella d'Este and Art Collecting in the Renaissance," The Oxford Art Journal 14 (1991): 69).

(62) Sheila Ffolliott, "The Italian 'Training' of Catherine de Medici: Portraits as Dynastic Narrative," in M. J. Gough and R. M. Smuts, eds., "Queens and the Transmission of Political Culture: The Case of Early Modern France," The Court Historian 10 (1) (October 2005): 37-53, stresses how significant the concept of dynasty was in the training of young royal brides, who needed to legitimize their status in new lands and at foreign courts. In the case of Catherine de Medici discussed here, family portraits played an essential role in establishing and cultivating this idea of dynasty.

(63) Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, "A Capela-Mor: Um panteao real para a dinastia de Avis," Jeronimos. Quatro Seculos de Pintura (Lisbon: Instituto Portugues do Patrimonio Arquitectonico e Arqueologico, 1992), 70-90; A. Jordan Gschwend, "Catherine of Austria and the Rebuilding of the Capela Mor in Lisbon's Jeronimos Monastery," Approaching Apotheosis: Royal Pantheons of the Renaissance, Renaissance Society of America, Annual Meeting, College Park, Maryland, March 26-29, 1998 (unpublished paper).

(64) R. Malcolm Smuts with Melinda J. Gough, "Queens and the International Transmission of Political Culture," in M. J. Gough and R. M. Smuts, eds., "Queens and the Transmission of Political Culture: The Case of Early Modern France," The Court Historian, 10 (1) (October 2005): 1-13, especially 3-4.
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Title Annotation:Habsburg Queen and Portugal
Author:Jordan, Annemarie
Publication:Portuguese Studies Review
Date:Jan 1, 2005
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