Canadian Arctic historical archaeology in review.
David Morrison's (1988) investigation of Kugaluk, a Mackenzie Inuit caribou hunting site, is one of the few archaeological studies conducted on 19th-century Inuit culture, outside of Labrador. Morrison was interested in addressing the relationship between subsistence and status within Mackenzie Inuit society. He excavated one of three dwellings, as well as its associated midden and activity areas, and used the seasonality data derived from architecture and faunal analyses to determine that two regional subsistence strategies had co-existed during the summer months: coastal bowhead whaling (which had been well-, if not over-, represented in the ethnohistoric record) and inland caribou hunting. Artifact analysis was limited to establishing the age of the site (mid-19th century) and its length of occupation, although evidence of activities such as metal-working was also recovered (Morrison 1988:30, 49-50).
Morrison (1988:92) suggested that the bifocal procurement pattern could signify status differences among the Mackenzie Inuit population, with caribou representing an essential resource in terms of meat and skins, both of which could be traded, while bowhead whales were a less reliable source of large quantities of meat and baleen, but one which conferred great prestige on the whalers. While the Kugaluk people had access to some European goods during this period, according to Morrison (1988:91), they appeared not to have participated in commercial trapping. The concept of a regional status system based on the procurement of caribou and whale resources among the Mackenzie Inuit and the variation in their resistance and accommodation to the European world economy remains to be assessed with data previously collected but not extensively reported from whale-hunting sites. Sites such as Kugaluk, which lie outside the sphere of major European influence, remind us of the heterogeneous nature of historical Inuit cultural development.
The Qikiqtaruk Archaeology Project (1990-1992) was designed to investigate the Mackenzie Inuit occupation sequence on Herschel Island prior to and during the commercial whaling era with respect to changes in architecture, food and material culture in order to assess the local consequences of environmental change, epidemic diseases and Inuit-European interaction (Friesen 1994:79). Herschel Island is important for understanding the Yukon North Slope culture history because other coastal occupations have been destroyed by erosion, while its sites are relatively well-preserved (Friesen 1994:61). In his 1994 article, Friesen presented a preliminary analysis of some of the artifacts recovered from four dwellings dating to the prehistoric, protohistoric and historic periods (late 19th and early 20th centuries). Artifacts were classified as unmodified Euro-American, modified Euro-American or traditional artifacts made of local materials, following Quimby and Spoehr's (1951 in Friesen 1994) artifact classification system, and the relative frequencies of each category were tracked for each period. The dwellings ranged from traditional semi-subterranean log houses with alcoves, for the prehistoric and protohistoric periods, to a tent foundation banked with sod occupied during the commercial whaling era of the 1890s and a midden deposit, dated 1905-1920, within a framed house, likely originally constructed by whalers. One of the difficulties Friesen (1994:75, 79) encountered was locating undisturbed Mackenzie Inuit deposits from the whaling period.
Friesen's (1995) dissertation research shifted to a more general study of the processes involved in intersocietal interaction among hunter-gatherers using the Herschel Island material. Applying world systems theory to assess the role that relations between societies play in culture change, his goal was to develop an interaction model which identified key features that determine the nature of hunter-gatherer world-systems and which could then be used to predict change in their organization (Friesen 1995:58). According to Friesen (1995:56-58), the distribution of subsistence resources and the availability of valued trade goods affected hunter-gatherer world-systems in their breadth (i.e. the number of interacting regional groups); their depth (i.e. the relative importance of interaction to each regional group) and their internal differentiation (i.e. the degree of variability between core areas and peripheries in terms of social complexity, population density and carrying capacity). He defined a number of expectations for each of these variables for three time periods: the prehistoric (prior to AD. 1800), the protohistoric (1800-1889) and the early historic (1889-1907) phases. With increasing breadth, for example, would come a decrease in boundary maintenance, as evident in stylistic attributes of artifacts such as labrets. With increasing depth, an increase in the volume and types of trade goods, as well as changes in resource acquisition and settlement patterns associated with interaction, would be evident. With an increase in the degree of internal differentiation, core areas would experience greater population density, carrying capacity, proportion of valued trade goods and social complexity, as evident in the variability of house forms and burials (Friesen 1995:91).
In at least one respect, his dissertation research differed from other studies of Inuit historical archaeology, including his 1994 article, in that it was not expressly concerned with the local historical context of Inuit cultural development vis-a-vis European contact (Friesen 1995:27, 285, 287). The devastating impact of infectious disease on the Mackenzie Inuit and their subsequent replacement by Alaskan Inupiat, for example, was not incorporated into the model. Friesen (1995:3-4) used the European contact era to model hunter-gatherer interaction because the period had the potential to produce an elevated rate of culture change that should, in turn, "produce distinct archaeological patterns that may be used to understand general processes".
Fifteen dwellings were excavated on Herschel Island; nine by Friesen and six by Brian Yorga (1980) some years earlier. Selected components of five of these structures were analyzed: two dated to the late prehistoric period, one to the protohistoric period and two to the early historic period. In most cases, sufficient data were not recovered with which to evaluate the predictions (see Friesen 1995:168, 250, 267, 268, 283, 284, 290). Friesen (1995: 242, 290) concluded that "the profound effects of European contact", namely the fact that European trade goods were obtained directly from Europeans, rather than from other Native groups, "cannot be seen as direct evidence of increasing depth of the indigenous world-system". Oswalt's (1976 in Friesen 1995:172) concept of 'technounits', used by Friesen to report the relative frequencies of trade goods, especially composite items which consist of both European and indigenous components (e.g., a copper-riveted ivory harpoon head), increase the difficulty of comparing the Herschel Island assemblage with other archaeological data sets.
The Davis Strait Fishery
One of the earliest archaeological investigations of the commercial whaling era was George Sabo's (1979) application of the cultural ecology approach to trace the material culture changes associated with the development of the Thule culture in the historic period Artifacts recovered from five sites on the east coast of Baffin Island, occupied from the late 18th to the early 20th centuries, were classified according to their method and material of manufacture (traditional, European or blended) in order to evaluate the impact of European contact on cultural activities such as procurement, maintenance, manufacture and a category he termed 'other'. Without undertaking detailed analyses of the historic artifacts for the purpose of dating the sites and determining their function, Sabo could only classify the material as 'early' (before A.D. 1850) or 'late' contact (after A.D. 1850). Using Quimby and Spoehr's (1951 in Sabo 1979) method to identify technological changes represented by artifact form, function, raw material, he determined that technological changes were characterized by direct replacement of traditional artifacts with European ones, rather than a process of gradual blending by which European materials were used to make Inuit articles. However, Sabo observed that this material culture replacement was not universal; rather, two processes of culture contact were involved. The most extensive reorganization occurred in the realm of subsistence procurement, with the introduction of the gun, which, Sabo suggested, led to changes in "social patterns associated with cooperative hunting, food sharing and distribution, family and band social organization, and ... seasonal patterns of economic and settlement behaviour", although he did not enlarge on these ideas (Sabo 1979:229). At the same time, cultural continuity in domestic maintenance activities, such as food processing and clothing and house construction, led Sabo (1979:229) to suggest that these stable aspects of Inuit culture were fundamental to the survival of Inuit culture into the 20th century. While he did not explicitly organize his observations according to gender-specific tasks, the data do allow conclusions to be drawn on the relative responses to European contact by Inuit men and women.
In 1983, Marc Stevenson (1984) conducted a site inventory for the NWT government at Kekerten, the principal whaling station in Cumberland Sound. He recorded 300 features, including dozens of qarmat, tent rings and burials, aided by ethnohistorical data provided by informants who had been alive during the commercial whaling era. During this preliminary investigation, Stevenson planned to test excavate at least two whaling period qarmat, from the initial and the final periods of the whaling era, in order to collect baseline information on the age, construction techniques and length of the occupation as well as on the type, variety and distribution of artifacts. His aim was to identify "some preliminary directions in which Inuit society may have changed as a result of prolonged contact and interaction with Scottish and American whalemen" as well as the subsequent cultural re-adaptation and change that occurred once the whaling period ended (Stevenson 1984:188, 204).
Stevenson identified three aspects of Inuit culture potentially influenced by culture contact: gender relations, intra-group relations and inter-group relations. From the results of his limited test excavations, Stevenson noted that men's implements appeared to have been replaced more rapidly with European items than women's tools were and speculated that this was due to differences in gender roles and activities (Stevenson 1984:221). He stated that:
[t]he question of change through time in men and women's material culture, activities, social roles and relations as a result of intense contact and interaction with the whalemen is one of the more intriguing questions that can be addressed by research at Kekerten ... (Stevenson 1984:223).
Stevenson suggested two explanations for the difference: 1) women held a subordinate status within Inuit society and thus had less access to foreign goods and materials or 2) the introduced goods did not represent a significant advance over traditional items (Stevenson 1984:222). He subsequently elaborated his hypotheses to suggest that gender roles changed over the commercial whaling period. According to Stevenson, gender activities, roles and status became less distinct when male mobility decreased, due to Inuit participation in commercial whaling, and when women's social position improved as a consequence of the introduction of Christianity (Stevenson 1984:238-246). In the later case, Inuit women may have "enjoyed greater freedom in how, when, and where they could conduct their activities and affairs", which, in turn, may have affected the spatial extent and density of gender artifacts (Stevenson 1984:244-245).
Although he was uncertain whether social differentiation existed in the precontact period, oral historical evidence collected by Stevenson indicated that there were rank variations within Inuit communities during the commercial whaling era. Stevenson hypothesized that these differences would be expressed in the material culture--in mortuary goods, in access to European items and in house architecture. High status individuals, such as whaleboat captains and camp leaders, would enjoy greater access to goods and materials, according to Stevenson (1984:250, 253) and artifact assemblages from their households and their graves would be expected to differ in kind, quantity and quality. Their dwellings may have been constructed from large pieces of imported materials, creating structures that were "more rectangular, larger, and considerably different in appearance" from traditional houses (Stevenson 1984:253). In addition, Stevenson sought to determine whether commercial whaling had affected relations between formerly autonomous Inuit groups that began to reside together at the whaling stations and whether this change in inter-group interaction was visible spatially, architecturally or stylistically, in terms of changing patterns of dress (Stevenson 1984:261).
Although Stevenson partially excavated just one qarmaq and no further research has been carried out at Kekerten, his preliminary report remains an important contribution to the field of Inuit historical archaeology because it was among the first research efforts to explicitly define a series of behavioral implications within a specific historical and cultural context that could be tested with data collected in future investigations.
The 'Mysterious' Sadlermiut
Susan Rowley's (1994) reassessment of a Iong-standing 'prehistoric' issue, the cultural affiliation of the Sadlermiut of Southampton Island, demonstrates both the utility of an interdisciplinary approach and the futility of artificially segregating the past into 'prehistory' and 'history'. The Sadlermiut became extinct in 1902-1903, at the brink of sustained European-American contact (Mathiassen 1927). Traditional ethnohistoric and archaeological explanations suggested a seemingly 'primitive' culture representing either a remnant Dorset population or an aberrant Thule one, based on the divergence of the Sadlermiut material culture from that of other Inuit groups. The Sadlermiut flaked-stone tools and strange dialect were the most-cited examples of their non-Thule nature (McGhee 1978 in Rowley 1994: 365).
By combining several lines of evidence, including ethnohistory, ethnographic and archaeological collections and oral history testimony, Rowley (1994:361) concluded that the unique cultural development of the Sadlermiut was the result of an adaptation to environmental and historical constraints. Sadlermiut isolation was a recent 'historical' development, a consequence of 19th-century commercial whaling, which drew their traditional trading partners of the south coast of Baffin Island away from Southampton Island and towards the Euro-American whaling centers (Rowley 1994:378-379). The lack of traditional Thule materials in the Sadlermiut environment, such as slate and soapstone, led to their subsequent reliance on chert for tools and limestone slabs for lamps and cooking vessels.
Recent preliminary analyses of mitochondrial DNA from skeletal samples belonging to Dorset, Thule and Sadlermiut populations now suggest an even more complex situation than that envisioned by Rowley, one which indicates both a Dorset and a Thule contribution to the Sadlermiut gene pool (Hayes et al. 2005).
Labrador Inuit and Europeans
The Labrador Inuit experienced the most extensive and multi-faceted contact with Europeans of any Canadian Inuit society. Beginning in the 16th century, Basque and Dutch whalers, French fishers and traders, English traders and settlers and Moravian missionaries, made initially seasonal forays to, and eventually long-term settlement of, the Labrador coast. This region has also received the most attention from Arctic historical archaeologists, who have investigated changes to the economic, social and settlement systems of the Labrador Inuit throughout the historic period.
Labrador Inuit historical archaeology has been largely stimulated by a single issue: the late 17th-18th-century development of large communal houses from the single-family, semi-subterranean house forms of the previous period and the implications of this change for the development of status in an egalitarian hunting society. Junius Bird (1945), who excavated several sod houses at sites in the Hopedale area, was the first to propose a temporal shift from the use of the smaller, single family to the larger, multi-family semi-subterranean house form. He dated the development to the 18th century, based on the types of European artifacts recovered, and attributed it to a need to defend against European attacks.
Peter Schledermann (1976a, b) argued that the transition was a response to environmental deterioration. Colder climatic conditions increased sea-ice distribution, which influenced the distribution of prey species, particularly bowhead whales, resulting in a greater reliance on seals (Schledermann 1976a, b). Communal houses represented an adaptive response to this stress by facilitating resource sharing and fuel conservation (Petersen 1974/5; Schledermann 1976a, b). Based on the test excavations of 56 houses at seven sites, including early single-family semi-subterranean houses, communal houses and wooden houses, in Saglek Bay, northern Labrador, Schledermann (1971) established a three-phase sequence of Labrador Inuit occupation and concluded that communal houses dated to 1700-1850. European items, he notes, were recovered, "although not in any great quantity" (Schledermann 1976b: 29) and he regarded contact with European whalers as incidental to the development of the house form (Schledermann 1971:107).
Richard Jordan's (1974, 1977, 1978; Jordan and Kaplan 1980) diachronic study of winter houses at Hamilton Inlet in south-central Labrador led him to conclude that the communal house form was closely connected to European contact. He traced the establishment of communal houses through changes in architecture, settlement, subsistence and European contact during the 17th to 19th centuries. Based on his excavations, Jordan developed a three-stage model of Labrador history: 17th-century raiding and colonization, 18th-century whaling and formalized trade and 19th-century trapping and European settlement.
Jordan's model suggested that Labrador Inuit experienced limited contact with Europeans initially. The few European goods recovered from excavations of the small, semi-subterranean 17th-century winter houses were likely acquired through raiding expeditions made on European fishing and whaling stations rather than trade, according to historic sources (Jordan 1978). The key change during this period was the use of European iron in place of slate (Jordan and Kaplan 1980). According to a preliminary analysis of faunal remains, seal was the primary food source; whale and caribou were not well represented in the faunal assemblages (Jordan 1978:176; Jordan and Kaplan 1980:39-40).
During the 18th century, Inuit in south Labrador had direct contact with Europeans eager to trade for baleen and whale oil. Based on the large quantity and range of European items he recovered, Jordan (1974, 1977, 1978) argued, contra Schledermann, that during this period Inuit whale hunting intensified to produce baleen as well as oil for exchange; intermittent, or formalized, trade with Europeans began and communal houses developed, not as a reaction to climatic stress, but as a socio-economic response to European contact. These settlements were no longer located in the outer islands but in sheltered coastal or inner bay areas. Long-distance Inuit trade networks also emerged, or intensified, in the 18th century, linking regions economically. Jordan hypothesized that individuals who enjoyed a high degree of status, privilege and wealth because of their roles as whaling captains, traders and middlemen controlled access to scarce resources, such as European goods (Jordan 1978:176). These leaders consolidated "nuclear households into larger corporate units, thus increasing household access to European goods" (Cabak 1991:29), while strengthening their own social and political power (Jordan 1978; Loring 1998).
According to Jordan's model, the collapse of aboriginal and commercial whaling during the 19th century led to the increasing importance of sealing, fishing and trapping activities. Winter settlement shifted from a pattern of nucleation to dispersion and one- or two-room wooden houses replaced communal houses. The establishment of the Moravian missions in north-central Labrador and Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) trading posts throughout Labrador in the late 18th and 19th centuries effectively undermined the activities of the Inuit traders and their long-distance exchange networks (Jordan 1974, 1978). These two institutions influenced 19th-century Labrador Inuit culture in different ways, for as Fitzhugh notes:
Not only did these frequently competing organizations have different philosophical justifications, motives, ethnic/national origins, and material culture; in some cases they were selective in their dealing with certain Inuit groups (primarily Christian v. non-Christian) with whom they interacted. These characteristics produced different effects on Inuit culture and value systems, some of which (such as settlement patterns) are easily seen in archaeological record (Fitzhugh 1980:602).
Susan Kaplan's (1980, 1983, 1985a, b, 1997) multi-causal approach to the study of Labrador Inuit cultural development and adaptation integrated the ecological and historical models. She drew on several sources of evidence (settlement, demographic, ecological, technological and ethnohistorical data) from known Inuit sites along coastal Labrador, as well as samples derived from test excavations of sites identified in surveys of northern Labrador by Fitzhugh (1980). According to Kaplan (1983, 1985a), the cultural changes experienced by the Labrador Inuit initially were in response to ecological conditions, including changes in resource availability, and later to demographic, socio-economic and political factors related to European contact. These later factors included a growth in population during the 18th century, which resulted in competition for subsistence resources and a settlement expansion along the coast from the outer islands to inner island resource zones, where communal houses were established, headed by interregional traders. During the 19th century, three types of Inuit settlements prevailed: those associated with Moravian missionaries, those related to HBC trading posts and settlements which were independent of either enterprise (Kaplan 1980:656).
In his review of the arguments for the origin of communal houses, Richling (1993) rejected the central assumption of Jordan and Kaplan's socio-economic model, that European goods were considered private property and were thus exempt from traditional, generalized forms of distribution beyond the extended family. According to Richling (1993:67), the development of Labrador communal houses paralleled the development of other Thule Inuit forms of multi-family dwellings, including snowhouse complexes, and reflected a traditional pattern of intensified communalism as a response to the scarcity of resources, in this case, European goods.
As the previous studies attest, there is considerable potential for Inuit historical archaeology in Labrador. Despite the possibilities, the published research generally has been limited to culture history narratives, which incorporate explanatory models of culture change largely based on investigations by ethnohistorians and small samples primarily derived from limited archaeological test excavations. Only a few of the several houses examined in Hamilton Inlet, for example, have been incorporated into discussions of Labrador Inuit culture history and adaptation and their level of investigation (i.e. whether they were test excavated or fully excavated) is unclear. Similarly limited use has been made of the Saglek Bay and the Hopedale material. Until recently, we lacked definitive evaluations of the competing models involving high-resolution paleoenvironmental data and detailed published archaeological evidence that would allow us to evaluate the culture history reconstructions and use the results for comparative purposes. Richling (1993:70-71) has questioned the evidence for a population increase, especially given the 'disease and depopulation' impact that early European contact had on aboriginal societies elsewhere, and argued for more research on the demography of the early contact period. The archaeological literature indicates that Labrador Inuit inhabited communal houses by the late 17th century (Delanglez 1944 in Richling 1993:67-68) and that traders headed only the largest of these large houses in each community (Kaplan 1983:358). Without the benefit of published site maps (aside from those in Jordan's  preliminary report) and thorough excavations of other houses and their associated middens at a site, however, it is difficult to determine contemporaneity and to assess the claim of status differences resulting from access to and control over foreign goods. Contradictions regarding the relative proportion of European material culture recovered from communal houses (Schledermann v. Jordan and Kaplan) can not be resolved without detailed artifact analyses, which includes, as a minimum, identifying the cultural origin, function and dates of production of the items.
Another aspect of the issue that remains to be verified with archaeological data is the role of long-distance exchange networks in the development of communal houses. Beyond noting that "trade in unworked soapstone and finished soapstone lamps and pots, and ivory, wood and feathers seems likely, as these materials are not uniformly distributed along the coast" (Kaplan 1985b:56), source analysis of indigenous materials, such as soapstone, to identify their point of entry into the exchange network has not yet been undertaken. Elsewhere, Kaplan and Woollett (2000:356) state that (the presence of?) European trade goods indicate that inhabitants of north-central Labrador acquired these items through ship-based exchange, through long-distance trade with south Labrador and through trade with the Moravians. Without explicit evidence associating certain classes of European goods with a particular source, it remains difficult to evaluate the role of interregional trade.
Despite the significance of the subsistence economy to each of the competing explanations of culture change, particularly in terms of the impact of climate change on the relative contribution of whale and seal products, zooarchaeological studies were not undertaken prior to Woollett's (1999) examination of the relationship between Inuit settlement, subsistence, social relations and environmental change in southern Labrador. Using faunal species frequencies from material collected by Jordan in Hamilton Inlet, as well as tree ring studies, glacial accumulation rates and ice severity indices, Woollett established a series of hypotheses to test the environmental distress and social success models. He predicted that colder climatic conditions would result in a decline in whale hunting in the 18th century, an increase in ringed seal hunting (an ice-loving species) and possibly greater use of alternate (inner bay) food resources (Woollett 1999:374). Alternatively, if the social model prevailed "adequate seal hunting conditions, the maintenance of whale hunting until the nineteenth century and preferences for co-operative hunting methods" would be expected (Woollett 1999:374).
The role of whaling in the development of Labrador Inuit culture remains unresolved, since few whalebone elements and no whale hunting implements were recovered from the Hamilton Inlet investigations. However, the ratio of ringed seals (representing ice cover) to harbour seals (representing moderate ice and/or open water), along with the ice severity indices, suggested that climatic variability existed within the Little Ice Age: the 17th and the late 19th centuries were periods of increased sea ice cover, while the 18th and early 19th centuries were periods of moderate ice conditions (Woollett 1999:380). Woollett (1999:383) determined that the 18th-century communal house form is associated "with mild ice, environmental stability and open water seal hunting". He concluded that while environmental change influenced hunting practices, the communal house development was not associated with a colder climate or more ice but with the increasing importance of cooperative open water seal hunting (Woollett 1999:370). With this paper, Woollett effectively disproved the climate stress model.
Melanie Cabak (1991) used an agent-centred approach to investigate how Inuit-Moravian interaction impacted women's roles, activities and status within the community of Nain and how Inuit women actively directed the culture change and the development of these relations. As Cabak (1991:30) noted, the timing of the adoption of gender-specific tools, relative access to European goods and changes in gender roles and status are archaeologically-detectable behaviours. Her Masters research, part of Stephen Loring's on-going study of 19th-century Inuit-Moravian contact, represents an historical archaeology of interaction that both fully integrates (and presents) ethnohistorical sources and archaeological evidence and acknowledges the active participation of aboriginal (female) stakeholders. Cabak's contribution is particularly noteworthy given that her archaeological evidence was limited to the partial excavation of a domestic refuse midden associated with several households. She identified three chronological components within the Nain midden (20th-century, 19th-century and late 18th to early 19th-century) using a combination of mean ceramic dates, ceramic sherd cross mends and clay pipe manufacturing dates (Cabak 1991:189). Her analysis was based on data from the older two strata that related to Inuit housing and domestic activities, namely architectural changes, foodways and clothing styles.
Cabak reinterpreted the Labrador communal house development issue by considering the role that women may have played in the process. Given that Inuit women's activities during winter were primarily undertaken in the home, she argued that both the change in residence patterns and the emergence of powerful middlemen may have affected gender relations, roles, and status within the household (Cabak 1991:29). The ethnohistoric
accounts relate that Inuit women played a significant role as intermediaries, promoting Inuit settlement around the mission stations. They were active in several areas of community life, including trade and purchasing decisions, education, employment and church activities and leadership (Cabak 1991:158). Age and social and economic status, such as widowhood, structured women's decisions to pursue change (Cabak 1991:185).
Using artifacts recovered from the midden, Cabak traced the impact of the architectural shift from communal sod houses to wooden houses on women's labour. While little European architecture material culture was found in the earliest level of the midden, indicating retention of traditional construction techniques, the frequency of nails, window glass and construction hardware, increased greatly in the later period. The high percentage of wood chips within the midden matrix suggested the replacement of blubber lamps with wood-burning iron stoves. Analysis of nail function based on size revealed the adoption of new structural features, including wooden siding, floors and shingled roofs. Because these wooden houses were poorly insulated and harder to maintain than traditional Inuit dwellings, women spent considerable time on new domestic tasks, such as cleaning wood floors and gathering and chopping wood to heat their homes. Archaeological evidence, such asa ceramic bowl used as a seal oil lamp and fragments of a cast iron stove and kerosene chimney glass, revealed that "women experimented with home heating and lighting" (Cabak 1991:95). The use of glass windows and kerosene lamps extended their ability to work indoor at tasks that they may have previously done outside (Cabak 1991:175).
In her analysis of changing Inuit foodways, Cabak identified food and beverage preparation, storage, distribution and consumption patterns by examining vessel function. The addition of foreign foods and vessels showed that 19th-century Inuit women became involved in more time-consuming food preparation and serving and vessel maintenance activities (Cabak 1991:131). The large quantities of teaware (e.g. saucers, cups and mugs) and the presence of liquor bottles indicated the consumption of new beverages; fragments of large mixing bowls may reflect bread-making. Liquid-based foods, such as soups and stews, continued to be consumed based on the prevalence of hollowware forms (bowls and soup plates) over flatware (plates and platters) (Cabak and Loring 2000:24, 27). Sealskin storage containers made by women were replaced by ceramic vessels, tin cans and glass bottles. Many of the ceramic fragments showed evidence of repair, reflecting their value as scarce commodities.
Cabak's research led to two conclusions. The first was that Inuit women were active agents of change in Inuit society, rapidly incorporating European food, clothing and goods into their daily lives. The European material culture Cabak recovered was predominantly female-task related and may have reflected women's influence in purchasing decisions and relative access to many European items. This incorporation resulted in women's traditional roles becoming more time-consuming, complex and increasingly restricted to the home and the winter community. The use of glass and ceramics, for example, would only have been possible within a more sedentary lifestyle Cabak's second conclusion was that Moravian contact led to some aspects of Inuit gender relations becoming hierarchical. The traditional economic interdependence between spouses ended when both genders began to engage in wage labour for the missionaries. The Moravians placed an unequal value on the economic activities of women and men and on their opportunities for leadership in the community, which paralleled the development of Western society's private/public dichotomy. Cabak's unpublished thesis sets a benchmark for European material culture analysis and behavioral interpretation not yet matched in published literature on Canadian Arctic historical archaeology.
Traditionally, archaeologists have assigned primarily economic value to foreign trade goods. Underlying the economic models of researchers such as Jordan, Kaplan and Richling, for example, is the assumption that European goods represented scarce resources and that Inuit responded to contact either with a physical relocation to the source (movement to the south coast of Labrador or centralized settlement around a mission or a trading pos), or altered activity patterns to obtain the items. Recently, archaeologists have begun to reconsider Inuit-European trade in terms of social and political agendas involving strategies of resistance and accommodation, which aimed to preserve Inuit cultural identity (e.g, Cabak and Loring 2000; Kaplan and Woollett 2000; Loring 1998). According to Kaplan and Woollett (2000:352), at the same time as it provided economic benefits, the contact experience presented considerable ideological stress. Missionaries challenged the authority of the shamans and isolated converted Inuit from non-converted Inuit, "... compromise[ing] Inuit habits of generalized exchange and weaken[ing] intra- and intercommunity social relations" (Kaplan and Woollett 2000:357). Cultural practices, such as polygyny, overt displays of shamanism and communal whale hunting, they argue, were maintained and even amplified because these traditions served to reinforce Inuit ideological values at the same time as, in the case of whale hunting, providing products to be traded for European goods (Kaplan and Woollett 2000:357). However, the role that whale hunting played during this period remains to be established. Moreover, it is difficult to appreciate how displays of wealth (i.e. items of personal adornment, highly decorated women's [but not men's] clothing and the use of wooden boats and large dog teams to carry out the trade) represent a form of resistance, as the authors contend, in an egalitarian society.
Loring's (1998) exploratory excavation of Eskimo Hutte, a 19th-century sod house site in northern Labrador, aimed to investigate the experience of non-converted Inuit who were at the margins of the Moravian sphere of influence. According to Loring (1998), the nature of the artifact assemblage and the distance of the site from the Moravian missions represented active resistance to European culture, economic independence and retention of the people's northern identity. However, while resistance and accommodation are legitimate responses to intercultural contact, the claim that "[a]rchaeological deposits contain materials that testify to the choices made" (Loring 1998:55) only can be evaluated in the context of the universe of available goods and materials. In this case, the potentially available goods included the types of articles supplied by the missions and the trading posts, a subset of which were chosen by Inuit in direct contact with these enterprises who, in turn, subsequently selectively provided trade goods for more distant groups. Items obtained through this form of indirect trade would not have involved a great deal of choice on the part of end-point recipients, such as the Eskimo Hutte residents. Loring's (1998:70) conclusion that the people "... retained traditional Inuit subsistence practices, spiritual beliefs and lifestyles ..." remains to be substantiated by future archaeological investigations which compare 'mission Inuit' and 'non-mission Inuit'. At this point, only preliminary conclusions can be derived from the limited scope of the excavations, the small sample size recovered and the lack of detailed analysis of the function, ethnic origin and production dates of the European artifacts. Analysis of the manufacturing dates of items such as ammunition, tin cans, ceramics, pipes and beads would provide more precise estimates of the ages of the various site components.
Cabak and Loring (2000) drew a similar conclusion regarding archaeological evidence for consumer choice in their study of ceramics from the Nain midden associated with 'mission-Inuit'. Here, too, without information on market availability from either the documentary records or excavations of the mission, consumer choice has yet to be established.
Inuit in the Strait of Belle Isle
A second key research theme in Labrador historical archaeology is the nature, timing and geographical limit of Inuit occupation in southern Labrador, particularly the Strait of Belle Isle, as it relates to the European presence in the 16th to 18th centuries (Auger 1987, 1991a,b, 1993, 1994; Dumais and Poirier 1994; Martijn and Clermont 1980; Pastore and Auger 1984; Stopp 2002; Tuck 1987). Until recently, debate about whether Inuit have occupied the strait since the 16th century, during the Basque whaling period, or only arrived at the end of the 18th century, when French and English fishing stations were established (Auger 1994:3), has drawn exclusively on ethnohistorical evidence.
Sporadic archaeological evidence for an Inuit presence in the area exists for the 16th century (Tuck 1985 in Auger 1993 and 1994; Pastore and Auger 1984; Tuck 1987), the 17th century (Martijn and Clermont 1980) and the 18th century (Dumais and Poirier 1994). Tuck (1987), for example, recovered Inuit artifacts from two Basque whaling station in Red Bay. His preliminary analyses suggest that both groups "occupied the site during the sixteenth-century either at the same time or during different seasons of the year" (Tuck 1987:65). Martijn and Clermont (1980) found Inuit artifacts in association with food caches at the west end of the Strait. Dumais and Poirier's (1994) test excavations of two semi-subterranean dwellings, identified as communal houses, yielded both European and Inuit material culture dating to the late 17th-early 18th century (a Spanish ceramic fragment, presumably representing earlier Basque contact, was also recovered). From the nature of the European material recovered (wood, nails, metal and ceramic fragments), the authors inferred that the Inuit occupants acquired European items by raiding fishing stations, rather than engaging in direct contact.
Reginald Auger's (1987, 1991a,b, 1993) dissertation research originally was designed to investigate 16th and 17th century Labrador Inuit sites in the region. When pre-18th century Inuit sites were not located, Auger focused on the period 1760-1820, enlarging his project to study the nature of European settlement at the strait and the extent of Inuit-European contact. The region and time period offer an interesting situation of cross-acculturation, with European fishers adopting sod house architecture and Inuit who lived close to European stations incorporating European articles in their traditional material culture (Auger 1991a, 1993). The custom of both groups to construct sod houses on the remains of earlier European components adds to the challenge of establishing ethnic affiliation.
At the Seal Islands site in Chateau Bay, located a league away from the British Fort York (occupied from 1767 to 1775), Auger (1991a,b, 1993, 1994) identified a late 18th-century Inuit communal house, based on partial excavation of the house interior and associated midden. Two earlier European components, an early 18th-century French one and an early 17th-century Basque one, were tentatively dated but not analyzed (Auger 1991a, 1993). The artifact assemblage is characterized by the quantity and diversity of European goods and the paucity of Inuit items, which Auger (1991a,b, 1993) attributed to a number of factors, including greater access to European goods, deliberate accumulation for the purpose of trading with Inuit from northern Labrador and a generally omnivorous type of acculturation coupled with a 'non-specialized adaptation'. According to Auger, the effect of European contact on Labrador Inuit was immediate and absolute:
From the Seal Islands assemblage, it can be inferred that the traditional Inuit social structure and skills were lost over a short period, and their acquisition of firearms, as evidenced by the Seal Islands data, had implications for the rise of the new class of middlemen (Auger 1991a: 83).
What is missing is a discussion of the impact this massive replacement of traditional material culture had on Inuit cultural development. In other words, how did the use of firearms or foreign fishing implements, for example, affect Inuit subsistence behaviour or social roles? For example, Auger (1991b:137) stated that "[f]eatures observed in the material culture are comparable to 19th century Labrador where Kaplan (1983) noted that bows and arrows were entirely replaced by firearms". Does this mean that material culture replacement occurred a full century earlier in the Strait of Belle Isle? The inability to stratigraphically separate the European and Inuit components, the lack of evidence for a multi-family occupation, such as multiple hearths, and the presence of a nailed plank floor laid on joists are problematic. Auger (1991b: 136,137) suggested that both the 18th-century communal houses and the smaller 19th-century sod houses may have been influenced, respectively, by the European forts and the small sod fishers' houses which were built along the strait. More extensive excavation and analyses may fully resolve the ethnic affiliation of this structure.
At Degrat Island, Auger excavated a small, above-ground dwelling, similar in appearance to sod houses that he had located and tested throughout the region. These sites were identified as early European fisher settlements from the late 18th century, occupied perhaps twenty years after the Seal Islands site. Here, too, the house remains overlay an older component containing 17th-century French ceramics, which was not analyzed (Auger 1991a:27). Auger (1991a, 1993) identified the ethnicity of the occupants based on the exclusive presence of European artifacts as well as the nature of the assemblage, which, he felt, reflected a specialized (i.e. European) fishing adaptation (although far fewer fishing-related artifacts were recovered from Degrat than from the Seal Islands site) and a 'modest lifeway', which is not further defined. The manufacturing origins of the ceramics indicated English fishers had lived on the north shore of the strait and French fishers on the south side, confirming documentary evidence of the ethnic settlement pattern (Auger 1991a, 1993).
Until Auger's research, our understanding of lives of these planter, or apprentice, fishers, who overwintered in order to safeguard fishing locations, was essentially nonexistent. Moreover, his research remains the only study of bilateral culture change resulting from Inuit-European contact undertaken in Canada Nevertheless, both the Inuit and the European presence in the Strait of Belle Isle warrant more research attention. We have not begun to understand the scope of the fishers' adaptations to the region or their interaction with the Inuit. Furthermore, these multi-component sites may contain our best evidence of even earlier European occupations. It is important that these earlier components are identified, analyzed and published. Understanding the relationship between the various cultural components within a site requires investigation of more than a single feature. Delineating the architectural differences between European and Inuit sod house forms requires complete excavation of individual dwellings.
More recently, Stopp's (2002) meticulous review of archival and archaeological sources addressed the issue of Inuit occupancy of southern Labrador by specifically examining the evidence relating to the nature of the social groupings represented, the activities they undertook, the time of year they did so and the nature of their relations with Europeans. Evidence of multi-seasonal subsistence pursuits coupled with the presence of winter and summer habitations, caches and burials, point to year-round occupancy by entire families rather than short-term foraging or trading prior to the late 18th century. The Inuit subsistence economy in southern Labrador retained its traditional seasonal pattern, according to Stopp (2002:71, 97), while accommodating European trade prior to 1760 and incorporating European material culture. However, "trade [was never] the sole explanation for Inuit presence in the south" (Stopp 2002:97).
Prime mover explanations, involving 'climatic deterioration' or 'culture contact', have driven (Arctic-wide) reconstructions of Thule Inuit culture history. Moreover, the climatic deterioration model may have deterred research interest in Inuit historical archaeology by linking climatic stress to cultural degeneration. Given a choice between the so-called 'culturally superior' Thule or the 'impoverished' Inuit, archaeologists have opted for the former. Among much of the research which has been conducted on the historic Inuit, however, "the question of data persists" (Taylor 1979:iv). William Taylor's criticism in his preface to an edited retrospective of Thule archaeology remains a timely commentary about much of our grasp of Thule Inuit culture, prehistoric and historical. Both mono-causal models lack high-resolution data. While European material culture was often recovered it was not analyzed, and understanding its meaning was almost never attempted. Similarly, despite the predominance of the climatic stress model, sufficiently detailed subsistence and paleoclimatic data were not incorporated until recently. Even now, the role of whale hunting in the development of Labrador Inuit culture, especially as it relates to the transition to communal houses, is poorly understood. More complete and comprehensive types of analyses, which integrate environmental and social factors, are being developed for the eastern Arctic (e.g., Henshaw 1999, 2000; Woollett 1999). Zooarchaeological studies of subsistence procurement and consumption will need to be integrated into broader investigations of foodways which include ethnohistoric, oral historical and material culture data related to both traditional and European food resources.
While regional surveys involving minimal testing of sites are necessary for establishing provisional culture histories, much more extensive site excavations are needed to examine intra- and inter-group relations, such as the possible development of wealth differentiation within egalitarian groups arising from contact. In many cases, structures have been only tested or partially excavated We do not yet understand the architectural changes that are associated with this period. How long did traditional use of semi-subterranean dwellings continue? When were qarmat used? Future research programs designed to investigate cultural development will need to include non-winter season occupations in their research designs.
Much of the research is incomplete or has not been disseminated in a published, or otherwise accessible, form (such as graduate theses). Only a small proportion of the details of excavations in Labrador have been published, for example. The Norse material from research in the Bache Peninsula area of Ellesmere Island remains to be fully analyzed as does the material collected from the central Arctic relating to indirect contact from 19th-century voyages of exploration. We do not know when or why the High Arctic was abandoned.
Linked to these 'data deficits' is the significant underrating of European material culture as evidence, not only for establishing the period of occupancy and the nature of contact but also for addressing issues such as agency, status and access, resistance and accommodation. Some research, such as Cabak's (1991) and Auger's (1991a) descriptions of Labrador assemblages, exemplify the detail necessary for Inuit historical archaeology research in Canada; most do not. If European-origin artifacts are not analyzed by material culture specialists, they should, at least, be studied by archaeologists who have received appropriate training. Sourcing of European-and Inuit-origin materials will help to clarify the nature of exchange relationships in the Arctic.
The development of Canadian Arctic historical archaeology has been limited by mono-causal explanations of culture change and by the concept of cultures as monolithic entities. Neither 'climate' nor 'contact' models, nor 'European' and 'Inuit' cultural categories adequately address the complexity of cultural interaction and development in the Arctic over the past several hundred years, particularly when, as has been the case in most studies to date, so little detailed data has been presented. We have to comprehend the meaning of material culture --Inuit and European-- as well as landscape, resources, relations and time, itself, within the context of the particular cultures involved. This contextual approach emphasizes understanding the unique environmental, historical, social and material contexts and the inter sections between them in order to interpret changes in material, faunal and architectural assemblages (Kaplan and Woollett 2000; Rubertone 2000). By this means, archaeologists are coming to view cross-cultural contact as a social process, one that acknowledges that differential experience within a culture will shape opportunities and responses to contact with another culture and ultimately, as Silliman (2005:63) notes, help guide the course of later relations.
A fundamental aspect of contextual, or holistic, archaeology is the integration of multiple lines of evidence to solve research problems that cross disciplinary boundaries. Each source informs the others, placing them in what Ann Stahl (2000:5) calls "productive tension". This allows us to evaluate each form of knowledge in terms of contradictions and suggestions presented by the others. Canadian Arctic historical archaeologists are fortunate because of the wealth of sources available to draw on, including ethnohistoric data. Yet despite the excellent research conducted by J. Garth Taylor and W. Gillies Ross, among others, archaeologists generally have not incorporated ethnohistoric evidence into their interpretations nor have they subjected the sources to critical analysis. In addition, as the organization of this paper demonstrates, northern research programs that integrate data from European and Inuit archaeological sites are rare, although, as Fitzhugh (1993g:99) reminds us, the history of the two groups is often deeply entangled. There is a third arena of integration needed in Arctic archaeology, one that will overcome the artificial disciplinary boundary between Thule and historical Inuit, which, as archaeologists have noted in more general contexts, has impeded debate about historical processes and cultural histories (Lightfoot 1995 and Williamson 2004 in Silliman 2005:56).
A key source of information to integrate into Canadian Arctic historical archaeology is oral history. Inuit elders living today represent the next-to-last generation raised in traditional camps prior to their resettlement into towns and the substantial changes that accompanied the move. Several of them participated in the early 20th-century fur trapping and many of their parents took part in the commercial whaling activities of the previous era. Two decades ago, Stevenson (1984:232, 264) warned that unless this information was systematically collected,
archaeologists would have lost an unparalleled opportunity to advance our understanding of these periods. The situation is even more urgent today. Minimally, the locations of archaeological sites and local resources, their periods of use, as well as the function of tools, structures and activity areas should be documented (Damm 2005:78). Much more, of course, can be learned from this source of knowledge beyond a 'bare-bones' reconstruction of the functional elements of a lifeways. Landscape archaeology is one example of an integrated (interdisciplinary) approach that goes beyond conventional settlement or regional approaches to incorporate place name research, oral history and archaeology to collect information on traditional land use patterns as well as the more intangible human perceptions of the landscape (Oetelaar 2000:194). Other areas of research interest, including issues of power, inequality, resistance, agency, ethnicity and gender, are now also beginning to be addressed through an integrative approach.
Kelley and Williamson (1996:16) note that increasingly it is archaeologists who are recording oral history or eliciting "emic views of cultural remains", rather than anthropologists, fewer of whom study Canadian indigenous cultures today and who traditionally have ignored material culture. In some cases, the oral history and archaeological information have been integrated to interpret Inuit land use. The Harvaqtuuq project, developed to record some of the places of cultural significance of the inland-dwelling Caribou Inuit (Stewart et al. 2000:262) is an example of this. Other research projects have segregated the oral history and archaeology studies (e.g. the Herschel Island /Yukon North Slope Cultural Resource Survey and the Qikiqtaruk Archaeology Project, which are both part of the Northern Oil and Gas Action Program [Friesen 1994, 1995; Nagy 1994a,b]), although Nagy (1994a) has demonstrated the utility of oral history for interpreting sod house seasonality.
Arctic historical archaeology represents an opportunity for Inuit to contribute to heritage preservation, research and development in the north. More than a decade ago, the late Daniel Weetaluktuk (1993:95, 99), an Inuk archaeologist, advocated that Inuit participate in all levels of research: from designing school curriculum and training programs, to establishing research priorities and undertaking original research With the creation of Nunavut in 1999, there remains a pressing requirement for northerners trained in cultural resource management (Stenton and Rigby 1995:47).
Community archaeology, involving research partnerships between aboriginal communities and academia, has been recognized in recent years by the country's leading granting agency, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC), with the launch of several new research funding programs (e.g., Aboriginal Research Development Grants; Community-University Research Alliances [CURA] and Northern Science Development Grants). These programs incorporate employment and training components, integration of indigenous and academic knowledge domains, public dissemination at the community level and community-based tourism initiatives. Both the Harvaqtuuq and the Herschel Island / Yukon North Slope projects, which predate the SSHRC funding initiatives, were jointly developed by archaeologists, anthropologists, cultural geographers, local elders and oral historians (Nagy 1994b:x-xi; Stewart et al. 2000:262).
The Tungatsivvik Archaeology Project is an inclusive archaeology program that was developed within the Environmental Technology Program at Arctic College. The program, which began in 1991, involves training in heritage research and cultural resource management and integrates indigenous knowledge. The heritage training component was carried out at the Tungatsiwik archaeological site in Frobisher Bay, which contained several dozen Thule and historical Inuit features. According to the program organizers, Inuit participated "in the project design, in conducting research, and in interpreting and applying the information collected to community-directed heritage programs" (Stenton and Rigby 1995:54). Although the program stopped short of incorporating aboriginal leadership in the research, it has been used as a model for a subsequent heritage program related to the development of North Baffin National Park, which did. This latter multidisciplinary program is integrating the collection of archaeological, oral historical, archival and place name data for the purpose of developing an interpretive center and school curriculum as well as a published history of the people (Stenton and Rigby 1995:54). The elders' leadership is a key component. They select the oral historical topics to be researched, the informants to consult and the community members to translate and review the work. In addition, they identify and prioritize potential archaeological sites to be assessed and provide long-distance direction and participation via video communication (Stenton and Rigby 1995:54). This level of indigenous leadership is tremendously encouraging. Hopefully, this involvement will ultimately be matched by university-trained Inuit archaeologists taking lead roles in conducting research on the recent past.
Future research on Canadian Arctic historical archaeology will need to delineate historical as well as environmental and cultural contexts; integrate historical, oral historical, archaeological and other lines of evidence and incorporate critical evaluation of each of these sources of knowledge. This approach should be undertaken within the framework of an inclusive historical archaeology that not only centers the Inuit perspective within Inuit-European encounters but also involves aboriginal partnerships in delineating it.
My thanks to Jean-Luc Pilon for inviting me to submit a review of Arctic historical archaeology, for drafting Figure 1 and, most of all, for his patience. I appreciated the thoughtful comments made by Robert Park and Brad Loewen on various sections of the article. Financial support for the preparation of this paper was provided by a postdoctoral fellowship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, for which I am very grateful.
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(1) Although an earlier detachment was sent to Herschel Island in 1903 to enforce the law among whalers and Inuit (Neatby 1984:387).
(2) The project was funded by Parks Canada until 1979 after which it was supported by a number of other agencies (Phillips 1985:149).
(3) Meta Incognita research on Inuit-European interaction is discussed in the following section, entitled' Inuit Historical Archaeology'.
(4) During the 1990-1991 surveys of outer Frobisher Bay conducted by Fitzhugh (1993a:90) new Frobisher mines and coal dumps were located, as well as the probable site of the Bloody Point massacre.
(5) One of these, Structure 1, was identified as a blacksmith's shop in publications prior to 2001.
(6) Qarmat--small, above-ground dwellings constructed of sod, stone, bone, ice or snow and covered with skin roofs--are thought to have been occupied during the transition seasons (i.e. autumn and spring).
(7) Narwhal and walrus ivory not only had commercial value in medieval Europe but, conceptualized as unicorn horns by Europeans, they also possessed magical/religious significance (for example, to ward off poisoning) and served as an expression of prestige and social display (Pluskowski 2004).
Table 1 General Chronology of Contact, interaction and Colonial Activity in Arctic Canada Mackenzie River Area Central Arctic 13th C. 14th C. 15th C. 16th C. 17th C. 18th C. British exploration (7) [left arrow] [left arrow] 19th C. British exploration (11) British exploration (12) Shipwrecks (13) Commercial whaling Alaskan Inuit immigration 20th C. Canadian exploration (17) Canadian and Norwegian Commercial whaling exploration (18) Alaskan Inuit immigration Fur trading Mackenzie Inuit extinction Missionization Fur trading Police patrols Missionization Archaeological Police patrols investigations Centralization and Centralization and sedentism sedentism Hudson Bay Area Eastern Arctic 13th C. Norse exploration 14th C. 15th C. 16th C. British exploration and mining (1) 17th C. British and Danish British exploration (5) exploration (3) Dutch whaling British and French ship-based trading Shipwrecks (4) 18th C. British exploration (8) Dutch whaling and trading Shipwrecks (9) HBC ship-based trading (10) [right arrow] [right arrow] to Baffin Island [right arrow] [right arrow] to Ungava 19th C. British exploration (14) British, American and Fur trading Norwegian exploration (15) Commercial whaling Commercial whaling HBC ship-based trading Ethnographic research (16) _ _ 20th C. Commercial whaling American and Norwegian Fur trading exploration (19) Missionzation Fur trading Police patrols Missionization Police patrols Centralization and Centralization and sedentism sedentism Labrador 13th C. 14th C. 15th C. 16th C. British exploration (2) Basque whaling and fishing 17th C. British and French exploration (6) Basque whaling Dutch whaling and trading French fishing 18th C. Dutch whaling and trading French fishing and sealing French trading British fishing and trading Moravian missionization 19th C. Moravian missionization Newfoundland cod fishing Fur trading Population centralization 20th C. Moravian missionization Fur Trading Centralization and sedentism Source: Arima 1984; Clark 1977; Damas 1984b; Holland 1994; Neatby 1984; Oleson 1983:203-204; Phillips-Parmetner et al. 1977; Savelle 1981; Smith 1984; Taylor 1984; Wallis 1984. References (1) Frobisher 1576-78; Davis 1585-87 (2) Rut 1527; Davis 1586-87 (3) Hudson 1610-11; Button and Bylot 1612-13; Bylot 1615; Munk 1619-20; Hawkeridge 1625; Foxe 1631; James 1631-32 (4) Button's Resolution 1612-13; Munk's Unicorn 1619-20 (5) Weymouth 1602; Bylot and Baffin 1616 (6) Knight 1606; Gibbons 1614; Chouart des Groseillers and Radisson 1683; Jolliet 1694 (7) Hearne 1771-72; Mackenzie 1789 (8) Knight 1719; Hearne 1770 (9) Knight's Albany and Discovery 1719 (10) Middleton 1742; Swaine and Ellis 1746-47 (11) Franklin 1819-22, 1825-27; Simpson and Dease 1836-39; Rae 1847-49, 1851; McClure 1850-54 (12) Parry 1819-20; Ross 1829-33; Back 1834; Simpson and Dease 1836-39; Franklin 1845-48; Rae 1846-47, 1847-49; 1853-54; J.C. Ross 1848-49; Saunders 1849-50; Forsyth 1850; Austin and Penny 1850-51; De Haven 1850-51; Ross 1850-51; McClure 1850-54; Collinson 1850-55; Kennedy 1851-52; Belcher 1852-54; Inglefield 1852,1853,1854; Pullen 1852-54; M'Clintock 1857-59; Hall 1864-69; Adams 1873; Young 1875 (13) Ross' Victory 1832; Franklin's Erebus and Terror 1846; McClure's Investigator 1853 (14) Parry and Lyon 1821-23; Schwatka 1878-80; Low 1898-99 (15) Ross 1818; Parry 1824-25; Penny 1840; Kane 1853-55; Hayes 1860-61; Hall 1860-62; Nares 1875-76; Greely 1881-84; Markham 1897; Wakeham 1897; Sverdrup 1898-1902; Peary 1899-1902 (16) Boas 1883-84 (17) Stefansson 1906-07, 1908-12, 1913-18; Anderson 1913-16 (18) Low 1903-04; Amundsen 1903-06; Bernier 1906-07, 1908-09, 1910-11; Anderson 1913-16; Stefansson 1913-18 (19) Peary 1905-06, 1908-09; Bernier 1906-07, 1910-11; MacMillan 1913-17
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|Date:||Jan 1, 2004|
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