Can education challenge neo-liberalism? The citizen school and the struggle for democracy in Porto Alegre, Brazil.
In this article, we want to situate the processes of educational policy and reform in their larger socio-political context. We describe the profound impact on local communities of a set of policies that are linked to larger dynamics of social transformation and to a coherent strategy aimed at empowering the impoverished and marginalized. In describing and analysing the policies of the 'Popular Administration' in Porto Alegre, Brazil, we focus specifically on the Citizen School and on proposals designed to radically change both the municipal schools and the relationship between communities, the state and education. This set of policies and their accompanying processes of implementation are not only constitutive parts of an explicit project aimed at constructing a better school for the excluded, but also of a larger project of radical democracy. The reforms being carried out in Porto Alegre, we argue, have crucial implications for how we might think about the politics of education policy and its dialectical role in social transformation.
Porto Alegre and the 'Popular Administration'
Porto Alegre, a city of 1.3 million people, is situated in the southern region of Brazil. It is the capital of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, and the largest city of the region. Since 1989, it has been governed by a coalition of leftist parties under the general leadership of the Workers' Party. The Partido dos Trabalhadores or PT was formed in 1979 by a coalition of unions, social movements and other leftist organizations. The PT has been re-elected three times consecutively, thus giving it and its policies even greater legitimacy.
The municipal administration or 'Popular Administration', has brought significant material improvements to the most impoverished citizens of the city. In terms of education, the number of schools has more than doubled since the Popular Administration took office.
One particular measure adopted by the Popular Administration --Participatory Budgeting (Orcamento Participativo or OP)--is credited with the re-allocation of resources to impoverished neighbourhoods. The OP is at the core of a project that is transforming the city of Porto Alegre by incorporating an historically excluded population into the processes of decision making. Not only have the material conditions of this population changed, but the OP has also generated an educative process that has forged new organizations and associations in the neighbourhoods. (2) The citizens of the city have been engaged in an extensive pedagogic project involving their own empowerment. There has been a process of political learning through the construction of organizations that enable full participation in the OP. In essence, the OP can be considered a 'school of democracy', yet it may have an even more significant educational aspect. The government agencies themselves are engaged in being 'reeducated'. Popular participation 'teaches' the state to better serve the population.
Working in tandem with the OP is another more specifically educational project for the city, the Citizen School, implemented by the Municipal Secretariat of Education (Secretaria Municipal de Educacao or SMED). The Citizen School has a similar agenda to the OP and, through the creation of democratic institutional mechanisms, aims to initiate a version of citizenship very early in the formal education process.
Before we describe some of the mechanisms created by the Citizen School project, we want to situate this initiative within the global context of predominantly neo-liberal reforms. If we are to understand the case of the Citizen School, we have to investigate the particular 're-articulations' being forged at this locale.
The concept of articulation is central here because it helps us to understand the work that has to be done to disconnect and reconnect ideas and practices. To disarticulate a concept historically associated with counter-hegemonic movements and rearticulate it to the hegemonic discourse is difficult. To disarticulate the concept from this hegemonic discourse and rearticulate it back to progressive and counter-hegemonic initiatives is even more difficult. As Hall states, 'an articulation is ... the form of the connection that can make a unity of two different elements, under certain conditions. It is a linkage which is not necessary, determined, absolute, and essential for all time'. (3)
The concept of articulation provides us with a tool for understanding that the apparent homogeneity and substance of a given discourse is a historical construction that has to be constantly renovated if it is to be maintained. This is better understood as an articulation, a non-necessary and more or less contingent connection between groups and ideologies made possible in a specific context and historical moment.
How does that help us to better understand the case of Porto Alegre? There is currently a process of conservative modernization going on in education around the world. One of the ideas promulgated through this modernization is that of education as the solution to the challenges of capitalism. The dominant educational rhetoric says that if students are prepared for the increasingly competitive new capitalism, they will be better prepared to excel in the globalized market. Education is a privileged site in this hegemonic discourse.
When this discourse reaches Brazil and, more specifically the city of Porto Alegre, some interesting re-articulations are forged. In the hegemonic discourse the stress on education is related to the will to colonize and produce an educational environment more attuned to the economic needs of the market. In Brazil, however, contradictions are created and a hybrid product is formed. If it is true that the hegemonic discourse tries to colonize the educational sphere, it is also true that it creates unintended spaces for alternative experiences, because the idea that education will solve the problems of the country allows for real investment in education. The Popular Administration uses this space to prioritize education in a country where education for the poor has been neglected. Once the space is occupied by this rhetoric of more investment in education, the Citizen School can deploy its alternative project and invest in a transformative project of education for the excluded. The Popular Administration can also start to recuperate and, at the same time, reinvent such concepts as 'autonomy', 'decentralization', and 'collaboration'; these concepts have had a completely different meaning for the popular movements in Brazil and now have to be disarticulated from neo-liberal discourse and re-articulated to the Citizen School project. The fact that these re-articulations are happening does not mean that the Popular Administration has won the battle. Hegemonic groups forge new articulations and education remains a site of struggle, but the important point is that no hegemonic action can block all spaces simultaneously and even its own discourse can be re-articulated to favour counter-hegemonic purposes.
Another very important example of articulation is the use of the concept of citizenship. This concept, central to the project in Porto Alegre, has a specific meaning in contemporary Brazil. It is not a random category; it symbolizes the struggles against attempts to introduce a market logic inside public sites, such as education. The rhetoric about citizen formation inside public schools thus has to be read within this context of discursive struggle. The category of 'citizenship' serves as a discursive weapon against the rival notion of 'client' or 'customer' introduced by neo-liberal discourse.
These transformations affect common sense. No political party can expect to win unless it gives some guarantee that certain elements created by the Popular Administration--such as direct participation of the communities in the decisions of the municipal schools--will be maintained. There is a new expectation created in Porto Alegre about the relationship between communities and the municipal government that are already incorporated as a new common sense of the city.
We will now examine some of the institutional mechanisms created to implement the Citizen School project in the school system and schools.
Creating the Citizen School
Education in Brazil, as a rule, is centralized. In the majority of states and cities there are no elections for the city or state council of education (traditionally a bureaucratic structure, with members appointed by the executive), let alone for principals in schools. The curriculum is usually defined by the secretariats of education of the cities and states. Since resources are administered in the centralized state agencies, schools usually have little or no autonomy.
Although Brazil has recently achieved a high level of initial access to schools (close to 95 per cent), the indices of failures and dropouts are frightening, representing a sharp contrast with the Citizen School project of the Popular Administration. The field of education has become central to its project of constructing new relations between state, schools and communities. The Citizen School is organically linked to, and considered part of, the larger process of transforming the whole city.
The municipal schools of Porto Alegre are all situated in the most impoverished neighbourhoods of the city. This is because expansion of the system occurred only recently (since the Popular Administration took office in 1989) and the schools were built in areas with few educational resources. In fact, some of the schools were constructed as an outcome of the OP, because some regions of the city prioritized education and, specifically, a school in their assemblies.
Dealing with the excluded of Brazilian society, the Citizen School has a clear and explicit project of transformation, making it possible for citizens 'to recognize themselves as bearers of dignity, rebelling against the "commodification" of life'. (4)
In order to construct the principles that would guide the actions of the Citizen School, a democratic, deliberative and participatory forum was created--the Constituent Congress of Education. Through a long process of mobilizing school communities (using the invaluable lessons learned in the mobilization for the OP), a Congress was constructed the objective of which was to constitute the organizing principles that would guide policy for schools in Porto Alegre.
From the Constituent Congress, the main normative goal for education was defined as a radical democratization in the municipal schools along three dimensions: democratization of management, of access to the school, and of access to knowledge.
Porto Alegre, the SMED and the Popular Administration created several mechanisms for implementing these principles of democratization in the educational system. The following section examines some of these mechanisms.
The new school configuration
The first transformation involved one of the most pressing issues facing schooling throughout Brazil--the exclusion of students. It sought to abolish the existing grade structure and replace it with three 'cycles'. In the municipal elementary schools of Porto Alegre, each cycle is three years long, thus totalling nine years of education. The establishment of such cycles is a conscious attempt to eliminate the mechanisms in schools that perpetuate exclusion, failure and dropouts. In the cycle plan, students progress from one year to another within one cycle and the notion of 'failure' is eliminated. Yet the SMED understood that the elimination of exclusionary mechanisms was not enough. It established 'progression groups' in which students who come from other school systems (from other cities, for example) and have experienced multiple failures are given closer attention so that they are ultimately integrated in the cycle.
Transforming 'official' knowledge
Curriculum transformation is a crucial part of Porto Alegre's democratization project. It is important to say that this dimension is not limited to access to traditional knowledge. What is also being constructed is a new epistemological understanding about what counts as knowledge. It is not based on a mere incorporation of new knowledge within the margins of an intact 'core of humankind's wisdom', but a radical transformation. In the Citizen School, the notion of 'core' and 'periphery' in knowledge is made problematic. The starting point for the construction of curricular knowledge is the culture(s) of the communities themselves, not only in terms of content but perspective as well. The whole educational process is aimed at inverting previous priorities, instead serving the historically oppressed and excluded groups.
The starting point for this new process of knowledge construction is the idea of 'thematic complexes'. Through action research (done by teachers in the communities where they work, and involving students, parents and the. whole community), the main concerns of the community are listed. The most significant concerns are then constructed in the thematic complex that will guide the action of the classroom in an interdisciplinary form. The traditional rigid disciplinary structure is broken up and general interdisciplinary areas are created.
To give a concrete example of how this works, one of the schools organized its thematic complex in the socio-historic area in order to examine questions directly linked to the interests and problems of the community. At the centre of the complex was the issue of the community's standard of living. Three sub-themes were listed: rural exodus, social organization and property. The issues raised in relation to the sub-theme of rural exodus reflected the origin of the community--people living now in a favela, but who were originally from the rural areas. This is a common story in the favelas where people who had nothing in the rural areas came to the cities, only to become more marginalized. Other issues to be discussed were migration movements, over-population of the cities, an 'unqualified' workforce and marginalization. In the social organization sub-theme, issues to be discussed related to temporal, political, spatial and socio-cultural relations. These issues represent important questions in the organization of the community: the excessive and uncritical pragmatism of some in the associations, the connections with neighbourhood associations and the OP, and cultural issues such as religiosity, body expression, African origins, dance groups, and 'samba schools'. In the property sub-theme, issues were linked to the situation of families in the favela, living in illegal lots with no title, having to cope with the lack of infrastructure, and at the same time fighting for their rights as citizens.
This example shows the real transformation that is occurring in the curriculum of the Porto Alegre schools. The students are not studying history or social and cultural studies through books that never address the real problems and interests they have. Rather, through the thematic complexes, students learn history by beginning with the historical experience of their families. They study important social and cultural content by focusing on and valorizing their own cultural manifestations. It is important to note that these students will ultimately still learn the history of Brazil and the world, but this will be seen through different eyes. Their culture will not be forgotten in order for them to learn 'high status' culture. Rather, by understanding their situation and their culture and valuing it, these students will be able to simultaneously learn and have the chance to transform their marginalized situation. By studying the problems (rural exodus, living in illegal lots) and the strengths of self-organization (in the OP, in neighbourhood associations, in cultural activities and groups), the Citizen School helps to construct alternatives for the communities living in terrible conditions.
We can also see in this example that the historic silence about race in Brazil is being challenged. By openly discussing racist practices in Brazil, and by bringing the African origins of the music (samba) and religion (candomble) into the process of constructing critical knowledge, teachers and students are learning that silence about oppression only helps reproduce exclusion and racism. Thus, the Citizen School has embarked on a dual path. It has recognized the need to create empowered channels where people can speak openly, but it also knows that at the same time one must unveil the meanings behind these voices, question their hidden presuppositions, and construct new knowledge. Beginning from the insights of the community, the Citizen School helps people to construct knowledge that fights discrimination, racism and exclusion. This experience overcomes the limited forms of multiculturalism discussed above. Not only does it incorporate elements of 'ethnic information', but it also aims to construct a new form of knowledge by shifting the centre of discussion.
School Councils are a central part of the democratization of the decision-making process in education in Porto Alegre. They are the product of the political will of the Popular Administration and of a number of social movements involved with education in the city. They are composed of teachers, school staff, parents, students and one member of the administration.
Each School Council is made up of fifty per cent teachers and staff and fifty per cent parents and students. One seat is guaranteed to the school administration, usually the principal (who is elected by all members of the school), an issue to which we shall return shortly.
The task of the School Councils is to deliberate about the school's global projects, basic principles of administration and allocation of economic resources, and to monitor the implementation of these decisions. The Principal and her/his team are responsible for the implementation of the policies defined by the School Council.
Before the Popular Administration took office, there was a practice, common throughout Brazil, of centralized budgeting. Even small daily expenses had to be sent to the central administration for approval. The money was then sent to the school or a central agency would purchase the necessary product or service. With such a structure, School Councils had their hands tied and possessed no autonomy at all. The SMED changed this structure and established a new policy of making the resources allocated to each school available every three months. This measure allowed schools to manage their expenditures according to the goals and priorities established by the School Council. At the same time, such autonomy gives parents, students, teachers, and staff present in the Council a notion of social responsibility in administering public money. It also teaches them to prioritize their spending priorities with solidarity in mind. (5)
Participation in the School Council demands a certain level of technical knowledge. Because of this, and in order to enhance the participation of parents, the SMED has been promoting municipal meetings of the School Councils (six, up until the year 2000). These meetings enable parents, students, teachers and staff to acquire the tools and construct the necessary knowledge to administer the schools. They also provide an arena for individual Councils to meet and share their knowledge and their doubts, allowing for a larger perspective beyond a corporatist or a 'localist' view. Furthermore, the SMED has a permanent program of 'formation' (continuing education of all the participants) inside the schools. This provides an additional opportunity for the education of the councillors.
Although the School Council is a remarkably democratic institution, there is another structure that guarantees representativeness. In the schools of Porto Alegre, the whole school community elects the principal by direct vote. Thus, the person responsible for the implementation of School Council decisions is her/himself elected, based on the program that she or he articulates. This enhances administrative legitimacy in the community. The principal is thus not someone representing the interests of the central administration inside the School Councils, but an individual with a majority of supporters inside that particular educational community. Through the School Council, the school community also monitors the activities of the principal and holds her/him accountable.
The process of direct election of principals by the whole educational community produces considerable mobilization. Data from the Popular Administration indicate that in the 1998 elections for principals almost 30,000 people voted. This election is an important part of the democratic learning of the communities because the process itself provokes a good deal of debate about the varying proposals for managing schools. The direct election of both principal and School Council represent a pedagogic mechanism that aims to generate and teach the principles of democratic management at the local level of the school.
Up to this point, our focus has been on the processes and mechanisms that have been put in place in Porto Alegre. The question remains though: are the mechanisms created capable of realizing the goals? Here we can only offer some tentative conclusions, since the reforms in Porto Alegre are ongoing. The Citizen School, through the collective creation of goals and mechanisms that generate the active involvement of communities, so far seems to be a genuinely transformative experience. The Citizen School has broken with the separation between those who 'know' and will 'educate' (the administration) and those who 'don't know' and need to be 'educated'. A new form of thinking not only about education, but also about the whole society, seems to be in gestation.
The epistemological rupture that plays such a major role in the experiment also allows for optimism. The challenge to what counts as knowledge, to what counts as core and periphery, represents the essence of the educational proposal. Local knowledge is valorized and considered essential to the educational and democratic quality of the project.
This vision of democracy is crucial. As we argued earlier, the project of the Citizen School has radically challenged the roles of the traditional school. In these transformed schools, all the different segments of the educational community collectively construct the principles that guide their daily action. The project not only constructs this as a goal however; it also consciously takes up the task of creating concrete participatory mechanisms to implement these goals. In the process, a new conception of respect for the diversity of cultures is generated. Challenging the elitist belief that impoverished people from poor neighbourhoods or slums cannot participate because they are 'ignorant', the Citizen School inverts this logic, placing those who live the problems at the centre as the people in a privileged position to construct alternatives.
A major difference here is the fact that the objectives are not simply the formulations of a team of experts in the SMED, but are a democratic and collective construction, with the participation of all segments involved in education, including those people historically excluded from these processes. As we showed, taken in their entirety, the participatory mechanisms created as part of the design for reform by the Popular Administration are powerful ways of implementing the goal of democratization of decision making, and of implementing and monitoring processes in the schools and in the educational life of the city.
The SMED clearly wants the decentralized local School Councils to achieve the larger goals for the education of the city; but these goals were themselves forged through a democratic process. In this sense, the Popular Administration is avoiding a common practice in Brazil, and in many other countries, in which power is devolved to local units which are held accountable by criteria not based on democratic decisions.
The SMED understood that a participatory process needed to be constructed, and consciously launched a program of providing advice and education so that people could participate knowledgeably in the OP, School Councils and elsewhere. Thus, the transfer of technical knowledge has been an important part of the democratization process. The mechanisms of the Citizen School re-constitute the participants as subjects, as historical actors. Participants are not only implementing rules, but are part of an historical experiment of reconstructing the structure of the municipal state.
This can be seen in the fact that the school community gets to allocate its own economic resources. Schools are granted autonomy in the management of their share, which has had a significant impact on the reality of the schools themselves. Of just as much importance, unlike many other parts of Brazil where decentralization has involved a decline in real resources, decentralization in Porto Alegre has not been accompanied by any such decline. This process has produced a real empowerment of the School Councils and not merely a formal transfer of responsibility from the centralized agencies to the local units--a transfer whose ultimate effect has often meant that local units have been forced to cut needed programs. Such decentralization is usually part of the legitimacy strategies of the regional or national state as the state exports the fiscal crisis downward."
We still need to ask, however, whether such participatory processes and the changed curricula have had real and substantial effects on issues such as exclusion in schools. While data are limited, they do seem to show significant improvement in terms of quality. Since it took office in 1989, the Popular Administration has increased the number of schools by more than 220 per cent. The number of students enrolled has risen from 24,332 in 1989 to more than 50,000 in 1999. Without doubt, however, the success of the Citizen School can be measured by the sharp decrease in the number of student dropouts. In 1989, when the Popular Administration took office, there was a dropout rate in elementary and middle schools of nearly ten per cent. The consequences of this for already disadvantaged and excluded children were truly horrible. Through the Citizen School's emphasis on parental and student involvement, curriculum transformation, teacher education, and other similar mechanisms, the SMED reduced this dropout rate to 0.97 per cent in 1998. This is one of the most important educational achievements of the project. If the children stay in school, then the new curricular proposals can affect them. (7)
Another telling fact is the virtual non-existence of vandalism against the majority of municipal schools. School vandalism used to be a serious problem in public schools (and still is in the state schools). The fact that the community actively participates in the governance of the schools and uses them as a space for the community (for sports, cultural activities) creates a sense of responsibility and enhances the notion that public goods are the property of all. That many of the new schools are fruits of the OP makes the school 'theirs' as well.
While our evaluation of the project here has been positive, we do not want to be romantic. Although the mechanisms and the curriculum constructed by the Citizen School have a good deal of potential for constructing an education that helps to include the historically excluded, there are also some potentially problematic aspects that need to be examined carefully.
One potential issue is the possibility of a re-creation of hierarchies within the cycles. The cycles represent a thoughtful innovation. They allow students to stay in school, thereby combating the serious problem of dropouts. The overall structure also allows a more integrated construction of knowledge, which valorizes the knowledge that the students bring from their community. Yet we need to step back and ask whether parts of this structure could ultimately lead to the production of new hierarchies of students within the cycle. Even though they are seen as temporary, the progression groups could potentially create a 'second class' group of students.
Another potential problem of the Citizen School project is related to the issue of class. The Workers' Party has historically had its roots in a marxist understanding of the primacy of class. Parts of the marxist tradition have been accused (correctly, we think, in many cases) of choosing class as the only category of analysis, thus subordinating other forms of oppression to class/ In the material produced by the Popular Administration, for example, there are several explicit references to class oppression--and rightly so--but fewer references to racial or gender oppression. This could potentially lead to a position that ignored the specificities of oppressions other than those that are class-based.
It is to the SMED's credit that these potential problems are recognized. As we demonstrated, there is some evidence that the practical experiments of the Citizen School are incorporating race issues into their thematic complexes. In addition, the various mechanisms of continuous education for Citizen School teachers do provide sites where explicit discussions of race, gender and sexuality can take place, thus creating theoretical spaces for the construction of new practices that challenge the silence about these themes. This is a positive development in the sense that school communities are using the open channels to problematize the issues of daily life, which certainly include moments of prejudice and racism. It is also true that the Popular Administration has several advisory boards (with both budget and structure, and the power to act) that have the explicit task of bringing up the themes of gender, race, sexuality and religion.
While these potential problems should not be underestimated, there are also opportunities for popular organizations, such as the growing activist movement among Afro-Brazilians, women's social movements, and gay and lesbian organizations to operate and demand from the state agencies the inclusion of issues that should be part of the agenda of every citizen who fights oppression.
One final potential issue needs to be mentioned. The very fact that the entire project is based on an active engagement of the citizenry could have serious consequences in terms of sustainability. Because the city administration is using citizen participation in all sites where a process of policy decision making is necessary, the demand for active engagement of community members is growing. There are dozens of sites where an active and involved citizen or activist is asked to contribute her/his perspective. Such a situation could generate an 'overload' for those who are already involved in other sites of deliberation. How many hours, for example, can a working-class person, holding down two or three jobs in order to feed her/his family, allocate to deliberation? Can the levels of active engagement with participatory institutions be maintained over time? Our own involvement in political/educational work of this type, and the intense time commitments this requires, leads us to question whether such involvement can be maintained.
Yet, once again, our concern is tempered by the fact that the SMED seems to be trying to deal with these potential problems proactively. We are witnessing an increase, not a decrease, in participation in the democratic mechanisms that have been put in place by the Popular Administration.
All this should not make us overly sanguine, however. Because of the Popular Administration's electoral success, the previously hegemonic conservative forces have responded with renewed vigour. There has been a major reorganization of the Centre-Right forces in the city to challenge the policies of the Workers' Party. While so far these attempts have been unsuccessful, one should not underestimate the strength of the possible Centre-Right coalitions that are being formed to defeat the Popular Administration and its comprehensive program of reforms. As we have seen repeatedly in other contexts, Rightist movements have been able to mobilize successfully around issues of racial backlash, economic worries and anti-government sentiment. (9) It remains to be seen whether such mobilizations will have any marked effect in Porto Alegre.
In this article, we have sought to situate the processes of educational policy and reform in their larger socio-political context. We have described the ways in which a set of policies has had what seem to be extensive and long-lasting effects because they are linked coherently to larger dynamics of social transformation and to a coherent set of polices and practices that aim to change the mechanisms of the state and the rules of participation in state policy formation. All of this has crucial implications for how we might think about the politics of education policy and its dialectical role in social transformation. (10)
The Citizen School has been important as a means of giving an impoverished population a quality education that will enable them to have better chances in the paid labour market and at the same time operate as empowered citizens. It has also generated structured forms of 'educating' the communities, both for organizing around and discussing their problems and for acting on their own behalf through the channels of participation and deliberation. In the process, it has 'educated' the state agencies as well. The OP, the Municipal Congress of Education, the New Educational Configuration of the Schools, and the School Councils have together helped create the beginnings of a new reality for the excluded. They have forged new leadership, brought about the active engagement of the communities with their own situations, and led to more active participation in the construction of solutions to these problems.
In spite of the potential problems outlined above, we are optimistic about the lasting impact of these democratizing initiatives and the construction of a more diverse and inclusive education. Together with the OP (with its own cumulative effects), these initiatives represent new alternatives in the creation of an active citizenry--one that learns from its own experiences and culture, not merely for the present, but also for future generations. For these reasons, we believe that the experiences of Porto Alegre have considerable importance not only for Brazil, but for all of us who are deeply concerned about the effects of the neo-liberal and neo-conservative restructuring of education and of the public sphere in general. There is much to learn from the successful struggles in Port Alegre.
(1.) This study was made possible, in part, with funding provided by the Brazilian National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq). A much longer version of this paper will appear in the Journal of Education Policy.
(2.) See G. Baiocchi, 'Participation, Activism, and Politics: The Porto Alegre Experiment and Deliberative Democratic Theory', mimeo, 1999; B. S. Santos, 'Participatory Budgeting in Porto Alegre: Toward a Distributive Democracy, in Politics and Society, vol. 26, no. 4, 1998, pp. 461-510; R Abers, 'From Clientelism to Cooperation: Local Government, Participatory Policy and Civic Organizing in Porto Alegre, Brazil', Politics and Society, vol. 26, no. 4, 1998, pp. 511-37; and L. Avritzer, 'Public Deliberation at the Local Level: Participatory Budgeting in Brazil', mimeo, 1999.
(3.) S. Hall, 'On Postmodernism and Articulation: An interview with Stuart Hall--Edited by Lawrence Grossberg', in D. Morley, and K. Chen, Stuart Hall--Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies, London, Routledge, 1996, pp. 131-50
(4.) L. H. Silva (ed.), Escola Cidada: Teoria e Pratica, Petropolis, Vozes, 1999, p. l0 (our translation).
(5.) Municipal Secretariat of Education, official homepage of the SMED, 1999.
(6.) See M. W. Apple, Education and Power, second edn., New York, Routledge, 1995; and Apple, Official Knowledge, 2nd edn, New York, Routledge, 2000.
(7.) SMED, Boletim Informmativo--Informacoes Educacionais, Ano 2, Numero 5, 1999.
(8.) See Apple and L. Weis (eds), Ideology and Practice in Schooling, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 1983; Apple, Teachers and Texts, New York, Routledge, 1988.
(9.) See Apple. Cultural Politics and Education, New York. Teacher College Press. 1990; and Apple. Educating the 'Right' Way: Markets, Standards, God, and Inequality, New York, Routledge. 2001.
(10.) T. H. Wong, and Apple, 'Rethinking the Education/State Formation Connection', unpublished paper, 2001.
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|Author:||Gandin, Luis Armando; Apple, Michael W.|
|Date:||Sep 22, 2002|
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