Can compulsory health insurance be justified? An examination of Taiwan's National Health Insurance.
Third, the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance should be regarded as fundamental because it protects individuals' ability to make autonomous health care decisions, which are value-laden, dependent on one's perceived final ends, and related to the individual's own conceptions of the good. (154) This point is further supported by Rawls's model of justice, in which a list of basic rights and liberties can be drawn up analytically: "we consider what liberties provide the political and social conditions essential for the adequate development and full exercise of the two moral powers (capacities for the conception of the good and the sense of justice) of free and equal persons." (155) Thus, the freedom to purchase or decline insurance is fundamental because it enables individuals to exercise moral powers in forming, revising and rationally pursuing their own conceptions of the good regarding health care. Without this freedom, individuals can hardly make choices--which reflect the profound and sometimes irreconcilable differences in their moral and philosophical values (156)--among reasonable alternatives (e.g., different medical interventions) proposed by different health care programs.
More specifically, medical interventions reflect the integrated physical and mental functions that the individual expects to reap by receiving such interventions, and these functions (e.g., restoring the body's functional parts from a disease) reflect the individual's own conception of the good (e.g., having functional body parts). (157) Therefore, the freedom to make health care decisions permits an individual not only to freely choose between different medical interventions, but also to choose between different conceptions of the good. (158) In short, when an individual chooses between different health care programs, at the same time he or she is also making choices between different medical interventions, which reflect the individual's own conceptions of the good. (159) Therefore, the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance--which assures that an individual can freely form carefully considered goals and desires, as well as the ability to fulfill such goals and desires (160)--then becomes a necessary means for the individual to fully and freely exercise the moral power to pursue the conceptions of the good. (161)
Fourth, the development of health care policies worldwide also shows continuing emphasis on individual liberty to purchase or decline health care insurance. For example, even though European countries generally believe there are good reasons for compulsory health insurance, they have faced challenges to this view based on individual liberty. (162) In Germany, trade unions believed that compulsory health insurance (proposed in the Health Insurance Act in 1883) would be a paternalistic reform creating a system of state supervision of the peoples' health. (163) As a result of this concern, even today those with an income above a certain threshold (48,150 [euro] per year in 2008) (164) are still allowed to choose whether to opt out of the statutory health insurance. (165) Thus, the extent of compulsoriness within the social health insurance might be limited due to the protection of individuals' liberty. (166) In the Netherlands in 2006, health care reform, which made health insurance compulsory for the entire population, (167) was also criticized for limiting the freedom of choice both within the health care market and within insurance markets. (168) This struggle shows the endeavor to balance individual liberty and social welfare. on the one hand, social health insurance departed from liberalism by expanding the role of the state and demanding compulsory contributions. (169) on the other hand, it also departed from paternalism by obligating the state to prove that restricted individual liberties are not out of proportion to the benefits received under the mandatory duties imposed by such a scheme.
In the U.S., several states (such as Virginia, Arizona, and Missouri) have proposed variations of a Health Care Freedom Act, in which the right not to be forced or coerced into joining a government-approved health care program is regarded as a basic right of medical autonomy. (170) state legislation in the u.s. shows a high interest in protecting individual choice in coverage and service under health care insurance plans. This interest is a continuing balancing act between providing services for the truly needy with the American desire for a lightly governed health care delivery system. (171)
VI. STEP 2: CLARIFY THE POLICY PURPOSES OF THE COMPULSORY NHI
It is important to identify health care policy purposes because health care policy requires different means to achieve various purposes and some means impact human rights. There are two reasons for this. First, clearly articulated goals for health care policies can help "to identify the true purposes of the intervention, to facilitate public understanding and debate about legitimate purposes, and to reveal prejudice (or pre-justice), stereotypical attitudes, or irrational fear." (172) Without a clear policy purpose, it is difficult to explicitly identify what policy instruments influence human rights, and to evaluate whether the means to execute certain policies are adequate to achieve their purpose. (173) second, in addition to addressing a clear purpose, in this step the state also needs to prove that the means used by a coercive health care policy are reasonably likely to achieve the proposed purpose, and that there is an adequate and direct connection between the state's actions and the policy's purposes. (174) In other words, the existence of a valid compelling purpose alone cannot justify a health care policy because the real issue here is not "what the state does" but "whether the health care policy adequately leads to an effective outcome."
In assessing the human rights impacts of Taiwan's compulsory NHI, policy purposes should be clearly evaluated because they can help identify the true purposes and inform the debate about legitimate health care purposes. (175) According to Taiwan's Department of Health (176) and Council of Grand Justices, (177) Taiwan's NHI adopts an individual mandate as an instrument to achieve multiple goals: (178) (1) increasing the participation rate and enrollees to increase the financial resources of the NHI; and (2) preventing negative effects caused by adverse selection (also termed "reverse selection" or "enrollee bias"). (179) The needs for invasive interventions imposed by the NHI on individual autonomy are then assessed differently for different public health purposes in this section. (180)
The NHI's individual mandate is reasonably likely to achieve the first policy purpose--increasing the participation rate--because requiring all citizens to subscribe the NHI creates a single, national pool and broadens the revenue base, thereby providing comprehensive coverage for all Taiwanese people. (181) Different countries' experiences (such as Taiwan, Japan, Germany, The Netherlands, U.K., and Canada) (182) also show that the compulsory health care system did improve actual population coverage, (183) establish a self-financing mechanism, (184) and significantly lowered financial barriers that prevent the poor from receiving health care. (185)
The second policy purpose of the NHI's individual mandate is to prevent adverse selection, which is "a phenomenon that occurs within a mix of covered lives for a plan, when patients with high health care utilization habits select a particular plan, in greater numbers than are otherwise representative of the population as a whole." (186) The individual mandate achieves this end by prohibiting the exclusion of people from coverage because of preexisting conditions or anticipated health risks. (187) Because social health insurance systems are required to cover individuals and their pre-existing health conditions, nothing prevents a healthy individual from forgoing purchasing insurance until he or she is sick. (188) But studies showed that people would not likely enroll in health insurance unless they expected illness or an accident in the near future or they were already sick or disabled. (189) Therefore, without a mandate to purchase health insurance, healthy individuals would leave the health insurance to only the costliest individuals (who are mainly the sick and the old). (190) Adverse selection would then lead to severe financial hardships for the social health insurance scheme (191) because it would be covering only those sick or high-risk individuals. (192)
In addition, adverse selection also undermines the whole point of social health insurance, which is to protect people by sharing risks as widely as possible. (193) Private health insurers tend to target healthy individuals and to exclude those who face abnormally high risks due to their poor health behaviors (e.g., lung cancer caused by smoking). (194) Therefore, without a compulsory mechanism, high risk and sick individuals and groups would be "unproportionately" distributed between social health insurance and private health insurance. Thus, disadvantaged minority groups (e.g., the poor and the sick) would comprise the majority of social health insurance subscribers, (195) and social health insurance would end up with large expenses and be unfairly placed at a competitive disadvantage. The disadvantaged then might be denied coverage or given reduced coverage with higher premiums because of the expected costs of health care services. (196) Furthermore, in a vicious spiral, more and more healthy people would withdraw from social health insurance due to the excess financial burden, and this would further worsen the financial viability of social health insurance. (197)
The formula for determining social health insurance premiums (see infra, Table 1 (198)) can help clarify whether a compulsory health insurance scheme could prevent (or reduce) the negative effects caused by adverse selection. (199) In this formula, the social health insurance premium rate ([P.sub.A]) is calculated and set in accordance with the average disease risk ([R.sub.A]). In the first case, if an individual has a lower disease risk ([R.sub.L]), he or she would have a lower premium rate ([P.sub.L]). since the social health insurance premium ([P.sub.A]) is determined by an average disease risk ([R.sub.A]) and [R.sub.A] > [R.sub.L], the individual using public health care insurance is required to pay a higher premium [P.sub.A] (a fixed average insurance premium rate) instead of [P.sub.L]. Thus, if the compulsory health insurance scheme is unregulated, and citizens are allowed to freely withdraw from the insurance at any time, healthier citizens would likely not enroll in social health insurance because they would need to pay relatively high premiums. (200) In the second case, for an individual with a higher risk of disease ([R.sub.H]), the premium rate ([P.sub.H]) would be high in relation to [R.sub.H]. Because [R.sub.A] < [R.sub.H], the social health insurance premium ([P.sub.A]) is lower than [P.sub.H]. Consequently, citizens with a higher disease risk would likely enroll in social health insurance because they only need to pay a relatively low premium. (201)
Therefore, social health insurance plans would be greatly weakened by adverse selection if they allow recipients unlimited disenrollment freedom after the program is enacted. (203) The compulsory health insurance scheme then becomes an appropriate and valid solution to avoid negative effects of adverse selection because it can help healthcare authorities successfully adjust the diversified risks of diseases (and the corresponding premium rates). It is also likely to reduce selection bias.
In conclusion, increasing the participation rate, maintaining financial efficiency, and preventing adverse selection are clear and achievable policy purposes of Taiwan's compulsory NHI. Thus, it would be difficult to challenge their constitutionality.
VII. Step 3: Evaluate the Effectiveness of the Compulsory NHI
If a health care policy is proven to be "reasonably" able and "likely" to achieve its proposed purposes, the state should then compare the policy with other alternatives. If other policy instruments would burden basic rights and liberties to a lesser extent while still providing a likelihood of achieving the proposed purposes, a coercive health care policy would be unjustified. It would be unjustified because it fails to adopt the least restrictive alternative to achieving the same purpose. (204) Given this standard (step 3) and the evaluation of the effectiveness (step 2), the state would not be permitted to resort to restrictions on individual liberty if it could achieve the proposed purpose through less drastic and coercive means.
Therefore, after proving that the compulsory NHI can reasonably and likely achieve its proposed purposes, the state then has the burden to prove such a coercive program is the least restrictive alternative that burdens individual liberty to a lesser extent, while still having a likelihood of achieving its proposed purpose. More specifically, society should question whether requiring all citizens rather than only some, or a substantial portion thereof, to participate in one particular social health insurance plan is the least restrictive policy. However, the reality in Taiwan has been that the executive, the legislature, and the courts have never carefully evaluated the degree of invasiveness implicit in the NHI's individual mandate.
Although studies have shown that a compulsory health insurance scheme is a decent policy instrument (205) that effectively prevents adverse selection in social health care programs, (206) minimizes the cost of health care services, (207) and reduces entry barriers to receiving health care; (208) the NHI's requirement that all citizens participate in the plan is not the least restrictive alternative to achieve these policy objectives. Health economic studies (209) and experiences of some countries (including Germany and the Netherlands) show that a high participation rate suffices to create a large scale market sufficient to include both healthy and unhealthy people and to circumvent adverse selection. (210) Therefore, compared to Taiwan's universal compulsory NHI, a health plan with an opt-out system for a minority of citizens could be a less restrictive alternative for Taiwan if it restricted individual liberty less but still had a predetermined large number of participants.
The opt-out system no doubt has its own problems, (211) and the Netherlands eventually adopted an individual mandate requiring individuals to purchase health insurance. However, studies have shown that these problems can be diminished through proper regulations (such as "must-cover" legislation (212) and the ban on risk selection (213)) instead of a compulsory individual mandate for "all" citizens. In other words, with proper regulations the opt-out system may still be able to achieve compelling policy purposes while burdening individual liberties to a lesser extent.
For example, Germany's public compulsory health care plan does not require all citizens to participate. (214) Instead, only laborers and workers (215) whose salaries are under a certain level (48,150 [euro] per year in 2008) (216) are compelled by law to enroll in the state-sponsored health insurance. Citizens whose income is higher than a certain level are allowed to opt out, and all civil servants and the self-employed are excluded from the state's mandatory health insurance. (217) These excluded citizens have the freedom to choose to enroll in either the state-sponsored health insurance or a private health insurance plan. (218) The state agrees to give the wealthy and the self-employed more liberties because it is neither necessary nor urgent to provide health insurance for the high-salary earners, who ostensibly have enough financial ability to pay for their own medical care. on the contrary, the state assumes it should provide more health care to laborers because social risks, such as the spread of disease, impact low-wage earning citizens. These social risks curtail salaries of low-wage earners and have far more serious influences on the low wage-earner and the disadvantaged than on the employers and the self-employed. (219)
Even though the German government does not require all citizens to participate in its public health insurance, the participation rate in health insurance is still significantly high to prevent (or adjust) adverse selection. (220) In 1993, the participation rate in Germany's public health insurance was 88.5%. (221) Only 73.5% of the insured were compelled by law to subscribe to public health insurance, while 15% of the insured voluntarily enrolled in public health insurance. (222) The rate has remained high and fairly stable for decades; 72% and 74% are compulsorily insured, 14% and 14% are voluntarily insured with social insurance, and 9% and 14% had private health insurance in 2001 and 2005.223 Therefore, even when the German government requires only a substantial portion of citizens to enroll in public health insurance, the participation rate is not substantially influenced. There is no adverse selection because the healthy and the young are still willing to enroll in public health insurance.
Similarly, the participation rate in social health insurance was high in the Netherlands before the 2006 health care reform. (224) This was true even when the state required only some groups (e.g., the low wage-earner, the unemployed, and the handicapped) to enroll in the state-sponsored health insurance program. (225) More specifically, the previous Dutch social health insurance system was divided into four categories: (226)
(1) The exceptional medical expenses scheme, which paid for catastrophic health care and required all citizens to enroll; (227)
(2) The sickness funds insurance, (228) which required citizens whose annual income was less than 32,600 [euro] (US $44,475 in 2003) and those receiving social security service or remedies (the unemployed and the handicapped) to participate. In 2003, these two groups comprised 63% of the population; (229)
(3) The state-funded insurance for public servants, which required public employees (3% of the population in 2003) to sign up for coverage that included benefits similar to those provided by sickness funds; (230) and
(4) Self-employed and employees earning over a certain income limit could voluntarily buy the supplementary health insurance program (private insurance). (231)
Excluding the exceptional medical expenses scheme, even though only 66% (63% + 3%) of the population was required to enroll in Dutch social health insurance plans; (232) in 2003, the participation rate was 96% of the Dutch population. (233) In terms of actual coverage, the opt-out scheme left little room for improvement and was able to achieve the proposed policy purposes (increasing the participation rate and preventing adverse selection) of the compulsory NHI, without imposing broad and profound restrictions on individual liberties. (234)
Even though the 2006 Dutch health care reform abandoned the opt-out system in favor of the individual mandate for health insurance, increasing the participation rate (as proposed by the NHI) is not the reason why the new Dutch health care model requires all citizens to register for a health insurance. (235) The health insurance coverage in the Netherlands was already practically universal before the new model was implemented. (236) The new system's policy objective aims to eliminate health inequity caused by differences between the benefit packages offered under the mandatory and voluntary health care schemes respectively, (237) rather than to maximize the participation rate or to increase financial resources.
This comparison amongst Taiwan's, Germany's, and the Netherlands' national health care programs reveals that Taiwan's actual enrollment rate of 99.48% of the population (in 2008), (238) is slightly higher than the German and Dutch rates of 87.8%239 and 96%240 (in 2003). However, Taiwan requires 100% of its citizens to enroll while Germany required 75% to do so in 2005 and the Netherlands just 67% in 2003.241 Yet, since the actual German and Dutch enrollment rates were well above 80%, it is clear that requiring all citizens to register for social health insurance is not the least restrictive alternative that may be employed to efficiently achieve a high participation rate and to avoid the negative impacts of adverse selection. The German and Dutch experiences show that, instead of all-inclusive compulsory health insurance, there are different alternatives (e.g., the opt-out system) that achieve compelling policy objectives. The state should be obligated to adopt the least restrictive alternative, which is to require only certain segments of citizens to enroll in compulsory social health insurance. Taiwan's universal compulsory NHI, which requires all citizens to register, is not the least restrictive alternative and is therefore not justified in restricting an individual's freedom to purchase or decline health insurance.
VIII. STEP 4: ASSESS TRADE-OFF RELATIONSHIPS IN COMPULSORY NHI (IMPORTANCE TEST)
In order to justify a coercive health care policy, in addition to evaluating its adequacy (step 2) and effectiveness (step 3), the state also has the burden to prove that the weight of restricted rights and liberties is not out of proportion with the pursued public order (or social benefits). (242) Assessing trade-off relationships in health care policy is important (243) because this assessment provides a procedural and substantive standard to determine whether the state has retained considerable discretion when pursuing its health care policy purposes. (244) Taiwan's Constitution also requires that any trade-off between restricted freedoms and pursued public benefits in a coercive policy should be assessed. This requirement is derived from Article 23 of the Constitution which states: "[a]ll the freedoms and rights enumerated in the preceding articles shall not be abridged by law except such as may be necessary to prevent infringement upon the freedoms of others, to avert an imminent danger, to maintain social, order or to advance public welfare." (245)
A. The Importance Test
In order to assess the trade-off in the NHI's compulsory health insurance scheme, I propose to apply the "importance test" on the basis of Rawls' analytical approach in his political conception of justice (246) and to outline the scope of invasiveness and the burden the NHI imposes on human rights. The "importance test" emphasizes that the burden on a liberty (e.g., individual autonomy) imposed by a coercive health care policy (e.g., compulsory health insurance) is unjustified if the burden restricts the central application range (the exercise of moral powers) of that liberty.
According to Rawls' moral powers approach, (247) full and informed exercise of moral powers (capacities for the conception of the good and the sense of justice) (248) is crucial for the protection of basic liberty in a coercive (health care) system. The exercise of these powers is crucial because without them rational deliberators can neither become engaged in social cooperation nor be free and equal members of society. (249) In order to address this issue, this section briefly reviews Rawls' responses to the questions of (1) whether the list of basic liberties is flexible enough to adjust and expand, and (2) how to assess the significance of a particular liberty. (250) Rawls agrees that simply offering a broad and imprecise list of basic liberties cannot answer the difficult question of which liberties are basic. This list might conflict with the viewpoints of the rational-representative deliberators in the original position, (251) and might not sufficiently satisfy their rational interests. (252) Thus, Rawls proposed a criterion to assess the significance of basic liberties on the basis of "the central range of application." (253) The central range of application states that basic liberties are those liberties providing essential political and social conditions (institutional protections) for the adequate development and full exercise of an equal and free person's moral powers. (254) This argument stems from the need to protect individuals' ability to develop and to realize the final ends that they value in their worthwhile life plans:
(1) Because rational deliberators behind the veil of ignorance cannot know whether their views about final ends would put them in the majority or minority, they likely would not leave it to others to decide the final ends for them. They would like to maintain "the capacity for the conception of the good"255 to make decisions and to regard the basic liberty, which is necessary to allow individuals to exercise this capacity, as non-negotiable so they can follow their own moral, religious, and philosophical values.256
(2) In addition, even if a social institution were publicly known to satisfy justice principles and to advance citizens' conceptions of the good, the absence of an effective public sense of justice would still make this social institution unstable. (257) Therefore, when sketching basic liberties and assigning them priority, rational deliberators prefer to take "the capacity for the sense of justice" (258) into consideration in order to ascertain whether citizens will act upon the principles agreed to with the effectiveness and regularity of which human nature is capable. (259)
Therefore, a rational deliberator would oppose the imposition of legal and other restrictions on a liberty if such a restriction would influence the full and informed exercise of capacities for the conception of the good and/or the sense of justice. The rational deliberator would oppose such restrictions because he or she needs these moral powers to develop his or her own conception of the good and to equally negotiate distributive justice principles irrespective of income, social status, political allegiance, or other arbitrary factors. since the lesser or greater significance of a liberty depends upon "whether it is more or less essentially involved in... the full and informed exercise" of two moral powers, (260) these moral powers should be carefully observed and tracked when evaluating the trade-off between restricted liberties and pursued public order in a coercive health care policy. Therefore, if the central application range of a basic liberty is not secured in a coercive health care policy, the priority of the liberty is infringed and the liberty is "restricted" rather than "regulated." (261)
B. The Importance Test Revisited
Basic liberties are not absolute. In accordance with Rawls' priority principle, basic liberties (which are closely related to the exercise of moral powers) should be given priority over other social benefits and cannot be sacrificed for the sake of economic or social benefits. However, according to Rawls, they may still be limited for the sake of liberty (262) in order to be combined into one coherent scheme of liberties. (263) Rawls' liberty and priority principles read as follows:264
(1) Liberty principle: Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system of liberty for all. (265)
(2) Priority principle: The principles of justice are to be ranked in lexical order and therefore liberty can be restricted only for the sake of liberty. There are two cases: (a) a less extensive liberty must strengthen the total system of liberty shared by all, and (b) a less than equal liberty must be acceptable to those citizens with the lesser liberty. (266)
Rawls' priority principle then can provide an abstract, yet idealized, analytical way to determine the proper balanced trade-off relationship between restricted liberties and pursued public order in a coercive health care policy. (267) The statement of the importance test discussed in an earlier section can be further modified and extended. They should now read:
(1) The burden on a liberty (e.g., individual autonomy) imposed by a coercive health care policy (e.g., compulsory health insurance) is unjustified if the burden significantly restricts the central application range of that liberty, unless the public order that the policy intends to pursue relates to the protection or improvement of liberties rather than to economic or social well-being (the priority rule). (268)
(2) on the contrary, if the coercive health care policy has no significant impact on the exercise of moral powers, to justify the burden on human rights the state merely needs to prove that there is public order concerns involving either the protection of liberty or the pursuit of economic or social gains, for the policy to be pursued (the public interest rule).
There are two constituent elements in the revised important test: moral powers and lexical order (comparative importance) of liberties. More specifically, in the first case (the priority rule), in order to protect the inviolability of basic liberties, which are related to the exercise of moral powers, merely the pursuit of economic or social benefits would not be sufficient to justify a coercive policy. In that case the policy would not be justified unless the state can prove that such a restriction is necessary for the defense of a liberty itself or the best total system of liberty. (269) on the one hand, a free and equal rational deliberator in the original position would agree to give priority to preserving basic liberties because sacrificing basic liberties for the sake of material benefits might render the deliberator unable to apply practical reason and judgment to develop his or her own conception of the good. (270) On the other hand, if a fully adequate system of liberty for all (which guarantees rational individuals' full exercise of moral powers and enjoyments of liberties) is in danger, rational deliberators would agree to forgo part of their liberties (and sacrifice part of their moral powers) to transform a less fair society into one in which all liberties can be fully enjoyed. (271)
In the second case (the public interest rule), the trade-off would be evaluated less strictly because restricted liberties are not directly related to moral powers. The state merely has the burden to prove that there is a compelling interest, in either the protection of liberty or of the pursuit of economic or social gains that is substantially furthered by restricting liberties.
Based upon the proposed distinctive justifications as a criterion in the revised importance test, the trade-off between the restricted liberty and the pursued social benefits in the compulsory NHI case then can be identified and evaluated. One possible objection to this importance test is that the value and the priority of liberty should not be the ultimate determinant in matters of health care programs. (272) For example, H.L.A. Hart argued that if there are still people who may desire purely for a large increase in material benefits and would be willing to surrender some liberties to get them, there is no clear reason why a surrender of liberties should be forbidden by the priority rule. (273)
My short response to this objection is based upon the protection of moral powers. Generally speaking, allowing an individual to choose between liberties and material welfare is established on the premise that the individual should have basic capabilities to: (1) decide what material benefits he or she wants to pursue; (2) to rationally evaluate the trade-off between restricted liberties and pursued benefits; and (3) to decide whether he or she want to trade liberties for benefits. Therefore, if the compulsory NHI would cripple individuals' full and informed exercises of moral powers (e.g. forcing individuals to trade liberties for benefits), this premise would also be rejected. It is then unreasonable for rational individuals to abandon the priority of the liberty and concur with the justifiability of this coercive health care policy. In this case, in order to prevent the state from coercively restricting the exercise of moral powers, individuals would agree with the priority rule. on the contrary, if individuals' moral powers are preserved and the central application range is not restricted, it would be justified and acceptable to trade liberties for economic and social benefits (if rational deliberators approve), as proposed by the public interest rule.
C. The Importance for the Individual Mandate without Insurance Package Option (Taiwan's Case)
According to the importance test, whether the compulsory health insurance is justified depends upon (1) whether it restricts the central application range (the exercise of moral powers) of individual liberty, and (2) whether there exists a proper, balanced trade-off between restricted liberty and pursued public order. (274) The delineation of a proper trade-off is decided based upon the priority rule or the public interest rule:
(1) If the compulsory health insurance would substantially restrict the central application range and individuals' exercise of moral powers (e.g., citizens only have one single choice assigned by the state), according to Rawls' priority rule, the compulsoriness is an impermissible and unjustifiable restriction unless the state can prove that such a restriction is necessary for the defense of a liberty itself or the best total system of liberty, rather than for economic or social well-being.
(2) If the compulsory health insurance has no significant impact on the central applications range (e.g., individuals can still choose between different health care plans in a free health care market), according to the public interest rule, this coercive health care policy is a justified regulation of individual liberty when the state can prove that there is public order, either of the protection of liberty or of pursuit of economic or social gains, for the policy to pursue.
For the argument's sake, I carefully distinguish the human rights burdens on individual liberty imposed by the compulsory health insurance into two different but equally important cases--(1) a compulsory health insurance scheme with a universal standardized medical coverage (Taiwan's universal compulsory NHI), and (2) a compulsory health insurance scheme with a number of options in terms of insurance packages (America's Health Care Reform). (275) These cases are distinguished because interactions between two policy instruments--the individual mandate for health insurance and the single payer system--are complicated and would affect the results of the importance test. (276) Firstly, this Article will examine Taiwan's universal compulsory NHI based upon the importance test.
1. The Compulsory NHI's Impacts on Moral Powers
In the first case, the central application range of the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance is restricted because the compulsory NHI, which adopts a single-payer system with a universal standardized medical coverage, would prevent individuals from pursuing their own and incommensurable conceptions of the good in health care. (277)
As discussed earlier in Section II(A), the compulsory NHI's single-payer program is a type of financing system in which one governmental entity, the Bureau of National Health Insurance (BNHI), acts as an administrator to collect all health care fees, to pay for all health care costs, and to set up the universal standardized medical coverage and payment rules. (278) Because the Taiwanese Ministry of Finance forbids private insurance companies to provide any health insurance coverage similar to the NHI's medical coverage, (279) citizens, without another choice, are practically forced to buy the NHI's universal standardized medical coverage. (280) Therefore, the Taiwanese government basically monopolizes the health insurance business and arbitrarily decides what diseases and medical treatments are paid by the public health insurance.
Under this compulsory NHI's single-payer system, individuals with incommensurable conceptions of the good about what kinds of integrated bodily functions they prefer to obtain or to regain are forced to accept the universal standardized medical coverage determined by the BNHI. (281) More specifically, under the NHI's single-payer system, whether or not a medical intervention is included in the NHI's medical coverage is decided by the BNHI on the basis of a shared common basis to distribute health care without respecting individuals' moral, religious, and philosophical values. Thus, rational deliberators with different values are forced to give up the liberty of making autonomous choices regarding health care benefit packages (non-clinical decisions), which are value-laden (on the basis of one's perceived final ends) and are strongly related to their own conceptions of the good. For example, different medical treatments for disease D1 (e.g., terminal cancer) provide different types of goodness--treatment X1 (e.g., the radiology therapy) can prolong a patient's life but also cause serious side effects, while treatment Y1 (e.g., the palliative care) can enhance a patient's quality of life but cannot extend his or her life. Given the patient's circumstances and life plan, different patients will value the goodness provided by different medical treatments differently. However, if the BNHI arbitrarily decides to provide medical coverage including only treatment X1 rather than treatment Y1 for terminal cancer, individuals who prefer treatment Y1 can only accept that decision. (282)
On the one hand, due to the NHI's single payer system, individuals with different conceptions of the good have no freedom to decide the contents of the NHI's medical coverage. (283) On the other hand, due to the NHI's individual mandate, individuals are forced to accept this coercive NHI's medical coverage, which they might disagree with. (284) The dual restrictions then drastically confine individuals' capacities to pursue their own conceptions of the good through health care, and violate the central application range of the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance.
Furthermore, according to a Taiwanese Finance Ministry regulation, if the compulsory NHI has provided at least "one" treatment for a disease, private insurance companies are forbidden to provide "any" medical treatment for this disease. (285) Namely, if health care treatment falls outside the NHI's universal benefits package because it is not cost effective, according to the Finance Ministry's ban, an individual has neither the opportunity nor the freedom to purchase private insurance for it, even if he or she has different conceptions of the good about this health care treatment. (286) For example, if the NHI has provided health insurance coverage including medical treatments [Y.sub.2] (rather than medical treatment [X.sub.2]) for disease [D.sub.2]. according to the Financial Ministry's ban, private insurance companies are forbidden to provide treatment [X.sub.2] in their benefits package because the NHI has provided at least one treatment (treatment [Y.sub.2]) for the disease. Therefore, even if an individual regards treatment [X.sub.2] as a good treatment based upon his or her own conception of the good (which is different from the BNHI's), and is willing to pay extra for private insurance package with this treatment, the Financial Ministry's ban would prevent the individual from doing so. In other words, even though the NHI Act does not forbid individuals buying additional private health insurance, the Finance Ministry's ban has imposed extreme and substantial limitations on individuals' choices of health care. such a strict ban, which is rare worldwide, (287) burdens individuals' health care choices in a much broader extent and imposes a significant restriction on the central application range of individual liberty.
One possible response from the BNHI to my argument is that, since the NHI provides almost all health care treatments, an individual's diverse conceptions of the good regarding health care then can be well protected. (288) For example, according to Article 39 of the NHI Act, all kinds of medical treatments (including traditional Chinese medicines) (289) are covered by the NHI except (1) treatment of drug addiction, cosmetic surgery, non-post-traumatic orthodontic treatment, preventative surgery, artificial reproduction, and sex conversion surgery; (2) over-the-counter drugs and non-prescription drugs which should be used under the guidance of a physician; (3) human-subject clinical trials; and (4) dentures, artificial eyes, spectacles, hearing aids, wheelchairs, canes, and other treatment equipment not required for positive therapy. (290) This broad range of the NHI's medical coverage then allows individuals with different values and desires to access any medical treatment they prefer in the NHI program. Therefore, even though the universal compulsory NHI regulates individuals' freedom to choose between different health care plans, they still have multiple choices for pursuing different medical treatments and are capable of fully exercising their moral powers. In other words, since individuals are still able to choose between different medical treatments under the NHI's broad medical coverage, their capacities to pursue incommensurable conceptions of the good are preserved.
However, this response focuses only on an individual's choice of medical treatments, but still ignores an individual's autonomy to decide what medical treatments should be included in the NHI's medical coverage. In other words, even though an individual is able to choose whatever medical treatment he or she prefers in the NHI, the individual still cannot freely purchase a health insurance which covers only certain medical treatments he or she prefers on the basis of the conceptions of the good. The medical coverage (or health care benefit package) is important because it also exemplifies an individual's diverse conception of the good regarding health care and shows the significance of voluntary health care decisions in health care rationing. For example, there are two medical treatments [X.sub.3] and [Y.sub.3] for disease [D.sub.3], and an individual prefers health insurance that covers only medical treatment [X.sub.3]. However, under the compulsory NHI's single-payer system, he or she would be forced to purchase an all-inclusive medical coverage (including both medical treatments [X.sub.3] and [Y.sub.3]), which is arbitrarily determined by the BNHI. The individual has no authority to exclude treatment [Y.sub.3] from that coverage. Therefore, even though the NHI's broad medical coverage allows the individual the option to choose medical treatment [X.sub.3] and to develop her own intrinsic value regarding medical treatments, her capacity for the conceptions of the good are still limited because she cannot pursue her rational choice of medical coverage, which also relates to intimate and important decisions about her health. Thus, requiring an individual to accept NHI's comprehensive, all-inclusive medical coverage of almost all medical treatments would deprive her capacities for the conceptions of the good. The central application range of the individual's freedom to purchase or decline health insurance then is unjustifiably restricted.
In conclusion, under the NHI's individual mandate clause, accompanied by the single-payer system's universal insurance package and the Finance Ministry's ban against "supplemental" private health insurance, individuals with incommensurable conceptions of the good are neither allowed to opt out the compulsory NHI nor allowed the chance to buy their preferred health care outside the NHI. They have no choice but to accept the NHI's universal benefits package, while their capacities to pursue their own conceptions of the good regarding health care through the purchase of private health insurance are significantly restricted.
2. Trade-off under the Compulsory NHI
Since the compulsory NHI with the single-payer system leaves individuals no option of other benefits policies and significantly restricts the central application range of the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance, (291) thus, the trade-off under the NHI's individual mandate should be assessed on the basis of the priority rule. In other words, the universal compulsory NHI's restriction on individual liberty is unjustified unless the Taiwanese government can prove that the policy is necessary to protect other liberties or to strengthen the total system of liberty, rather than to protect economic interests or social benefits.
Unfortunately, according to the discussions in Section VI, the policy purposes of the NHI are confined to maximizing the participation rate, increasing the financial revenues, preventing adverse selection, and protecting the disadvantaged citizen's right to health care. There is no motive to strengthen the total system of liberty shared by all. In other words, abandoning or adjusting the NHI's individual mandate would only cause potential economic losses, without disrupting other liberties of all citizens or the state's capacity to provide liberties for all. According to the priority rule, the burdens on the exercise of moral powers imposed by the compulsory NHI, which are directly related to individuals' capabilities to engage in mutually beneficial cooperation and honor fair terms, are much greater than pursued public orders, which are confined to economic interests only. Therefore, there is no proper trade-off between the restricted freedom to purchase or decline health insurance and the proposed public order. The human rights burden of the compulsory NHI with a single-payer system cannot be justified because it fails the priority rule.
D. Importance Test for Individual Mandate with Insurance Package Options
The second case is a compulsory health insurance scheme with a number of options in terms of insurance packages (President Obama's health care reform in the united states of America). (292) In that system, the central application range of the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance is deemed to be regulated rather than restricted. This freedom is deemed regulated even though all citizens are required to enroll in health insurance because the system still grants the freedom to negotiate with health insurers and to choose between different medical coverage. (293) In other words, under a compulsory health insurance with additional options in terms of insurance packages, a rational individual still has room to choose particular medical interventions. This type of compulsory health insurance possesses the properties or promises to deliver the results an individual would likely want because they can choose different health insurance packages. Individuals with different ideas about what kinds of integrated bodily functions they prefer are still able to pursue their own and incommensurable conceptions of the good in health care. The individual's moral powers--especially the capacity for the conceptions of the good--are reserved in this case.
According to the importance test, a compulsory health insurance system with additional insurance package options does not restrict the central application range of the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance. (294) Therefore, the evaluation of the trade-off between the restricted liberty and the pursued public order should be subject to the public interest rule. In other words, if the state proves that the compulsory health insurance scheme can achieve greater social benefits (e.g., preventing adverse selection and improving health care disparities, see Section VI), it is justified for the state to apply the compulsory health insurance scheme to "regulate" the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance.
Through epidemic statistics, there is also a greater social benefit for the compulsory health insurance with insurance package options to pursue in exchange for the limited individual liberty. (295) For example, studies have shown that the NHI's individual mandate alone (regardless of the single payer system) can help to improve access to health care for vulnerable populations. (296) In Taiwan, prior to the implementation of the NHI program in 1995, approximately 7.5 million individuals (40.1% of Taiwan's population, see infra, Figure 4) did not have any health insurance coverage. (297) The uninsured were the most vulnerable population in society: 65.94% of the uninsured were children and adolescents, making up approximately 75% of the population of children and adolescents; and 8.00% of the uninsured were the elderly, making up approximately 26% of the elderly population. (298) The uninsured vulnerable populations were significantly more likely to report a poor level of health and had significantly lower utilization rates for health care services, compared to those individuals who had similar health care needs. (299) since the NHI was implemented, more than 96% of Taiwan's population has been registered in this program--an economic scale large enough to prevent reverse selection. (300) Individuals were more likely to report seeking health care when ill. (301) The newly insured consumed more than twice the amount of outpatient physician visits (0.21 vs. 0.48 physician visits in two weeks) and hospital admissions (0.04 vs. 0.11 hospital admissions in two weeks) than before the NHI was implemented. This brought the newly insured to the same amount of health care contacts as the previously insured groups in Labor Insurance, Government Employee Insurance, and Farmers Insurance. (302) In addition, studies also showed that the compulsory NHI maintained relatively low administrative costs. (303) since program implementation, the ratio of administrative costs to total health care expenditures has remained below the legally mandated cap of 3.5%.304
This Article establishes a four-step human rights assessment to carefully explore how the compulsory NHI's restrictions on the freedom to purchase or decline health insurance should be evaluated. After analysis, despite Taiwan's universal compulsory NHI being adequate and effective (Step 2), such a coercive health care policy still unjustifiably restricts individuals' freedom to purchase or decline health insurance because it is not the least intrusive alternative (Step 3) and provides no proper trade-off between restricted liberty and pursued public order (Step 4). (305)
Even though the NHI's individual mandate might unconstitutionally and unjustifiably restrict individual liberty, neither the primary NHI nor the second-generation NHI (the health care reform enacted in 2011) address this problem squarely. Without adjusting the individual mandate clause, the new NHI Act of 2011 puts emphasis only on improving social benefits (such as the improvement of health care quality, and providing for mandatory disclosure for health care providers' information) and reducing economic inefficiency--such as the balance between insurance revenues and medical disbursements, and the improvement of the efficiency of the administration system. (306) The compulsory scheme, along with the single-payer system, has remained without careful and explicit assessment of the burdens this coercive health care policy imposes on human rights. Society's continued disregard of the compulsory NHI's restrictions on individual liberty not only fail to consider possible variations but also cause society to remain ignorant of the alternative policy which is least intrusive while achieving parallel policy objectives. (307) Furthermore, it would undervalue the significance of individual liberty in health care programs and disrespect individuals' incommensurable conceptions of the good regarding health care. (308) Therefore, we must recognize that we are at a cross-roads: even though there seems to be a moral consensus that we should turn toward compulsory health insurance for greater social benefits, we have yet to discover a constitutionally clear path of doing so through careful consideration. (309)
(1) Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Pub. L. 111-148, 124 Stat. 119 (2010). The Act was passed by the House of Representative on March 21, 2010 and signed into law by President Barack Obama on March 23, 2010. Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA), Encyclopedia Britantica, available at http://www.britannica.com/EB checked/topic/1673534/Patient-Protection-and-Affordable-Care-Act-PPACA/295483/Final-passage (last visited Feb. 1, 2013).
(2) Health Care & Education Affordability Reconciliation Act of 2010, Pub. L. No. 111152 (codified as amended in scattered sections of U.S.C. [section] 20 and U.S.C. [section] 42).
(3) The individual mandate is essential to the effectiveness of the U.S. Health Care Reform because lack of health insurance in the American health care system was the main problem to be rectified in the pre-March 2010 insurance system. Karen Tumulty, Kate Pickert & Alice Park, America, The Doctor Will See You Now, Time, Apr. 5, 2010, at 18, 20. According to information provided, 32 million Americans were uninsured in March 2010. Jill Jackson and John Nolen, Health Care Reform Bill Summary: A Look at What's in the Bill, CBS (last updated Mar. 23, 2012, 5:00 PM), http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-20000846-503544.html. In 2008, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) also estimated that there were about 43.8 million Americans (14.7% of total population) uninsured, of which 15.25% were under age 18 (6.6 million) and over 65 years old (0.2 million). Health Insurance, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, http://www.cdc.gov/nchs /fastats/hinsure.htm (last updated Aug. 20, 2012).
(4) See Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Pub. L. 111-148, 124 Stat. 119 (2010) Section 5000A(a) states: "Requirement to Maintain Minimum Essential Coverage. An applicable individual shall for each month beginning after 2013 ensure that the individual, and any dependent of the individual who is an applicable individual, is covered under minimum essential coverage for such month."
(5) There are two main types of universal health care systems. One is the single-payer coverage system, such as the English National Health Service, the Canadian Health Care System, and Taiwan's National Health Insurance, in which health care would be financed through taxation, thereby eliminating private insurance companies (because private health insurance is prohibited except to finance items not covered by the governmental plans). Adam Oliver, The Single-Payer Option: A Reconsideration, 34 J. HEALTH POL. POL'Y & L. 509, 527 (2009). The second system is the multiple-payer system, such as French National Health Insurance and the German health insurance system, which contains competitive health insurers under clear and strong federal guidelines. PETER ZWEIFEL, DISCUSSION PAPER: MULTIPLE PAYERS IN HEALTH CARE: A FRAMEWORK FOR ASSESSMENT, HEALTH NUTRITION AND POPULATION FAMILY, HUMAN RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT NETWORK, WORLD BANK 1 (2004), available at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/HEALTHNUTRITIONAND POPULATION/Resources/2816271095698140167/ZweifelMultiPayersinHealthCareFinal.pdf. Generally speaking, the single-payer system generates far less administrative costs than the multiple-payer system, but the former also takes away the patient's choice of provider. See infra Section VI. On the contrary, the multiple-payer system may have an advantage in designing payment systems in a way that reinforces incentives for providers to do the right thing for their patients, resulting in more value for money spent. Aftab Hussain & Patrick A. Rivers, Policy Challenges in US Health Care System Reform, 36(3) J. Health Care Fin. 34, 41 (2010).
(6) Mark A. Hall, The Constitutionality of Mandates to Purchase Health Insurance, 37 J.L. Med. & Ethics 40, 40 (2009).
(7) "Disenrollment freedom" means recipients can freely decide to disenroll in a health care plan while their health care needs are few, and to enroll when their health care needs escalate. Disenrollment, The Free Dictionary, http://medicaldictionary.thefreedictionary.com/ Disenrollment (last visited oct. 4, 2012).
(8) According to sections 1501(b), 1513, and 1511 of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 is amended by adding sections 5000A (maintenance of minimum essential coverage) and 4980H (shared responsibility for employers regarding health coverage), and the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 is amended by adding section 18A (automatic enrollment for employers of large employers). Amended section 5000A of the Internal Revenue Code first states that, in 2014, individuals will be required to purchase health insurance or face a $95 annual fine (via income taxes), which will increase to $350 in 2015 and $750 in 2016. 26 U.S.C. [section] 5000A(b)(1). There are only a few exceptions. [section] 5000A(d)(2) (for religious objectors); [section] 5000A(e)(1) (for those who cannot afford health insurance); [section] 5000A(e)(2) (taxpayers with incomes less than 100% of the Federal Poverty Line (FPL)); [section] 5000A(e)(3) (American Indian tribe members); [section] 5000A(k) (those with a hardship waiver); [section] 5000A(d)(3) (individuals not lawfully present); [section] 5000A(d)(4) (incarcerated individuals); [section] 5000A(e)(4) (those not covered for less than three months). For those under age 18, most of which are dependents of other taxpayers, the amount of the penalty for not having health insurance will be one-half the amount for adults and should be paid by such other taxpayers. [section] 5000A(c)(3)(C); [section] 5000A(b)(3)(A). For those with incomes at or below 133% of the FPL, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act also creates a new mandatory Medicaid eligibility category and requires the federal government to devote more resources and assistance. [section]1331. In addition, according to amended section 4980H of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, employers with more than 50 employees (large employers) are required to offer fulltime employees (and their dependents) the "opportunity" to enroll in minimum essential coverage under an eligible employer-sponsored plan. 26 U.S.C. [section] 4980H(d)(1)(A) (LexisNexis 2012). Failing doing so, employers would face a payment of $750 per full-time employee. [section] 4980H(a). Amended section 218a of the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 further states that employers with 200 or more full-time employees are required to "automatically" enroll new full-time employees in employer-sponsored health insurance plans. 29 U.S.C. [section] 218a (LexisNexis 2012). Therefore, the individual mandate under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act basically requires all Americans to purchase health insurance if it is not provided by their employer, and if they are self-employed, they must buy it as well, regardless of whether a citizen needs it, wants it, or can afford it.
(9) Under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, all citizens are also required to maintain "minimum essential coverage" and to subscribe to health insurance. See Bruce Moyer, Unconstitutional Health Care Reform?, 57-FEB Fed. Law. 8, 8 (2010). The difference is, Taiwan citizens must subscribe only to the NHI (which provides comprehensive health care coverage) while citizens in the U.S. can choose different health care programs. See infra section I.
(10) Chapter II, Article 11-1 of the National Health Insurance Act (Taiwan): "Except for the circumstances prescribed in Article 11, all the beneficiaries qualified under Article 10 shall subscribe to this Insurance." National Health Insurance Act ch. II, art. 11-1 (Taiwan) (1994), available at http://www.nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id =295&WD_ID=295&webdata_id=1865 (last visited Oct. 4, 2012). The following persons are not covered by this Insurance and shall be withdrawn from it if they have subscribed: (1) those who are confined in the detention centers or in prisons because of criminal punishment, rehabilitative disciplines, or reformatory education, unless their terms are less than two months. (2) those who are subject to a protective restriction order, however, are still covered by this Insurance; (3) those who have been missing for six months or more; (4) those who have lost the qualifications as prescribed in the preceding Article." National Health Insurance Act. ch. II, art. 11.
(11) Chapter 2, Article 69-1 of the National Health Insurance Act (Taiwan): "If a beneficiary who, in violation of the provisions of this Act, has not subscribed to this Insurance, he/she shall be subject to a fine of no less than three thousand and no more than fifteen thousand New Taiwan Dollars and shall subscribe to this Insurance retrospectively from the date on which the beneficiary is qualified for insurance. The benefits shall be suspended before the fines and premium are fully paid." National Health Insurance Act ch. II, art. 69-1.
(12) Tsung-Mei Cheng, A Brief History of Taiwan's Individual Mandate, Global Public Square Blog, (Mar. 28, 2012, 4:00 PM), http://globalpublicsquare.blogs.cnn.com/2012 /03/28/how-taiwan-learned-to-love-the-individual-mandate/.
(13) The following figure shows the relationship between coverage rate of the NHI and per capita GNP in Taiwan. This figure also shows that the coverage rate rose sharply after the implementation of the NHI in 1995. T. L. Chiang, Dean of School of Public Health, Nat'l Taiwan U., Address at The National Taiwan University Center for Ethics, Law, and Society in Biomedicine and Technology 2010 Bioethics Conference: Ethical Issues in Public Health and Resource Allocation, Health Care Reforms in Taiwan: What Worked and What Didn't? (Oct. 9, 2010) (transcript available in the Center for Ethics, Law and Society in Biomedicine and Technology, National Taiwan university).
(14) "The NHI system faced considerable challenges and resistance when it was first put in place, and public satisfaction with the program at its inception stood at below 40%. Today, nearly 80% of local residents are satisfied with the system, a reflection of the public's recognition of the Bureau's efforts over the past 15 years. Although the system's satisfaction rating plummeted in 2002 when premiums and copayments were raised, it quickly recovered to 77% a year later and has remained near 80% the past two years." Bureau of National Health Insurance, National Health Insurance in Taiwan: 2011 Annual Report 41 (2011), available at http://www.nhi.gov.tw/Resource/webdata/13767_1_NHI%20IN%20 TAIWAN%202011%20ANNUAL%20REPORT.pdf.
(15) The NHI's administrative burden was 2.2 % of the program's budget in 2001, although Chapter 7, Article 68 of the NHI allows the BNHI to spend as much as 3.5% of its annual budget for administration. National Health Insurance Act. ch. VII, art. 68 (1994) (Taiwan), available at http://www.nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu _id=295&WD_ID=295&webdata_id=1865 (last visited Oct. 4, 2012). In 2008, the NHI's administrative burden further decreased to 1.51%. Tsung-Mei Cheng, Taiwan's New National Health Insurance Program: Genesis and Experience So Far, 22(3) Health Affairs 64 (2003).
(16) See, e.g., Li Chuang, The Effect of Cost Containment and Quality After the National Health Insurance System In Taiwan (June 30, 2007) (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, National Central University) (on file with the National Central University Library Electronic Theses & Dissertation System) (Taiwan).
(17) For example, to both control medical expenditures and respect physician's professional autonomy, the BNHI developed the "hospital excellence program," which places individual hospital budgeting (or spending), rather than hospital budgeting, in the center of control of medication costs for each hospital. See, e.g., Lih-Wen Mau, Effect Assessments of the Hospital Excellent Program on Hospital Finance and Medical Care Quality from the Perspective of Game Theory--Based on Regional Hospitals and Medical Centers in Kaohsiung-Pingtung Areas (June 30, 2004) (Ph.D. dissertation, Kaohsiung Medical University) (on file with the National Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations in Taiwan) (Taiwan); Yung-I Ho, Hospital's Administrative Perspectives--An Example of the "Global Budget System" and "Hospital Excellence Program" (June 30, 2007) (master thesis, Hsuan Chuang University) (on file with the National Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations in Taiwan) (Taiwan); Meng-Shiun Li, A Study on the Relationship between the Quality of Care and the Performance of Health Care Organizations among Hospitals in Taipei Medical Region under the National Health Insurance System (June 30, 1998) (unpublished master thesis, National Taiwan University) (on file with the National Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations in Taiwan) (Taiwan). In addition, the BNHI has tried to build a nationwide dataset of quality indicators and foster excellence in hospitals with guidance from these quality indicator outcomes. See, e.g., Lih-Wen Mau, Effect Assessments of the Hospital Excellent Program on Hospital Finance and Medical Care Quality from the Perspective of Game Theory--Based on Regional Hospitals and Medical Centers in Kaohsiung-Pingtung Areas (June 30, 2004) (Ph.D. dissertation, Kaohsiung Medical University) (on file with the National Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations in Taiwan) (Taiwan).
(18) In other words, when the Health Care Act requires individuals to buy health insurance, it also prevents individuals from spending their own resources to buy goods other than health insurance. Healthcare in Taiwan, Taiwan Healthcare Reform Foundation, http://www. thrf.org.tw/EN/Page_Show.asp?Page_ID=124 (last visted Oct. 4, 2012).
(19) Article 157 of the Taiwanese Constitution: "The State, in order to improve national health, shall establish extensive services for sanitation and health protection, and a system of public medical service." Minguo Xianfa art. 157, (1947) (Taiwan).
(20) Article 10, Paragraph 5 of the Taiwan Constitution, "The State shall promote universal health insurance and promote the research and development of both modern and traditional medicines." Minguo Xianfa art. 10(5), (1947) (Taiwan).
(21) Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (January 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=472.
(22) It is worth noting that John B. Crosby and David L. Heidorn also agree that the individual mandate for health insurance might survive the political process. John B. Crosby & David L. Heidorn, Achieving Full Access: Ms Already Being Done, 3 Kan. J.L. & Pub. Pol'y 31, 33 (1993).
(23) Chuan-Feng Wu & Wen-Hong Huang, A Study of the Problem with Article 11-1 (Mandatory Insurance) in National Health Insurance Law--from the Aspect of the Rights to Health Care, 77 Taiwan L. Rev. 112, 115-16 (2001).
(24) See, e.g., John B. Crosby & David L. Heidorn, supra note 22; Mark A. Peterson, From Trust to Political Power: Interest Groups, Public Choice, and Health Care, 26 J. Health Pol. Pol'y & L. 1145, 1154 (2003).
(25) See Moyer, supra note 9.
(26) For example, David S. Caroline argues that the solution to health care problems in the U.S. is to explore other market-based mechanisms for providing health care rather than mandating individuals to buy health insurance. David S. Caroline, Employer Health-Care Mandates: The Wrong Answer to the Wrong Question, 11 U. Pa. J. Bus. L. 427, 445-46 (2009).
(27) For example, based upon the First Amendment's Free Exercise Clause, Mark A. Hall argued that "one potential basis for an individual-rights challenge to compulsory health insurance is a religious objection under the First Amendment's Exercise of Free Speech Clause." See Hall, supra note 6, at 45.
(28) Mark A. Hall argued that the individual mandate might be unconstitutional because requiring individuals to spend money to buy health insurance they do not want to spend could be viewed as a deprivation of property or liberty, "which the Fifth Amendment allows only with 'due process.'" See Hall, supra note 6, at 45.
(29) For example, after examining the Supreme Court's modern Commerce Clause jurisprudence, David Rivkin and Lee Casey conclude that the individual mandate is unconstitutional and likely to be struck down by courts. According to Rivkin and Casey, the individual mandate would give the government "the power to direct the use of people's resources, combined with the fact that the government's taxing and spending powers already transfer a large amount of resources away from the private sector and into public channels, would turn everybody into a ward of the state, unable to exercise individual choices." David B. Rivkin, Jr., Lee A. Casey, & Jack M. Balkin, A Healthy Debate: The Constitutionality of An Individual Mandate, 158 U. Pa. L. Rev. 93, 101-118 (2009).
(30) Wendy E. Parmet, The Individual Mandate: Implications for Public Health Law, 39 J. L. Med. & Ethics 401, 401-413 (2011), available at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/ 10.1111/j.1748-720X.2011.00610.x/pdf.
(31) For example, in 1917 The New York Times argued that the American way of life (individualism) was threatened by the compulsory health insurance scheme, which represents "German collectivism." Beatrix Hoffman, The Wages of Sickness 55 (2001).
(32) See, e.g., Karl Manheim & Jamie Court, Not So Fast On The Mandates: Clinton's and Obama's Health Proposals May Not Pass Constitutional Muster, Los Angeles Times, March 24, 2008, http://articles.latimes.com/2008/mar/24/opinion/oe-court24; David B. Rivkin Jr. & Lee A. Casey, Mandatory Insurance Is Unconstitutional: Why An Individual Mandate Could Be Struck Down by the Courts, Wall St. J., Sept. 18, 2009, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB1 0001424052970204518504574416623109362480.html; Katharine Q. Seelye, A Constitutional Debate Over a Health Care Mandate, N.Y. Times, September 26, 2009, http://prescriptions. blogs.nytimes.com/2009/09/26/the-right-the-duty-to-bear-insurance-cards; Andrew Jensen, Alaska Joins 19 States Suing Federal Government Over Health Insurance Reform, Alaska Journal of Commerce (last updated April 20, 2010 5:50 PM), http://www.homernews.com/ stories/042010/news_ajq. shtml.
(33) As of April 14, 2010, eighteen states, including Alabama, Arizona, Colorado, Georgia Idaho, Indiana, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Nebraska, Nevada, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, and Washington, sued the federal government concerning the constitutionality of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. They assert that the lawsuit aims "to prevent the unprecedented expansion of federal powers, impact upon state sovereignty and encroachment on our freedom." Georgia Joins Health Care Reform Lawsuit, South Florida Business Journal (April 13, 2010), http:// southflorida.bizjournals.com/southflorida/stories/2010/04/12/daily24.html.
(34) These states contend that the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act violates states' constitutional rights because only states--not the federal government--can require citizens to purchase health insurance. See Moyer, supra note 9.
(35) Note, Universal Access to Health Care, 108 Harv. L Rev. 1323, 1328-29 (1995).
(36) Id. at 1328.
(37) Id. at 1336-37.
(38) Balkin agrees that the individual mandate might deter certain conduct that creates negative externalities and is socially undesirable, but he argues that it is unavailing to contend that the individual mandate is unconstitutional under existing law. Rivkin et al., supra note 29, at 105.
(39) Firstly, Norman Daniels did not want to discuss the issue about whether the premium purchase should be compulsory because he has argued that this issue is better raised "when fair shares are clearly large enough to purchase a reasonable insurance package." Norman Daniels, Health-Care Needs and Distributive Justice, 10(2) PHIL. & PUB. AFF. 146, 149 n.2 (1981).
(40) NORMAN DANIELS, DONALD W. LIGHT, & RONALD L. CAPLAN, BENCHMARKS OF FAIRNESS FOR HEALTH CARE REFORM 37-39 (1996).
(41) Id. at 38.
(42) Id. at 21-22.
(43) NORMAN DANIELS, HASTINGS CENTER REPORT, RESCUING UNIVERSAL HEALTH CARE 3 (2007).
(44) DANIELS, supra note 40, at 38.
(45) According to Lawerence Gostin and Jonathan Mann, the human rights impact assessment is "an instrument to help evaluate the effects of public health policies on human rights" (including freedoms and entitlements) and dignity. Lawerence Gostin & Jonathan M. Mann, Towards the Development on a Human Rights Impact Assessment for the Formulation and Evaluation of Public Health Policies, Health and Human Rights : A Reader 54 (Jonathan M. Mann et al. eds., 1999).
(46) Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15, at 62.
(47) See Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15, at 62. Labor Insurance was supervised and administered by Bureau of Labor Insurance; Government Employee Insurance was supervised and administered by Ministry of Civil Service; Farmers Insurance was supervised and administered by Taiwan Provincial Government. Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15, at 62.
(48) See Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15, at 62.
(49) Ching-Lung William Hsiao & Jui-Fen Rachel Lu, Taiwan's Health Care System and Its Challenge for Future Development 10 (1989) (unpublished research paper, Harvard University) (on file at Harvard University School of Public Health Library).
(51) National Health Insurance Act. ch. IX, art. 87-4 (1994) (Taiwan), available at http:// www.nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=295&WD_ID=295&we bdata_id=1865 (last visited Oct. 4, 2012). The Taiwan government argued that a centralized and universal health insurance program could save administrative costs, improve health care efficiency, and include the 43.7% of Taiwanese people who were uninsured. Id.
(52) See Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15, at 62.
(53) Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (January 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=472.
(54) MINGUO XIANFA art. 155 (1946) (Taiwan).
(55) MINGUO XIANFA art. 155 (1946) (Taiwan).
(56) MINGUO XIANFA art. 10(5) (1991) (Taiwan).
(57) It is different from the U.S. Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, in which individuals are merely required to be covered under "minimum essential coverage." Troy J. Oechsner & Magda Schaler-Haynes, Keeping It Simple: Health Plan Benefit Standardization and Regulatory Choice under the Affordable Care Act, 74 ALB. L. REV. 241, 280-81 (2010-11).
(58) "During the insured term, in case of illness, injury or maternity occurred to the beneficiary, benefits shall be provided under the provisions of this Act." National Health Insurance Act. ch. I, art. 2 (1994) (Taiwan), available at http://www.nhi.gov.tw/English /webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=295&WD_ID=295&webdata_id=1865 (last visited Oct. 4, 2012).
(59) Ching-Lung William Hsiao & Jui-Fen Rachel Lu, Taiwan's Health Care System and Its Challenge for Future Development 18 (1989) (unpublished research paper, Harvard university) (on file at Harvard university school of Public Health Library).
(60) Article 8, paragraph 1 of the National Health Insurance Act (Taiwan) classifies the insured into six categories: "(1) Civil servants or full-time and regularly paid personnel in governmental agencies and public/private schools; employees of publicly or privately owned enterprises or institutions; employees other than the insured prescribed in the preceding two subparagraphs but are otherwise employed by particular employers; employers or self-employed owners of business; and independently practicing professionals and technicians; (2) Members of an occupational union who have no particular employers, or who are self-employed; and seamen serving on foreign vessels, who are members of the National Seamen's Union or the Master Mariners' Association; (3) Members of the Farmers Association or the Irrigation Association, or workers aged over fifteen who are actually engaged in agricultural activities; and members of the Fishers Association who are either self-employed or have no particular employers, or workers aged over fifteen who are actually engaged in fishery activities; (4) Military servicemen whose compulsory service terms are over two months or who are summoned to serve in military for more than two months, military school students who receive grants from the government, military servicemen's dependents who lost their support recognized by the Ministry of Defense, and military decedent's families who are receiving pensions due to the death of their decedents; and men at the age for enlisting in the military, who are currently in military-substitute service; (5) Members of a household of low-income families as defined by Social Support Law; (6) Veterans, household representatives of survivors of veterans; representatives or heads of household other than the insured or their dependents prescribed in previous categories." National Health Insurance Act. ch. II, art. 8.
(61) "The beneficiary of this Insurance includes the insured and his/her dependents." National Health Insurance Act. ch. II, art. 8
(62) "The dependents of the insured ... are prescribed as follows: (1) The insured's spouse who is not employed; (2) The insured's lineal blood ascendants who are not employed; (3) The insured's lineal blood descendants within second degree of relationship who are either under twenty years of age and not employed, or are over twenty years of age but incapable of making a living, including those who are in school without employment." National Health Insurance Act ch. II, art. 9.
(63) "The following persons are not covered by this Insurance and shall be withdrawn from it if they have subscribed to this Insurance: Those who are confined in the detention centers or in prisons because of criminal punishment, rehabilitative disciplines, or reformatory education, unless their terms are less than two months. Those who are subject to a protective restriction order, however, are still covered by this Insurance." National Health Insurance Act ch. II, art. 11(1).
(64) "Except for the circumstances prescribed in Article 11, all the beneficiaries qualified under Article 10 shall subscribe to this Insurance." National Health Insurance Act ch. II, art. 11-1.
(65) "If a beneficiary who, in violation of the provisions of this Act, has not subscribed to this Insurance, he/she shall be subject to a fine of no less than three thousand and no more than fifteen thousand New Taiwan Dollars and shall subscribe to this Insurance retrospectively from the date on which the beneficiary is qualified for insurance. The benefits shall be suspended before the fines and premiums are fully paid." National Health Insurance Act ch. VIII, art. 69-1.
(66) National Health Insurance Act ch. III, art. 27.
(67) National Health Insurance Act ch. VIII, art. 69-1.
(69) See T. L. Chiang, supra note 13.
(70) Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15 at 62.
(71) Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15 at 62.
(72) "The insured and their dependents referred to in items 2 and 3 of subparagraph 1, paragraph 1 of Article 8 pay 30 percent of the premiums, and the group insurance applicants pay 60 percent of them. For the other 10 percent of premium, it is subsidized by the central government if they register in the provincial jurisdiction, or 5 percent subsidized by the central government and another 5 percent subsidized by the municipal government if they register in the municipal jurisdictions." National Health Insurance Act ch. III, art. 27.
(73) "The group insurance applicants shall subscribe to the Insurer for coverage within three days from the date on which the beneficiaries meet the conditions of this Insurance and shall withdraw from the coverage within three days from the date of occurrence of the cause for withdrawal." National Health Insurance Act ch. I, art. 16.
(74) "If a group insurance applicant, which fails to carry out subscription to this Insurance pursuant to Article 16 for the insured or their dependents, it shall be punished with an amount equivalent to two times of the payable premiums in addition to the unpaid premium." National Health Insurance Act ch. VIII, art. 69.
(75) Tsung-Mei Cheng, supra note 15 at 64.
(76) The Ministry of Finance, Tai-Cai-Bao No. 840123987 (1995.3.8.) (Taiwan).
(77) See id.
(78) See generally National Health Insurance Act (1994) (Taiwan), available at http://www. nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=295&WD_ID=295&webdata _id=1865 (last visited Oct. 4, 2012). Even though the Taiwanese government does not forbid NHI members to buy a second health insurance plan (similar to the German health care system), most citizens, especially middle class laborers or low wage earners, cannot afford to buy an additional health insurance due to their limited resources. But under the regulations of the NHI, health care resources are distributed by the NHI, and the individual is compelled to use his or her limited resources to subscribe the NHI or to pay a fine. In this case, the freedom to choose a health care plan is substantially influenced. On the contrary, if an affluent individual or family has the financial ability to buy more than one health insurance plan, the compulsory regulations of the NHI would influence his or her less in terms of his or her freedom to choose health care plans. Thus, the rich individual has relatively more income to support the values embedded in liberty. This issue is related to the worth of liberty rather than liberty per se, thus I will not discuss this issue at length in this paper.
(79) In short, "[t]he principle of universalism is ... rooted in the ... welfare state, in which ... taxes are combined with public provision and a compulsory social insurance system that has allowed ... benefit levels to compensate for income losses at every stage of life." Peter Garpenby, Health Care Reform in Sweden in the 1990s: Local Pluralism Versus National Coordination, 20 J. HEALTH POL. POL'Y & L. 695, 713 (1995).
(80) See, e.g., The Legislative Yuan Gazette: National Health Insurance Act 55, 342, 350, 358, 794, 805-07, 941-45, 951-52, 962 (The Legislative Yuan Secretariat ed., 1994) (Taiwan).
(81) See, e.g., Taiwan Taichung District Court Civil Judgment of (86) Bao Sian Jiang Shan Zhi No. 2 (1997) (Taiwan). In this case, because the plaintiff refused to subscribe to the NHI, the National Health Insurance Bureau in accordance with Article 69-1 of the NHI Act imposed monetary fines on him. Id. The plaintiff then sued the Bureau for a violation of property rights. Id. The Taiwan Taichung District Court held that the NHI regulations, including the individual mandate and the monetary punishment, are justified. Id. In addition, legislators of not only the opposition party (Democratic Progressive Party, DPP) but also the government party (Kuomintang, KMT) also request (separately) the Grand Justices Council to examine the constitutionality of the NHI's individual mandate clauses (Articles 11-1 and 691), in accordance to Article 5, Paragraph 1, Subparagraph 3, of the Constitutional Interpretation Procedure Act ("[t]he grounds on which the petitions for interpretation of the Constitution may be made are as follows: ... [w]hen one-third of the Legislators or more have doubt about the meanings of a constitutional provision governing their functions and duties, or question on the constitutionality of a statute at issue, and have therefore initiated a petition.") Constitutional Interpretation Procedure Act ch. II, art. 5(1) (1993) (China).
(82) Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (Jan. 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=472.
(84) See id.
(85) In addition to improving national health, the social benefits the NHI Act sought to pursue also include controlling administrative costs and enhancing economic efficiency. Id.
(89) The Grand Justice Council further argued that the compulsory mechanism is necessary for the public national health insurance because without such a mechanism public health insurance would be unfairly placed at a "competitive disadvantage." Id.
(90) Taiwan's compulsory health insurance adopts the single-payer system. Peter Hussey & Gerard Anderson, A Comparison of Single- and Multi-Payer Health Insurance Systems and Options for Reform, 66 Health Pol'y 215, 215 (2003). Generally speaking, single payer systems can effectively distribute risks throughout one larger risk pool and offer governments a high degree of control over the total expenditure on health. See infra Part VIII. On the other hand, multi-payer systems would sacrifice this control for a greater ability to meet the diverse preferences of beneficiaries. See infra Part VIII.
(91) See generally Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (Jan. 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01. asp?expno=472.
(92) According to Rawls, basic liberties are a primary social good that every rational person is presumed to want (no matter what he or she may hope or plan to get out of life) because these liberties are the background institutional conditions necessary for the development and the full informed exercise of moral powers (the capacity for a conception of the good and the capacity for a sense of justice). JOHN RAWLS, A THEORY OF JUSTICE 53, 176-80, 266 (2003); JOHN RAWLS, POLITICAL LIBERALISM 310-24 (Columbia University Press ed., 1996). Therefore, it is important to guarantee each person an equal right to the most extensive system of equal basic liberties compatible with a fully adequate system of liberty for all.
(93) WEIYIN CAI, ANALYZING BASIC ELEMENTS OF FINANCIAL STRUCTURE OF NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE FROM THE LEGAL PERSPECTIVE 49, 66-76 (Taibei Xian Tucheng Shi ed., 2008) (Chinese).
(94) For example, according to Rawls, "a basic liberty can be limited or denied only for the sake of one or more other basic liberties, and never for a greater public good understood as a greater net sum of social and economic advantages for a society as a whole." John Rawls, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement 111 (2001).
(95) See generally Saiko Saibansho [Sup. Ct.] Jan. 12, 1958, Hei 12(2) SAIKO SAIBANSHU MINJI HANREISHU [MINSHU] 190 (Japan); see also Yi An Chen, Patient-Physician Relationships Under the National Health Insurance Act 44 (1996) (unpublished LL.M. thesis, Soochow University) (on file with the National Library) (Taiwan).
(96) NIHONKOKU KENPO [KENPO] [CONSTITUTION], art. 19 (Japan).
(97) Yi An Chen, supra note 95.
(98) Yi An Chen, supra note 95.
(99) Yi An Chen, supra note 95.
(100) Yi An Chen, supra note 95.
(101) Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (Jan. 29, 1999) (Taiwan) available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=472.
(103) Id.; see also WEIYIN CAI, supra note 93.
(104) According to the Taiwanese Constitution, the enumerated constitutional rights include: (1) personal freedom (Article 8), (2) freedom of residence and of change of residence (Article 10), (3) freedom of speech, teaching, writing and publication (Article 11), (4) freedom of privacy of correspondence (Article 12), (5) freedom of religious belief (Article 13), (6) freedom of assembly and association (Article 14), (7) right to equal protection (Article 7), (8) right of existence, the right of work, the right of property, (9) right of presenting petitions, lodging complaints, or instituting legal proceedings (Article16), (10) right of election, recall, initiative and referendum.(Article 17), (11) right of taking public examinations and of holding public offices (Article 18), (12) right of receiving citizens' education (Article 21). Minguo Xianfa (1947) (Taiwan).
(105) Chen-Shan Li, The Multiple Dimensions of Non-Enumerated Constitutional Rights: Focusing on the Article 22 of the R. O. C. Constitution, PLURALITY, TOLERANCE, AND THE PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS: FOCUSING ON THE PROTECTION OF NON-ENUMERATED RIGHTS 33-40 (Chen-Shan Li ed., 2005) (Chinese). In addition, according to Article 22, non-enumerated (unnamed) freedoms or rights "that are not detrimental to social order or public welfare shall be guaranteed under the Constitution." MINGUO XIANFA (1947) (Taiwan).
(106) For example, in Shizi No. 399 the Grand Justices Council argued that the right of an individual to select his or her own name is a type of personal right because the name of an individual signifies an aspect of his or her personality. Const. Ct. Interp. No. 399, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 399 (March 22, 1996) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial. gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=399. Therefore, the right to choose one's own name is a physical freedom safeguarded under Article 22 of the Constitution because the name of an individual, which this right intends to protect, signifies an aspect of his or her personality. Id.
(107) For example, in Shizi No. 585 the Grand Justices Council argued that, even though the right of privacy is not enumerated constitutional rights, the right should be regarded as a fundamental right protected under Article 22 of the Constitution because it is a necessary tool for the protection of human dignity, the full development of personality, and the guarantee of an individual's ability to autonomously make his or her own decisions in the private sphere without psychological pressure, which comes from the objections or control of other people. CONST. CT. INTERP. No. 585, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 585 (December 15, 2004) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp7expno =585.
(108) For example, in Shizi No. 242 the Grand Justices Council argued that if a restriction on freedoms or rights would "significantly disrupt the family life and human relations and lead to social disorder," such a restriction would be "in conflict with Article 22 of the Constitution which provides that people's freedoms and rights shall be protected." CONST. CT. INTERP. NO. 242, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 242 (June 23, 1989) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judi cial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=242.
(109) According to John Stuart Mill's harm principle, "the sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number is self-protection." John Stuart Mill, On Liberty 9, 79 (Elizabeth Rapaport ed., 1978). Therefore, the only circumstance under which the state may restrict the liberty and coerce an individual is if such a restriction will prevent harm from befalling persons other than the individual. It is because "when a person is led to violate a distinct and assignable obligation to [others], the case is taken out of the self-regarding class and becomes amenable to moral disapprobation." Nils Holtug, The Harm Principle, 5 Ethical Theory & Moral Practice 357, 357-89 (2002).
(110) The 9th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution also assumes the existence of certain unnamed rights. It argues that "[t]he enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." U.S. Const. amend. IX.
(111) According to Amartya Sen, the inflexible (or fixed) fundamental freedoms index might wrongfully assume that everyone has shared purposes (or common ends), and ignore the fact that individuals vary in their ability to convert fundamental freedoms into what is important to them. Amartya Sen, Inequality Reexamined 80-82 (1992); AMARTYA SEN, CHOICE, WELFARE, AND MEASUREMENT 365-66 (1982).
(112) See generally Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (Jan. 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01 .asp?expno=472.
(113) Id.; Saiko Saibansho [Sup. Ct.] Jan. 12, 1958, Hei 12(2) Saiko Saibanshu Minji Hanreishu [Minshu] 190 (Japan).
(114) See generally Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (Jan. 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp? expno=472.
(115) JOHN RAWLS, JUSTICE AS FAIRNESS: A RESTATEMENT 18-19, 111, 168-70 (2001); Martha Nussbaum, Human Capabilities, Female Human Beings, WOMEN, CULTURE, AND DEVELOPMENT: A STUDY OF HUMAN CAPABILITIES 85-86 (Martha Nussbaum & Jonathan Glover eds., 1995); AMARTYA SEN, ON ETHICS AND ECONOMICS 63-64 (1987); Saiko Saibansho [Sup. Ct.] Jan. 12, 1958, Hei 12(2) SAIKO SAIBANSHU MINJI HANREISHU [MINSHU] 190 (Japan). In other words, fundamental freedoms (or basic liberties) are those freedoms that can protect and fulfill an individual's basic capabilities because these capabilities would consist of many distinct and essential interests in the individual's rational life plan--interests that could not simply be reduced to quantities.
(116) RAWLS, supra note 115, at 113.
(117) RAWLS, supra note 115, at 18-19.
(118) An individual's fundamental interests are consistent with the full exercise of moral powers to develop a conception of the good and a sense of justice because these moral powers are necessary institutional means for individuals to become engaged in social cooperation as a free and equal member of society. Rawls, supra note 115, at 111, 113, 168-70.
(119) Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 55.
(120) This assessment is modified on the basis of the human rights impact assessment for the formulation and evaluation of public health policies, proposed by Lawrence Gostin and Jonathan Mann in 1994. See Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 54-77. I also proposed to apply a similar assessment to evaluate restrictions on the right to health under the international trade regime. See generally Chuan-Feng Wu, Raising the Right to Health Concerns Within the Framework of International Intellectual Property Law, 5 Asian J. WTO & Int'l Health L. & Pol'y 141, 184-95 (2010).
(121) Arguments about whether compulsory health insurance is justified in restricting citizens' property rights would not be considered here. My aim is to resolve the tension between individuals' liberty and public order on the basis of the human rights impact assessment and the priority of basic liberties.
(122) See infra Part VI.
(123) See infra Part VII.
(124) See infra Part V.
(125) See infra Part VIII.
(126) Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 69-70.
(127) Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 70.
(128) Individuals' liberty (or patient autonomy) in the relationship between individuals and health insurers have received more attention over the past 20 years because health insurance and publicly-funded health care programs have become an important part of the social welfare system (e.g., the U.S. Medicaid and U.S. Medicare program, the U.K. National Health Service (NHS), Taiwan's NHI, Germany's Public Contract Model, and Japan's Public Medical Care Insurance System). Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, The REFORM OF HEALTH CARE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SEVEN OECD COUNTRIES 57, 113-15 (1992). For example, the 2005 U.S. Patients' Bill of Rights focuses not only on traditional patients' rights (between the patients and their physicians and hospitals) but also on medical consumers' rights (between patients and health insurers). ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, THE REFORM OF HEALTH CARE S YSTEMS : A COMPARATIVE REVIEW OF SEVENTEEN OECD COUNTRIES 208-09 (1994); Patients' Bill of Rights Act of 2005, H.R. 2259, 109th Cong. (2005).
(129) It appears that American society places more value on pluralism than on universalism, and requires the states to respect free market mechanisms and democracy even in health care issues. Daniels et al., supra note 40, at 4-9; Hoffman, supra note 31, at 45-60.
(130) HOFFMAN, supra note 31.
(131) See, e.g., Kaiser Family Foundation, Cost Sharing for Health Care: France, Germany, and Switzerland (Jan. 2009), http://www.kff.org/insurance/upload/7852.pdf; Anna Dixon, Martin Pfaff & Jean Hermesse, Solidarity and Competition in Social Health Insuance Countries, SOCIAL HEALTH INSURANCE SYSTEMS IN WESTERN EUROPE 179-80 (Richard B. Saltman, Reinhard Busse & Josep Figueras eds., 2004); Jorine Muiser, The New Dutch Health Insurance Scheme: Challenges and Opportunities for Better Performance in Health Financing, WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION (2007), available at http://www.who.int/health_ financing/documents/dp_e_07_3-new_dutch_healthinsurance.pdf; Romke van der Veen, Managed Competition and Managed Care in Dutch Health Care Reform: A Sociological Analysis Of Organisational And Policy Developments In Dutch Health Care (2008), http://www.sps.ed.ac.uk/_data/assets/pdf_file/0017/13553/van_der_veen_2008_organisatio nal_and_policy_developments.pdf.
(132) When exploring the relationship between the power of the classical liberal and the modern social welfare model, Richard Epstein also argues that "one must examine these issues from a comprehensive perspective that understands the profound interaction between public health and private wealth creation." Richard A. Epstein, In Defense of the "Old" Public Health: The Legal Framework for the Regulation of Public Health, 69 BROOK. L. REV. 1421, 1470 (2004).
(133) Minguo Xianfa art. 22 (1946) (Taiwan).
(134) Similar conceptions can be found in John Stuart Mill's harm principle, which asserts that the state cannot restrict behavior (individuals' liberty) when that behavior does not harm others. JOHN STUART MILL, ON LIBERTY 9 (Elizabeth Rapaport ed., 1978).
(135) Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (January 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=472.
(136) For example, in Shizi Nos. 603 and 664, the Taiwanese Grand Justice Council established that the freedom of personality development should be regarded as the core value of the constitutional structure of free democracy, and is an indispensable fundamental right protected under Article 22 of the Constitution for purposes of preserving human dignity, individuality, and moral integrity. Const. Ct. Interp. No. 603, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 603 (September 28, 2005) (Taiwan); Const. Ct. Interp. No. 664, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 664 (July 31, 2009) (Taiwan).
(137) Regina E. Herzlinger, Finding "Truth " About Managed Care, 24 J. HEALTH POL. POL'Y & L. 1077, 1080 (1999).
(138) Amy B. Monahan, Federalism, Federal Regulation, or Free Market? An Examination of Mandated Health Benefit Reform, U. Ill. L. Rev. 1361, 1385 (2007).
(139) According to Robert Nozick, "there is no moral outweighing of one of our lives by others so as to lead to a greater overall social good" and "[t]here is no justified sacrifice of some of us for others." ROBERT NOZICK, ANARCHY, STATE, AND UTOPIA 33 (1974).
(140) The main reason to prompt the individual mandate is to prevent adverse selection because adverse selection, a phenomenon that occurs when high-risk patients select a particular health care plan and cause major financial hardships, would induce premium increases and financial burdens on the poor. See infra Part VI. In other words, by sacrifices some individuals' monetary assets, others would be able to receive more affordable health insurance.
(141) Monahan, supra note 138.
(142) Epstein, supra note 132.
(143) Schloendorff v. Soc'y of N.Y. Hosp., 211 N.Y. 125, 129 (1914) (supporting the claim that patients have the right to make nonconforming medical decisions).
(144) For example, patient autonomy can be directly applied to support informed consent or informed choice, and the right to refuse medical treatment. Marshall B. Kapp, Patient Autonomy in the Age of Consumer-Driven Health Care: Informed Consent and Informed Choice, 28 J. Legal Med. 91, 93 (2007).
(146) Id. at 92.
(148) The Association of American Physicians and Surgeons also recognized patients' freedom to "use their own resources to purchase the care of their choice." Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, Inc., The Principles of Medical Ethics of the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons, ASSOCIATION OF AMERICAN PHYSICIANS AND SURGEONS (Jan. 1991), available at http://www.aapsonline.org/brochures/princip.htm.
(149) Carol S. Weissert, Promise and Perils of State-Based Road to Universal Health Insurance in the U.S., 7 J. HEALTH CARE L. & Pol'y 42, 42 (2004).
(150) Id. at 46-50; Daniel Gottlieb, You can Take this Health Insurance and ... Mandate It? 33 Seton Hall Legis. J. 535, 540-43 (2009); Daniels et al., supra note 40, at 142-144.
(151) Weissert, supra note 149, at 38. PAT ARMSTRONG, HUGH ARMSTRONG & CLAUDIA FEGAN, UNIVERSAL HEALTHCARE: WHAT THE UNITED STATES CAN LEARN FROM THE CANADIAN EXPERIENCE 123 (1998).
(152) Saiko Saibansho [Sup. Ct.] Jan. 12, 1958, Hei 12(2) SAIKO SAIBANSHU MINJI HANREISHU [MINSHU] 190 (Japan).
(153) DANIELS ET AL., supra note 40.
(154) According to Rawls, "[the conception of the good] is an ordered family of final ends and aims which specifies a person's conception of what is of value in human life or, alternatively, of what is regarded as a fully worthwhile life. The elements of such a conception are normally set within, and interpreted by, certain comprehensive religious, philosophical, or moral doctrines in the light of which the various ends and aims are ordered and understood." RAWLS, supra note 94, at 19. Because healthcare decisions are value-laden (on the basis of one's perceived final ends) and are related to the individual's conception of the good, such decisions then reflect individuals' conceptions of the good. RAWLS, supra note 94, at 19.
(155) RAWLS, supra note 94, at 44-45.
(156) For example, some societal subgroups (such as Jehovah's Witnesses) might have distinctive views on health care, and their health care decisions are strongly related to their religious values rather than to their perceived individual physical and mental benefits. See, e.g., Stamford Hosp. v. Vega, 674 A.2d 821 (Conn. 1996) (involving refusal of blood transfusion by Jehovah's Witness); In re Dubreuil, 629 So. 2d 819 (Fla. 1993) (linking the constitutional right of freedom of religion and the right to refuse medical treatment).
(157) Here I treat the fulfillment of health care needs as a valuable good in the life plan. I believe that Rawls would agree with this, because he also argues that the fulfillment of basic human needs could be regarded as goodness. See Rawls, supra note 115, at 141.
(158) Furthermore, in addition to the micro perspective, the macro perspective also verifies that health care decisions are value laden. Because sometimes people make healthcare decisions as members of a group (e.g., as Catholics), healthcare decisions then not only respond to an individual's preference of utility (or function), but also reflect an individual's moral or religious values flowing from his or her general commitments to the group. See generally, Vega, 674 A.2d at 824, 825; In re Dubreuil, 629 So. 2d at 822.
(159) See infra Figure 2.
(160) TOM BEAUCHAMP & JAMES CHILDRESS, PRINCIPLES OF BIOMEDICAL ETHICS 58-61 (2001).
(161) This research focuses mainly on the relationship between the disenrollment freedom and the capacity to conceptualize what is good because such a freedom is irrelevant to the capacity for the sense of justice.
(162) PAUL V. DUTTON, DIFFERENTIAL DIAGNOSES: A COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF HEALTH CARE PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS IN THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE (2007).
(163) The trade unions later changed their opinions after realizing that workers were able to exert influence in managing the sickness funds. Stefan Gress et al., The Social Transformation of American Medicine: A Comparative View from Germany, 29 J. HEALTH POL. POL'Y & L. 679, 686 (2004).
(164) See Kaiser Family Foundation, supra note 131, at 12.
(165) See Dixon et al., supra note 131, at 179.
(166) See Dixon et al., supra note 131, at 179.
(167) Before 2006, in the Netherlands, those with an income above certain amount (e.g., 31,750 [euro] in 2003) are excluded from the social insurance scheme. In other words, The Dutch health care system consisted in two different forms of insurance (two tier scheme): compulsory insurance for those with an income level under a certain level of income and voluntary insurance for those earning more than this ceiling. However, after the Health Care Insurance Act (zorgverzekeringswet) entered into force in 2006, all persons residing in the Netherlands are required by law to be insured under the National Insurance schemes. See Dixon et al., supra note 131, at 179; See Muiser, supra note 131, at 9.
(168) But Romke Van der Veen also argued "these limitations are necessary in order to maintain solidarity in health care insurance and provisions and in order to create cost-control." Romke van der Veen, supra note 131, at 5.
(169) Paul starr then argued that the development of social health presents an extension of obligations as well as freedom because it constitutes an extension to social welfare on liberal principle of civil and political rights. Paul Starr, THE SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN MEDICINE: THE RISE OF A SOVEREIGN PROFESSION AND THE MAKING OF A VAST INDUSTRY 238 (1982).
(170) Id. For example, House Bill 10 of the Virginia Health Care Freedom Act states that, "No law shall restrict a person's natural right and power of contract to secure the blessings of liberty to choose private health care systems or private plans. No law shall interfere with the right of a person or entity to pay for lawful medical services to preserve life or health, nor shall any law impose a penalty, tax, fee, or fine, of any type, to decline or to contract for health care coverage or to participate in any particular health care system or plan, except as required by a court where an individual or entity is a named party in a judicial dispute. Nothing herein shall be construed to expand, limit or otherwise modify any determination of law regarding what constitutes lawful medical services within the Commonwealth." 2010 Va. Acts. H.B. 10.
(171) See Weissert, supra note 149, at 66.
(172) Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 61.
(173) Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 61.
(174) This principle has been generally applied based on First Amendment protections in U.S. Constitution. In Rice v. Paladin Enterprises, Inc., for example, the Fourth Circuit argued that if a publication could be found to have no other use than to facilitate unlawful conduct, the speech creating a significant societal harm is enough to give rise to a compelling governmental interest in proscribing such speech. Rice v. Paladin Enters, Inc., 128 F.3d 233, 247 (4th Cir. 1997).
(175) See Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 61.
(176) See THE LEGISLATIVE YUAN, THE LEGISLATIVE YUAN GAZETTE: NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE Act 11.1 (The Legislative Yuan Secretariat ed., 1994) (Taiwan).
(177) Taiwan's Grand Justice Council argued that the constitutional purposes of the NHI are providing mutual social support, advancing risk-sharing, and promoting public interests. Const. Ct. Interp. No. 472, The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, Shizi (Judicial Yuan Interpretation) No. 472 (January 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/constitutionalcourt/EN/p03_01.asp?expno=472.
(178) THE LEGISLATIVE YUAN GAZETTE: NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE ACT 2 (The Legislative Yuan Secretariat ed., 1994).
(179) See generally The Legislative Yuan Gazette: National Health Insurance Act 11.1 (The Legislative Yuan Secretariat ed., 1994) (mandating the types of groups who must enroll in healthcare).
(181) Daniels also argued that health care institutions must provide appropriate, effective services to everyone in order to protect equality of opportunity. Norman Daniels et al., Fairness and National Health Care Reform, Health Care Reform: Ethics and Politics 245 (Timothy H. Engstrom & Wade L. Robison eds., 2006). In other words, excluding certain groups from coverage and leaving significant gaps in insurance coverage would violate the basic principle of the universal coverage.
(182) See, e.g., ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, THE REFORM OF HEALTH CARE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SEVEN OECD COUNTRIES (1993); ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, THE REFORM OF HEALTH CARE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SEVENTEEN OECD COUNTRIES (1994).
(183) For example, before 1995 about 57% of the population in Taiwan was insured through three separate programs. Likwang Chen et al., The Effects of Taiwan's National Health Insurance on Access and Health Status of the Elderly, 16(3) Health Econ. 223, 223-24 (2007). By the end of 1995, when the NHI was launched, 97% of the population had enrolled in the NHI, and the coverage rate has reached almost 99% in 1997 and has remained at that level ever since. Id. In Netherlands, even though the population coverage (the proportion of the population that is financially protected by a certain health financing scheme) before health care reform in 2006 was already practically universal, the new model still attempts to achieve true universal coverage by requiring all citizens to register for an insurance fund at the sanction of a fine worth 130% of the premium. Muiser, supra note 131, at 14.
(184) AVIVA RON ET AL., HEALTH INSURANCE IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES: SOCIAL SECURITY APPROACH 25 (1990); Muiser, supra note 131, at 16.
(185) PAT ARMSTRONG ET AL, UNIVERSAL HEALTHCARE: WHAT THE UNITED STATES CAN LEARN FROM THE CANADIAN EXPERIENCE 62 (1998); Muiser, supra note 131, at 16; ShouHsia Cheng, The Effect of Universal Health Insurance on Health Care Utilization in Taiwan, 278(2) JAMA 89, 89 (1997).
(186) RICHARD ROGNEHAUGH, THE MANAGED HEALTH CARE DICTIONARY 7 (1998).
(187) Mario Loyola, Anti-Obamacare Brief, Explained, NATIONAL REVIEW ONLINE (Jan. 6, 2012), http://www.nationalreview.com/corner/287435/anti-obamacare-brief-explained-mario-loyola.
(189) R. L. Archer, Adverse Selection in the Health Care Financing System, 79(6) BESTS REV. LIFE HEALTH. INSUR. ED. 10 (1978); K. DRUMMER, CONTROLLING ADVERSE SELECTION, 2(1) HEALTH COST MANAGE 1 (1985).
(190) Citizens might not want to buy any health insurance or might choose to join private health insurance with a lower premium (but with less medical coverage) when they are healthy. But, citizens who are seriously sick, or at an advanced age when they would more like face serious illnesses, would be more willing to join social health insurance because private insurance would charge extremely high premiums due to their conditions or advanced age.
(191) See Gottlieb, supra note 150, at 543. Gottlieb also argues that in the U.S. the proposals for health care reform are insufficient to reach the goal of universal coverage because they fail to prevent adverse selection. Gottlieb, supra note 150, at 543.
(192) See Gottlieb, supra note 150, at 546.
(193) See Daniels et al., supra note 181, at 246.
(194) It must be noted that adverse selection is not limited to patients or purchasers because "insurers can also engage in adverse selection by marketing insurance to individuals less likely to need medical services than average or by excluding high risk individuals and groups." Marc A. Rodwin, The Metamorphosis of Managed Care: Implications for Health Reform Internationally, 38 J.L. Med. & Ethics 352, 654 n.13 (2010).
(195) James Cardon & Mark Showalter, Insurance Choice and Tax-Preferred Health Savings Accounts, 26(2) J. HEALTH ECON. 373, 389 (2007).
(196) See Daniels et al., supra note 181, at 246; Richard A. Garcia, Equity for All? Potential Impact of the Mental Health Parity andAddiction Act of 2008, 31 J. Legal Med. 137, 149 (2010).
(197) See Loyola, supra note 187.
(198) GI-RUI XIE, HEALTH ECONOMICS 221 (1996).
(200) See Loyola, supra note 187.
(201) See GI-RUI XIE, supra note 198.
(202) See GI-RUI XIE, supra note 198.
(203) Charles Tiefer & Heather Akehurst-Krause, Risky Business: Medicare's Vulnerability to Selection Games of Managed Care Providers, 28 U. Balt. L. Rev. 319, 325-26 (1999).
(204) In United States, the "least restrictive means test" reflects the spirit of this principle. The court in Lake v. Cameron held that mentally ill patients should not be subject to deprivations of liberty beyond what is necessary to protect them, and that the court should be authorized to consider and evaluate the alternatives to hospitalization of patients with mental illness because "alternative courses of treatment or care should be fashioned as the interests of the person and of the public required" in each particular case. Lake v. Cameron, 364 F.2d 657, 660 (D.C. Cir. 1966).
(205) See infra Parts VII & VIII. Regarding the objectives of compulsory health insurance, there are other alternatives that can achieve the same objectives. For example, the state can offer incentives such as reducing employment taxes or providing financial subsidies to encourage, instead of force, the young and the healthy to enroll in the public health insurance. But these alternatives not only influence other basic liberties (such as property rights) but also fail to efficiently achieve the policy purposes as the compulsory health insurance scheme does, because citizens with lower disease risks still have a great chance to refuse to enroll in public health care programs.
(206) ZHI-LIANG YANG, HEALTH INSURANCE 11 (1996); MU-XING KE, SOCIAL INSURANCE 6061 (1994); gao-giao xie, the social impacts of national health insurance 147-52 (1990).
(207) MARK PAULY ET AL., RESPONSIBLE NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE 3-4 (1992).
(208) PAUL FELDSTEIN, HEALTH POLICY ISSUES: AN ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE 267-70 (3d ed. 2003).
(209) ZHI-LIANG YANG, HEALTH INSURANCE 11-13 (1996); GI-RUI XIE, HEALTH ECONOMICS 222-23 (1996).
(210) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 14.
(211) Martina Grunow & Robert Nuscheler, Public and Private Health Insurance in Germany: The Ignored Risk Selection Problem 2-3 (Institute for Economics, Universitaet Augsburg, Discussion Paper No. 312, 2010), available at http://www.wiwi.uniaugsburg.de/vwl/institut/paper/312.pdf. For example, in Germany, due to risk selection between public and private branches of health care financing, private patients are able to escape income redistribution so that health care financing does not follow the ability-to-pay principle. See Muiser, supra note 131, at 9; In Netherlands, the two-tier system (mandatory and voluntary health insurance) before 2006 also sustained a level of inequity "due to differences in the benefit packages of the mandatory and voluntary scheme." Id.
(212) See Gottlieb, supra note 150, at 545.
(213) Judith D de Jong, Atie van den Brink-Muinen & Peter Groenewegen, The Dutch Health Insurance Reform: Switching Between Insurers, a Comparison Between the General Population and the Chronically Ill and Disabled, 8 BMC Health Servs. Research 58, 59 (2008).
(214) ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, THE REFORM OF HEALTH CARE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SEVEN OECD COUNTRIES 57-72 (1992).
(215) See id. The insured includes (a) the employees whose monthly salary is lower than certain amount, (b) the workers or members who belong to the occupational groups or unions, and (3) the beneficiaries of the annuity. Id.
(216) See Kaiser Family Foundation, supra note 131, at 12.
(217) See Dixon et al., supra note 131, at 179-80.
(218) See Dixon et al., supra note 131, at 179-80.
(219) For example, David Moss believed that the country's salvation lay in creating a system of protection for wage earners--a security state. DAVID MOSS, SOCIALIZING SECURITY: PROGRESSIVE-ERA ECONOMISTS AND THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN SOCIAL POLICY 4-6 (1996). The American Association for Labor Legislation (AALL) also argued that the state should provide proper health care programs (in labor legislation) to protect workers from the worst excesses of industrial capitalism. Id.; Hoffman, supra note 31.
(220) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 14.
(221) See ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, supra note 214, at 58.
(222) ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, supra note 214, at 58; see infra Figure 3.
(223) Markus Schneider, Structure and Experience of German Opt-Out System of Statutory Health Insurance (GKV) 9 (World Bank Human Development Sector Unit, Working Paper, 2003), available at http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTRUSSIANFEDERATION/ Resources/German_Opt-Out_eng.pdf; George France, The Form and Context of Federalism: Meanings for Health Care Financing, 33 J. Health Pol. Pol'y 649, 652 (2008).
(224) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 14.
(225) See ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, supra note 214, at 87-101.
(226) JI-CYONG LUO, NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE 227-314 (2006).
(227) See Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, supra note 214, at 89-90. This scheme pays mainly for long-term care in nursing homes, in psychiatric institutions and in general hospitals when the duration of stay exceeds 365 days.
(228) See ORGANISATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, supra note 214, at 89-90. This is a compulsory health insurance administrated by numerous independent and non-profit insurance funds.
(229) JOAN C. LO, NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE: EXPERIENCES OF JAPAN, GERMAN, FRANCE AND NETHERLANDS 235 (2006).
(230) See id.
(231) See id. In 2003, 5% of the population was buying private health insurance.
(232) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 14. The Dutch social health plan includes both public health insurance and private health insurance, which has the same medical coverage with public health insurance.
(233) See Lo, supra note 229, at 234-35.
(234) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 14.
(235) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 10-11.
(236) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 14.
(237) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 9; Pauline Vaillancourt Rosenau et al., An Experiment with Regulated Competition and Individual Mandates for Universal Health Care: The New Dutch Health Insurance System, 33 J. HEALTH POL. POL'Y & L. 1031, 1033 (2008).
(238) The National Health Insurance Statistics, 2008, Bureau of Nat'l Health Ins. (August 1, 2008), http://www.nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=296& webdata_id=3109.
(239) See Dixon et al., supra note 131.
(240) See Lo, supra note 229, at 234-35.
(241) See Muiser, supra note 131, at 14.
(242) United States courts also emphasize that societal harm manifests itself in its assessment of the magnitude of governmental interest; thus, the greater the harm, the stronger the interest. See Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398 (1963) (citing Braunfeld v. Brown, 366 U.S. 599, 607 (1961)) For example, the U.S. Supreme Court in Sherbert held that "if [the] purpose or effect of a law is to impede observance of one or all religions or is to discriminate invidiously between religions, that law is constitutionally invalid even though the burden may be characterized as being only indirect." Id. at 404. In another case the Supreme Court noted that "[w]hen clear and present danger of riot, disorder, interference with traffic upon the public streets, or other immediate threat to public safety, peace, or order, appears, the power of the State to prevent or punish is obvious." Cantwell v. State of Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 308 (1940).
(243) For example, according to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the limitations of human rights must be "determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society." Universal Declaration of Human Rights art 29, [paragraph] 2, G.A. Res. 217 (III) A, U.N. Doc. A/RES/217(III) (Dec. 10, 1948).
(244) In order to make an individual determination of a proper trade-off relationship, Gostin and Mann propose to apply the "significant risk standard" in the human rights impact assessment for public health policies, which permits coercive measures only to avert likely harm (a significant risk) to the health or safety of the society. Gostin & Mann, supra note 45, at 75
(245) MINGUO XIANFA art. 23, (1946) (Taiwan), available at http://www.taiwandocuments. org/constitution01.htm#C003.
(246) Rawls also proposed two fundamental cases, which are connected with capacities for the conception of the good and the sense of justice (moral powers), as a criterion to identify truly essential liberties and to assign them priority. Rawls, supra note 94, at 45, 112-13.
(247) RAWLS, supra note 94, at 18-19, 196; Rawls, Liberalism, supra note 92, at 19, 81, 108.
(248) RAWLS, supra note 94, at 18-19.
(249) RAWLS, supra note 94, at 111, 169-70.
(250) RAWLS, supra note 94, at 168-69.
(251) John Rawls, The Basic Liberties and Their Priority, The Tanner Lectures on Human Values 46 (April 10, 1981), available at http://tannerlectures.utah.edu/lectures/ documents/ rawls82.pdf. Rawls admitted that there are two different and conflicting criteria to determine the basic liberties in a theory of justice. Rawls, supra note 94, at 112. One is to specify those liberties so as to achieve the most extensive scheme of the liberties; while another takes up the point of view of the rational representative equal citizen, and then to specify the scheme of liberties in the light of that citizen's rational interests. Rawls, supra note 94, at 112. But the idea of the extent of a basic liberty is useful only in the least important cases, and citizens' rational interests are not sufficiently explained. Rawls, supra note 94, at 112.
(252) See H.L.A. Hart, Rawls on Liberty and its Priority, Reading Rawls: Critical Studies on Rawls' "A Theory of Justice" 233-39 (Norman Daniels ed., 1989).
(253) Rawls, supra note 94, at 111.
(254) Rawls, supra note 94, at 112-13.
(255) The capacity for a conception of the good means the ability to have, to receive, and to rationally pursue a conception of good. Rawls, supra note 94, at 19. And the conception of the good is an ordered family of final ends and aims which specifies a person's conception of what is of value in human life or, alternatively, of what is regarded as a fully worthwhile life. Rawls, supra note 94, at 19.
(256) RAWLS, LIBERALISM, supra note 92, at 311.
(257) RAWLS, LIBERALISM, supra note 92, at 315-16. According to Rawls, it is a great advantage to everyone's conception of the good if the public acknowledges that everyone has an effective sense of justice and can be relied upon as a fully cooperating member of society. Rawls, Liberalism, supra note 92, at 315.
(258) The capacity for a sense of justice means the ability to understand, to apply, and to act based on the principles of political justice that specify the fair terms of social cooperation. Rawls, supra note 94, at 18-19.
(259) RAWLS, LIBERALISM, supra note 92, at 316.
(260) RAWLS, supra note 94, at 113.
(261) RAWLS, LIBERALISM, supra note 92, at 296. According to Rawls, in adjusting basic liberties, "regulation" can be distinguished from "restriction": regulations are those that do not restrict the central application range while restrictions do. Rawls, supra note 94, at 109.
(262) RAWLS, THEORY, supra note at 92, at 216-219. For example, a freedom such as the religious liberty of an intolerant religious sect could be restricted only when the public has sincere reason to believe that the institution of basic liberty (such as liberty of conscience or religious liberty), or the security of such liberty, are in danger. Rawls, Theory, supra note 92, at 217-218. In other words, limiting the freedom of an intolerant sect (banning their intolerant beliefs) is justified, not because of greater social gains but because of the protection of everyone's equal liberties. Rawls, Theory, supra note at 92, at 217-218.
(263) RAWLS, supra note 94, at 104.
(264) See RAWLS, THEORY, supra note 92, at 250; RAWLS, LIBERALISM, supra note 94, at 29499, 310-24; RAWLS, supra note 94, at 104-106.
(265) RAWLS, THEORY, supra note 92, at 250.
(266) RAWLS, THEORY, supra note 92, at 250.
(267) Because I apply Rawls' priority principle to evaluate the restricted liberty in the coercive health care policy, it is necessary to briefly respond to the major objections to Rawls' original theory in 1971. The first objection to the priority of basic liberty, originally voiced by Hart, can be formulated by charging Rawls with an incomplete conception of fundamental liberty or an overblown view of its importance. Hart, supra note 252, at 237-39, 50-51. Second, Hart also argued that Rawls' priority principle is plausible only in simple and less controversial cases, in which basic liberties obviously contribute more than other liberties. Hart, supra note 252, at 238. Third, there is no clear reason why a surrender of liberties, which people may desire purely for a large increase in material welfare (such as economic interests or social benefits), should be forbidden by the priority rule. Hart, supra note 252, at 237. However, Rawls has taken Hart's viewpoint into consideration (as revealed in Rawls' later revised liberty principle) and answered Hart's critics by applying moral powers to evaluate the central application range of basic liberties. According to Rawls, no priority should be assigned to any liberty on the basis of a preeminent value. Rawls, Liberalism, supra note 92, at 29697; Rawls, supra note 94, at 44-45, 111-14. The priority of basic liberties should be debated and established via the analytical perspective, meaning liberties should be considered fundamental when and only when they provide the essential political and social conditions (the central application range) for a free and equal person to fully exercise the basic capacities (moral powers) to form, revise, and pursue the sense of justice and the conception of the good. Rawls, Liberalism, supra note 92, at 296-97. Furthermore, according to this analytical approach, the revised priority principle is able to distinguish marginal from substantial influences on basic liberties. Rawls, supra note 94, at 44-45. In addition, Amartya Sen also argued that it is unreasonable to give "absolute priority" to basic liberties over all the other socio-economic needs. AMARTYA SEN, DEVELOPMENT AS FREEDOM 64 (2000). Rawls basically agreed with Sen's criticism and proposed that the realization of rational deliberators' fundamental interests (protection of moral powers) needs more than the protection of basic liberties. It also necessitates "certain social conditions and a degree of fulfillment of needs and material [benefits]." RAWLS, THEORY, supra note 92, at 132. In other words, when failing to fulfill certain socio-economic needs would obstruct the full establishment of basic liberties, equal liberties can be denied in order to "change the quality of civilization so that in due course everyone can enjoy these freedoms." ROBERT S. TAYLOR, RESTRUCTURING RAWLS: THE KANTIAN FOUNDATIONS OF JUSTICE AS FAIRNESS 168 (2011).
(268) RAWLS, LIBERALISM, supra note 92, at 295-96.
(269) RAWLS, THEORY, supra note 92, at 232, 239. In other words, society needs to evaluate justifications for restricting liberty by exploring whether the less extensive freedom is or is not sufficiently outweighed by the greater security and extent of other liberties.
(270) Rawls proposed that the priority of the basic liberty principle is more effective than the principle of average utility in guaranteeing equal basic liberties in meeting three essential requirements for a stable constitutional regime. Rawls, supra note 94, at 115. The first requirement, given the fact of pluralism, is to fix the basic liberties and to assign them a special priority. Rawls, supra note 94, at 115. The fulfillment of such a requirement would put the political agenda beyond the calculus of social interests, thus securing clearly and firmly the terms of social cooperation on a footing of mutual respect. Rawls, supra note 94, at 115. The second requirement is that its political conception should specify not only shared but if possible, a clear basis of public reason, and one that can publicly be seen to be sufficiently reliable in its own terms. Rawls, supra note 94, at 116. The priority principle (and the liberty principle) would satisfy this requirement by providing independent and precedent status of the basic liberties in the theory of justice.
(271) Rawls, Theory, supra note 92, at 217.
(272) Hart, supra note 252, at 250.
(273) Id. at 250-51.
(274) See generally James W. Nickel, Rethinking Rawls's Theory of Liberty and Rights, 69 Chi.-Kent L Rev. 763, 772-779 (1993).
(275) See supra Part VII(D).
(276) For example, compare the following two cases: (1) Government A requires all citizens to enroll in a national health insurance (a compulsory health care program) that covers only certain services designed by health care authorities (a universal standardized medical coverage); and (2) Government B also requires all citizens to enroll in a national health insurance, but allows citizens to negotiate with health insurers and choose between different medical coverage. It is obvious that the human rights burden on the disenrollment freedom in the first case is much greater than in the second case. I will discuss more about the difference between these two cases in this section and the sections following.
(277) See supra Part I.
(278) Cheng, supra note 15, at 67.
(279) Tai-Cai-Bao-Zi No. 840123987 (The Ministry of Finance, March 8, 1995)(Taiwan).
(280) In addition, by forbidding private health insurance companies from providing similar health insurance coverage, the Taiwanese government further strengthens its bargaining power in the health insurance business, which it basically monopolizes.
(281) See National Health Insurance Act ch. VI-VII, art. 56-67 (1994) (Taiwan), available at http://www.nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=295&WD_ID=29 5&webdata_id=1865 (last visited Oct. 24, 2012).
(282) Here, I put the discussions about financial ability and/or tax compensation aside, and assume that the patient can afford both radiology therapy and palliative care.
(283) Cheng, supra note 15, at 67.
(284) National Health Insurance Act ch. VIII, art. 70-71 (1994) (Taiwan), available at http:// www.nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=295&WD_ID=295&we bdata_id=1865 (last visited Oct. 24, 2012).
(285) The Taiwanese Ministry of Finance argued that this regulation is necessary for maintaining the NHI's competitive advantages. And the Taiwanese Department of Health recognized maintaining the NHI's competitive advantages is a justified policy objective, which I do not agree with. The Ministry of Finance, Tai-Cai-Bao No. 840123987 (1995.3.8.) (Taiwan).
(287) For example, Spece argued that he has not been able to "find reports of any nation that prohibits both the purchase of "private" or "supplement" insurance and direct purchase of such care." Roy G. Spece, A Fundamental Constitutional Right of the Monied to "Buy Out Of Universal Health Care Program Restrictions Versus the Moral Claim of Everyone Else to Decent Health Care: An Unremitting Paradox of Health Care Reform? 3 J. Health & Biomed. L. 1, 37 (2007). Furthermore, some governments even expand private health insurance to substitute for publicly financed coverage (e.g., the statutory health insurance) where groups of people are allowed to opt out of it and purchase private coverage instead. SARAH THOMPSON ET AL., FINANCING HEALTH CARE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: CHALLENGES AND POLICY RESPONSES 57-58 (2009); SEE ALSO ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT, THE REFORM OF HEALTH CARE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SEVEN OECD COUNTRIES 122 (1993). For example, the British government has tried to introduce the concept of the free market to the National Health Service (NHS), and to move away from the centralized (integrated) model towards a contract model for health care services (i.e., there was to be a separation of the purchasing and provision of hospitals services, mediated by contracts--that is, district health authorities would become purchasers of hospital services while public hospitals would be freed from the control of district health authorities and would be allowed to become "self-governing"). Id.
(288) BUREAU OF NAT'L HEALTH INS., supra note 14, at 25; COUNCIL FOR ECONOMIC PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT, THE REPORT ON THE PLANNING OF NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE 103 (1990).
(289) "Each traditional Chinese medicine clinic (TCM clinic), outpatient department of TCM hospitals and TCM outpatient department of hospitals may provide the following services: (1) Diagnosis; (2) Concentrated TCM preparations; (3) Therapeutic materials; (4) Common TCM treatment, acupuncture therapy as well as fracture and wound treatment." Regulations for NHI Medical Care art. 25.1, Bureau of Nat'l Health Ins., available at http://www.nhi.gov.tw/ English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=295&WD_ID=295&webdata_id=2430 (last updated Sept. 14, 2011).
(290) National Health Insurance Act ch. IV, art. 39 (1994) (Taiwan), available at http://www. nhi.gov.tw/English/webdata/webdata.aspx?menu=11&menu_id=295&WD_ID=295&webdata _id=1865 (last visited Oct. 24, 2012). "Expenses arising from the following service items are not covered in this Insurance: (1) Medical service items on which the expenses shall be borne by the government according to other laws or regulations; (2) Immunization and other medical services on which the expenses shall be borne by the government; (3) Treatment of drug addiction, cosmetic surgery, non-post-traumatic orthodontic treatment, preventative surgery, artificial reproduction, and sex conversion surgery; (4) Over-the-counter drugs and nonprescription drugs which should be used under the guidance of a physician; (5) Services provided by specially designated doctors, specially registered nurses and senior registered nurses; (6) Blood, except for blood transfusion necessary for emergent injury or illness according to the diagnosis by the doctor ; (7) Human-subject clinical trials; (8) Hospital day care, except for psychiatric care; (9) Food other than those which are to be tube feeding and balance billing for wards; (10) Transportation, registration fee, and certificate for the patient; (11) Dentures, artificial eyes, spectacles, hearing aids, wheelchairs, canes, and other treatment equipment not required for positive therapy; (12) other treatments and drugs promulgated by the Competent Authority not to be covered." Id.
(291) See Hussey & Anderson, supra note 90.
(292) On the one hand, to avoid resistance from the currently insured, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act does not seek to supplant or supersede the private or public programs already in place. Tumulty et al., supra note 3. On the other hand, the Act also requires the government to develop uniform coverage documents so consumers (small businesses and individuals) can make apples-apples comparisons when shopping for health insurance and choosing form a selection of insurance policies. In other words, the new Act leaves a lot of room for variations. Tumulty et al., supra note 3. For example, according to Glenn Cohen, the U.S. health care reform's individual mandate somewhat restricts individual liberty, but it "continues to leave open as discretion as to plan choice (constrained by the mandates minimum benefit requirements)." Glenn Cohen, Protecting Patients With Passports: Medical Tourism and the Patient-Protective Argument, 95 Iowa L. Rev. 1467, 1550 (2010). Troy J. Oechsner & Magda Schaler-Haynes also argued that, the individual mandate merely requires individuals to maintain minimum essential coverage. Oechsner & Schaler-Haynes, supra note 57 at 280-81. As long as the minimum benefits requirements are met, consumers can compare competing health plan benefits and purchase their preferred plan. Id.
(293) See Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Pub. L. 111-148, 124 Stat. 119 (2010) section 5000A(a).
(294) See supra Part VIII(A).
(295) BUREAU OF NAT'L HEALTH INS., supra note 14, at 17.
(296) LAURA MORLOCK ET AL., NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE IN TAIWAN: ANALYSIS OF INITIAL EFFECTS FROM AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE 2 (1997).
(297) DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH, OVERVIEW OF THE NATIONAL HEALTH INSURANCE REFORM 17-18 (2004).
(302) Shou-Hsia Cheng & Tung-Liang Chiang, The Effect of Universal Health Insurance on Health Care Utilization in Taiwan, 278(2) JAMA 89, 89 (1997).
(303) BUREAU OF NAT'L HEALTH INS., supra note 14, at 27.
(304) MORLOCK ET AL., supra note 296, at 4.
(305) See supra Part IV.
(306) Chih-Liang Yaung, The Eight Myths of Second-Generation NHI, DEPT. OF HEALTH, http://www.nhi.gov.tw/english/News_detail.asp?News_ID=56&menu_id=291 (last visited October 16, 2010). Chih-Liang Yaung, Start the Count Down for Second-Generation NHI and Seize the Opportunity to Reform, DEPT. OF HEALTH, http://www.nhi.gov.tw/english/News_ detail.asp ?NewsID=57&menu_id=291 (last visited October 16, 2010).
(307) The Republic of China Constitutional Court (Grand Justices Council) Reporter, J. Y. Interpretation No. 472 (January 29, 1999) (Taiwan), available at http://www.judicial.gov.tw/ constitutionalcourt/EN/ p03_01. asp?expno=472.
(308) See supra Part VIII(A).
(309) See spece, supra note 287, at 89.
* Assistant Research Professor, Institutum Iurisprudentiae, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan. J.S.D., U.C. Berkeley School of Law, Berkeley, U.S.A. The author can be reached at email@example.com. See Academia Sinica, Research Professors, Institutum Jurisprudentiae, http://www.iias.sinica.edu.tw/cht/index.php?code=list&ids=78&eng=1 (last visited Sept. 26, 2012).
Table 1. Formula for Setting Health Insurance Premiums (202) [R.sub.A] = [beta][R.sub.H] + (1-[beta])[R.sub.L] [R.sub.A]: average disease risk [R.sub.H]: high disease risk [R.sub.L]: low disease risk ([R.sub.H] > [R.sub.A] > [R.sub.L]) [beta]: percentage of people with high disease risk in population Figure 3. Germany's Participation Rates in Health Care Plans (1993) Uninsured: 0.13% Other health insurances: 2.37% Private health insurance (voluntary): 9.00% Public health insurance (voluntary): 15.00% Public health insurance (compulsory): 73.50% (% of total population) Note: table made from pie chart.
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|Title Annotation:||V. Step 1: Examine Human Rights Burdens of the Compulsory NHI C. Moral Powers through IV. Conclusion, with footnotes, p. 76-102|
|Publication:||Journal of Law and Health|
|Date:||Mar 22, 2013|
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