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Black panther Palestine.


Throughout the 1970s Arab (Mizrahi) Jews built a social movement within Israel to confront their racial exclusion from the promises of Israeli citizenship. The movement crystalized in the formation of the Israeli Black Panther Party, a group that formed solidarity with the U.S. Black Panther Party as well as with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). In this essay I examine the history of the Israeli Black Panthers and identify the global conjunctures that enabled the movement. Of particular focus is the solidarity formed between the U.S. Black freedom movement and the PLO's "global offensive." In addition to describing the linked movements of the Black Panthers and the PLO, I consider what this example of internationalism reveals about the possibilities of Diasporic Jewish identities and politics.

KEYWORDS: Mizrahi Jews, Israel/Palestine, Black Panthers, internationalism, diaspora


The [U.S.] Black Panther Party fit Mizrahim just like Zionism fit America.


On March 3, 1971, ten young Moroccan Jews organized a public protest in Jerusalem against substandard living conditions in their neighborhood. In their appeal to the Israeli state the Mizrahi activists outlined their concerns and grievances over joblessness, housing discrimination, and political inequality:
   We, a group of screwed-up youths, address all those who have had
   Enough with no work.
   Enough sleeping ten in a room.
   Enough looking at the projects constructed for the olim.
   Enough taking jail and brutality every other day.
   Enough with government broken promises.
   We've had enough disenfranchisement.
   We've had enough discrimination. (1)

The Mizrahi concerns came only four years following the June 1967 Six-Day War in which Israel occupied the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan Heights, and the Sinai Peninsula. But the context for understanding Mizrahi protest in Israeli in the 1970s extend beyond the regional politics of the Israeli occupation; the protesters saw themselves as part of a global social movement that included a wide range of anticolonial and anti-imperialist Third World protest movements. The global anti-imperialist movements shaping the Third World became a powerful example for disaffected Mizrahi activists in Israel to name their concerns and to translate their particular status within Israel into a global language being articulated within Black internationalist, anticapitalist, anti-imperialist politics.

One especially generative site of comparison and analysis for the Mizrahi youth movement was the U.S. Black freedom struggle. Indeed, the political unrest within urban Black communities in the United States that characterized the second half of the 1960s had global reverberations that shook Mizrahi activists in Israel. This explains why the Mizrahi youth signed their first political flier "Mousrara-Harlem"; they sought to draw material and ideological connections between the homeland of Black politics in the United States and the spaces where Arab Jews in Israel lived (Mousrara was a Moroccan Jewish neighborhood of Jerusalem). The Black radical struggle against racial inequality, police violence, and state violence resonated with the Mizrahi activists, who were then contemplating the formation of a civil rights movement in Israel through which to demand equality as Israeli citizens. The Mizrahi activists' political horizons would eventually expand beyond a national civil rights movement demanding equal rights and citizenship into a radical political project linking the racialization of Arab Jews within Israel to the military occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and the racialization of Palestinians with Israel. As Kohavi Shemesh, one of the founders of the Mizrahi movement that would become the Israeli Black Panthers, remembers: "We agreed that the problems of the Mizrahim and of the Arabs are intertwined. There will be no equality and no chance for the Mizrahim as long as there's an occupation and a national struggle, and on the other hand, the national struggle will not be over so long as the Mizrahim are at the bottom of the ladder, and are practically an anti-Arab level." (2)

The Mizrahi activists built a social movement among Arab Jewish citizens of Israel which they named the Israeli Black Panthers in an effort to form solidarity with the U.S. Black Panther movement as well as to frame their exclusion from Israeli society in terms of the U.S. Panthers' understanding of racial capitalism and anti-imperialism. The Israeli Panthers' analysis of Israeli society read class conflict through race; they referred to the Ashkenazi Israeli rich as "kings" and the poor Arab Jews as "slaves": "Suppose you are a menial Black laborer, native of Iraq, Yemen, or Morocco, and a father of many children. One can guess, more or less, your history. Upon arrival in Israel--you were dumped in a transit camp. You were paid exploitation wages, and worse: the fruit of your labor were eaten by them--site managers, factory owners, the bosses." (3) Over time, the Israeli Panthers' analysis of race and class led them to embrace Third World liberation politics, which included a critique of imperialism and Israeli occupation of Palestine. The Israeli Panthers realigned their belongings away from an exclusive Jewish identity and toward a pan-Arab or event diasporic Black identity. The Panthers were therefore ahead of the Israeli left in seeing the occupation of Palestine as part of the race and class system of Israel. Arab Jews had been recruited to Israel to replace indigenous laborers and they were frequently housed on the frontiers of the Israeli state. Drawing on the analysis of imperialism and racial capitalism articulated by the U.S. Black Panther Party, the Israeli Panthers linked their antiracist struggle in Israel to the decolonial politics of the Palestine Liberation Organization at a time when the Palestinian movement's "global offensive" increasingly came into contact with movements for Black liberation. (4) The U.S. Black Panthers' embrace of the PLO and the Mizrahi activists' identification with the Black Panther Party encouraged a radical realignment of identities and identifications that today constitute what Ella Shohat has termed a "taboo memory." (5)

In this essay I'm interested in describing the conditions of possibility that enabled Mizrahi activists to see themselves as political partners and kin to the U.S. Black Panther Party and to the PLO. Drawing on my analysis of Black identification with the question of Palestine in Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, I describe the transit of liberation movements between Israel/Palestine and the United States in an effort to document a largely forgotten political imaginary that challenges the normative politics of Israel/Palestine as well as of the Black radical tradition. In particular I focus on the solidarity formed between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the U.S. Black Panther party and then on the ways that Mizrahi activists who formed the Israeli Panthers engaged the politics of what I will call Black Panther Palestine. (6) In addition to identifying the radical and global solidarity movement that formed around the Black Panthers, I am also interested here in what the Israeli Black Panthers reveal about the possibilities for alternative imaginaries of political realities in Israel/Palestine. The story of the Israeli Black Panthers contest Zionist interpretations Israel/Palestine by undermining the now frequent association of criticism of Israeli treatment of Palestinians to anti-Semitism. In the final section of the article, I think through the implications of the Israeli Black Panthers in the context of Judith Butler's analysis of binationalism in Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism. Where Butler looks to a Jewish ethical tradition in order to recuperate a now lost sense of binationalism among Jewish intellectuals, in my reading of the Israeli Black Panthers I see a tradition of internationalism through which to challenge narrow Jewish exclusivity while reimaging Jewish belonging to an Arab polity.


In order to understand the affinities uniting the U.S. and Israeli Black Panther parties, it is important to understand the transformation in the U.S. Black freedom movement that led many Black radical leaders to begin to dis-identify with Israel and to identify with Palestinians, especially after 1967. Like much of the U.S. Left prior to 1967, leaders of the Black freedom movement like W. E. B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, A. Philip Randolph, and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. identified with the Jewish Zionist movement. (7) Yet in the wake of the June 1967 Six-Day War, the question of Palestine became a charged political matter within the U.S. Black freedom struggle; it was a topic that threatened to challenge political coalitions within the United States (especially between Jews and Blacks) as well as a topic that split the Black freedom movement along ideological lines. (8) The Palestine question revealed the fissures between a mainstream civil rights agenda that focused on winning full inclusion within the legal and geopolitical boundaries of the U.S. nation-state and a younger generation of anti-imperialist, Black-nationalist activists, who sought political solidarity beyond the nation. Moreover, the latter group had been influenced by the internationalist vision developed by groups like the Nation of Islam, which had, with the help of Malcolm X, linked the Middle East and Black America in its conception of an "Afro-Asiatic race." Malcolm X's historic 1964 trip to Mecca and Egypt, which signaled his break with the Nation of Islam, importantly linked the politics of pan-Arabism and pan-Africanism. (9)

By 1967, therefore, the Black freedom movement included many, and often contradictory, radical impulses. The NAACP and the Urban League viewed full inclusion and equality within the United States as the appropriate horizon of Black demands. For this group, Israel was a model of liberal multiculturalism that represented the possibilities for a liberal nation to address the problem of racial minorities. At the same time, the Black freedom movement included a younger, radical component that saw the nation/state (in the United States and in Israel) as an instrument of imperialism and racial capitalism. For this group, the revolutionary struggle for Palestinian decolonization--and not the "liberal" inclusiveness of Israel--was most influential in shaping views of Palestine.

The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), under the leadership of Stokely Carmichael, was the first civil rights organization to articulate a break from the mainstream Black freedom movement on the question of Palestine. In its June-July 1967 SNCC Newsletter the organization ran a two-page centerpiece article in which it sought to educate readers on the Middle East conflict, paying particular focus on the role of U.S. imperialism in shaping Israeli aggression. (10) "Third World Round-up: The Palestine Problem: Test Your Knowledge," featured thirty-two points that SNCC felt provided context to the 1967 war. SNCC sought to link Israeli aggression in Palestine to U.S. support for imperial projects globally. In addition, SNCC argued that early financial supporters of the Zionist movement had been complicit in extracting African raw materials at the expense of African sovereignty. SNCC asked readers whether they knew:
   That the US Government has constantly supported Israel and Zionism
   by sending military and financial aid to this illegal state ever
   since it was forced upon the Arabs in 1948?

   That the Zionist terror gangs (Haganah, Irgun, and Stern gangs)
   deliberately slaughtered and mutilated women, children and men,
   thereby causing the unarmed Arabs to panic, flee and leave their
   homes in the hands of the Zionist-Israeli forces?

   That the famous European Jews, the Rothschild's, who have long
   controlled the wealth of many European nations, were involved in
   the original conspiracy with the British to create the 'State of
   Israel' and are still among Israel's chief supporters? That the
   Rothschilds also control much of Africa's mineral wealth? (italics
   in original) (11)

SNCC's anti-Israel article contained provocative photographs that challenged the normative pro-Israeli understanding in the U.S. media. It featured images of early Zionist terrorist groups, of Arab bodies killed by Israel in 1956, and a picture of a hand with a Star of David and a U.S. dollar sign on it, holding a hangman's rope around the necks of Gamal Abdul Nasser, late president of Egypt, and Muhammad Ali, former Black heavyweight boxing champion. (12)

The Six-Day War and the SNCC article reverberated throughout the Black freedom movement. In response to SNCC's actions, Martin Luther King Jr. signed a paid advertisement in the New York Times in June 1967 that called on President Johnson to honor American commitments to ensure Israel's security. (13) Furthermore, in the wake of a "New Politics Convention" in Chicago, in which a group of activists collected signatures for a resolution condemning Israel aggression in the West Bank and Gaza, Dr. King published a rebuttal in the New York Times. In this letter, sent to Morris Abram, president of the American Jewish Committee, King noted that his "SCLC has repeatedly stated that the Middle East problem embodies the related questions of security and development. Israel's right to exist as a state in security is incontestable." (14)

Members of the A. Philip Randolph Institute, including Randolph himself, responding to the increasing number of pro-Palestinian statements by Black intellectuals, formed a new organization, Black Americans in Support of Israel, with himself and Bayard Rustin as leaders. BASIC published in the New York Times an "Appeal by Black Americans for United States Support to Israel" signed by multiple Black notables. (15) The advertisement described Israel as "the most democratic country in the Middle East," and called on the United States to guarantee Israel's security.

Roy Wilkins, executive director of the NAACP and a signatory to BASIC's New York Times advertisement, criticized SNCC for its anti-Israel position. (16) At the biennial conference of the Jewish Labor Committee, Wilkins compared the alleged anti-Semitism of SNCC to that of George Lincoln Rockwell, the leader of the American Nazi Party. (17) Wilkins published his strongest support for Israel in the Philadelphia Afro-American in the immediate aftermath of the Six-Day War. Wilkins argued, "Peace with justice and honour will come only with the recognition of the fact of Israel as a nation," and that Israel was a "bastion of democracy" that had "made a land to bloom." (18)

Despite the harsh rebuke SNCC received from mainstream civil rights organizations, in the wake of its outspoken criticism of Israel a growing number of African Americans began to publicly criticize Israel and, more importantly, to begin to see in Palestinians' anticolonial political activism a shared project of anti-imperialism. This politics was shaped by a global political struggle against imperialism and racial capitalism that linked Palestinian resistance to struggles over Black freedom in the United States, and this--far more than a "falling out" with American Jews--explains the shift. In this way, Palestine became an important geography in the making of a Third World international movement and no U.S.-based group was more directly responsible for creating a global liberationist politics linking Palestine and urban Black America, and in developing an ideological position on Third World solidarity, than the Black Panther Party. (19)


Although much has been written about the global dimensions of the Panthers' political imaginary, surprisingly little has been written about how the question of Palestine served as a generative location for the Panthers' political philosophy of intercommunalism. (20) And yet, throughout the relatively brief history of the Black Panther movement the question of Palestine and solidarity with the Palestine Liberation Organization were prominent features of the Black Panthers' official newspaper, The Black Panther, and helped the Panthers to articulate a global political imaginary in which Blackness and Arabness could be easily translated.

The Panthers' political philosophy was most clearly articulated in the Black Panther Intercommunal News Agency, from 1968 to 1980 the newspaper distributed the political philosophy of the Panthers globally, while also bringing the global struggle against imperialism to its U.S. readers. The Black Panther knit together a global map of communities struggling under racial capitalism and imperialism, including Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Angola, Chile, Puerto Rico, South Africa, Cuba, Namibia, Eritria, and Palestine. Most important for our purposes, The Black Panther was one of the most reliable sources of news in the United States on the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, with regular stories on expanding Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank and new forms of occupation. But most critically, the newspaper was also a venue for Al-Fatah and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) to publish editorials about their struggle for U.S. audiences. Indeed PLO leader Yasser Arafat and PFLP leader George Habash each published editorials in The Black Panther. (21)

The Panthers' view of the Israel/Palestine conflict evolved from 1968 to 1980 from one of strong anti-Zionism and support for the PLO to a more nuanced analysis that included criticism of Arab nationalism and its racial exclusions. This transformation occurred as a result of changing dynamics in the Arab world as well as through the education Panther leaders received while traveling throughout the Middle East in 1980. Because the political philosophy of intercommunalism relied on developing a cartography that linked disparate communities, the Panther view of Israeli colonialism was that it was the same as U.S. imperialism, if not a direct extension of the U.S. empire. In this view, Palestinians and U.S. Blacks contended with the same enemies: U.S.-inspired imperial violence and racial capitalism. Thus, as they wrote about Israel, they transported much of their domestic analysis of state violence--which referred to violent police and white racists as "pigs"--to the Palestinian struggle. "The Israeli Government," The Black Panther published in November 1968, "is an imperialist, expansionist power in Palestine. The government is at fault, not all Jews. There are many non-Jews who support what Israel is doing. Pig Johnson is one of them. The term, Israel, is like saying racist United States, and it has the same policy as the U.S. Government has in the Middle East." (22) The Black Panther was clearest about the links between U.S. empire and state violence and Israeli state violence when it published its article, "Palestine Guerillas Vs. Israeli Pigs" which translated its language of urban Black struggle and state sponsored violence--characterized by "pigs"--in the United States into a global analysis state violence that implicated Israel. (23)

As early as the second volume of The Black Panther, the question of Palestine became a touchstone around which the Panthers theorized the work of global Black revolutionary politics. The newspaper implored readers to critically examine claims that Palestinian guerillas were terrorists, drawing an analogy to the many Black radical activists who had been imprisoned in the United States for political reasons. For example, The Black Panther argued that Palestinian guerillas, often imprisoned in Israeli jails, were no different than Black Panthers like Huey Newton, who were similarly framed as violent and dangerous, as well as imprisoned. According to the editorial, "No Arab can claim that a PALESTINIAN GUERRILLA, or ONE simple [sic] ACCUSED of BEING ONE, who is caught by the RACIST ISRAELIS can get a fair trail in THEIR COURTS. And let us keep in mind the GREAT SIMILARITY between the conditions under which the BLACK PEOPLE live in the United States and those under which the PALESTINIAN ARABS live in Israel." (24) The Panthers developed three related claims about the question of Palestine. First, they argued that Zionism was an extension of U.S. imperialism and racial capitalism. Hence acts of Israeli colonialism were, for the Panthers, extension of U.S. imperialism, since Israel was an extension of the United States. Second, the Panthers argued that Israeli diplomatic support for South Africa demonstrated that Israel was supporting apartheid and, by extension, that Zionism was a racist discourse. And finally, the group argued that the PLO was struggling against the same imperial powers as Black radicals in the United States and therefore the BPP and the PLO could be united in an intercommunal horizon of revolutionary nationalism.

The Panthers' analysis of Zionism emerged most clearly in discussions surrounding the 1975 adoption by the United Nations Social, Humanitarian, and Cultural Committee of a resolution--ultimately blocked by the United States in the General Assembly--linking Zionism to racism. (25) The Black Panther covered the proceedings of the UN's deliberations and it featured editorials in support of the linkage of Zionism to racism. For example, in November 1975, the paper published an editorial by Farouk Kaddoumi, head of the PLO's political department, in support of "Palestinian Independence and Sovereignty." Kaddoumi argued that Zionism was a philosophy that assumed the racial superiority and manifest destiny of Jews over all others, and in this way was a racial discourse that presumed Jewish racial superiority. (26)

The Panthers expanded Kaddoumi's argument, by claiming that Zionism was a European discourse of imperialism, and not an organic movement of national liberation among European Jews. The merits of this argument are not the primary concern of my analysis here; rather, what interests me are the ways that the Panthers' approached the question of Palestine through the optic of anti-imperialism, with a particularly sharp focus on the role of U.S. empire in affecting the plight of Palestinians and the actions of Zionists. Hence, the Panther analysis frequently transported an analysis of U.S. domestic race relations to the question of Palestine in order to construct a useful analog, which could then serve their politics of revolutionary intercommunalism. It was important to the Panthers that the question of Palestine be framed not as a Jewish/Arab conflict, but as a question of imperialism and racial capitalism. Hence the Panthers would go so far as to argue that Zionism was bad for Jews, as well as Arabs, because it encouraged them to embrace a false consciousness in which they allied with Western imperialism over deeper, and more humane, intercommunal bonds with working-class Palestinian Arabs.

The Panthers' analysis of the question of Palestine was shaped by the material and ideological connections forged in the crucible of pan-Arab and pan-African politics, especially as they developed in Egypt throughout the second half of the 1960s. A formative moment in the making of post-1968 Afro-Arab political imaginaries was the Afro-Arab summit convened March 7-9,1977, in Cairo. The meeting was a joint project of the Organization of African States and the Arab League, both of which represented nonaligned states. (27) Hosted by Egypt's Anwar Sadat, the meeting was a three-day conference attended by representatives from sixty African and Arab countries. The conference addressed many regional and international themes, foregrounding an anti-imperialist project that linked Zionist policies toward Palestinians and apartheid policies against Black South Africans. The summit presented to the general assembly of the United Nations a series of recommendations, including the need for Afro-Arab states to resist imperialism, in its many forms, throughout their region.
   The African and Arab Heads of State and Government reaffirm the
   need to strengthen their peoples' united front in their struggle
   for national liberation and condemn imperialism, colonialism,
   neo-colonialism, Zionism, apartheid and all other forms of
   discrimination and racial and religious segregation, especially
   under the forms in which they appear in Southern Africa, Palestine
   and the other occupied Arab and African territories. (28)

The summit also drafted "A Statement defining the Palestinian and African liberation movements as 'joint Afro-Arab causes' and called for support to the Arab frontline states in the Middle East and the five frontline states in southern Africa." The Black Panther covered the summit, and published an editorial by Yasser Arafat, who attended the conference as the Palestinian representative, in which he denounced, "the unholy alliance between South Africa, Rhodesia and Israel," and declared to the African delegates, "our struggle is inseparable from your struggle." (29)

Intercommunalism was a multidirectional politics, in that it encouraged the articulation of global solidarity from within as well as without the United States. Thus, Palestinian intellectuals in Fatah and the PFLP capitalized on the Panthers' interest in the Israel/South Africa matrix of relations in order to garner Black American support for the PLO. (30) Palestinian revolutionaries apparently shared the Panthers' analysis of the common bonds linking urban Black communities and Palestinian refugees, frequently submitting articles to The Black Panther newspaper. In 1969, for example, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) published a letter in The Black Panther in which it articulated solidarity with the Black Panther Party. The PFLP viewed the United States as complicit with Israeli occupation of the West Bank because, "The technically advanced USA supplies Israel the modern tools of destruction to be used against us." The PFLP addressed the BPP reader directly, "after getting to know what you aim for and fight for, the PFLP announced that it supports you morally. It is the liberation that we fight for. We are all in the same boat, facing the same ENEMY. LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION AGAINST IMPERIALISM." (31)


But the internationalism that produced political solidarity between Palestinians and Black Americans also had an impact on the political consciousness of Arab Jews in Israel. The Arab-Jews of Israel, in ways similar to African Americans, occupy a complex position as members of an Israeli state project but also as a marginalized and racialized group within Israel. Arab Jews often fall victim to formations of Israeli racial capitalism while they also function as colonizers over indigenous Palestinians. My purpose in this section is not to romanticize Mizrahi Jews as outside of the problem of Israeli settler colonialism; rather it is to understand how the U.S. Black Panther movement, which had been inspired by the Palestinian Liberation Organization, served as a useful analog for Arab Jews in Israel to analyze and resist the conditions of imperialism and racial capitalism in Israel during the first half of the 1970s. Moreover, I intend to show that for a brief moment, the Israeli Panthers articulated the possibility of a radically different political order in Israel/ Palestine, one that privileged intercommunalism over nationalism.

Arab Jews were a majority of the Jewish population in late-nineteenth-century Palestine during the first European Zionist settlement and as such, they negotiated with Ottoman leaders and set policy within Palestine's Jewish community. Yet as early as the 1890s, when European, Ashkenazi Jews began to emigrate to Palestine, previously absent racial distinctions began to emerge, as the Ashkenazi newcomers often arrived with relatively more wealth and the desire to hire non-Ashkenazi labor. Yemenite Jews were recruited to Palestine as early as the 1890s in order to serve as migrant labor for Ashkenazi Jews and this would establish a pattern of racialized labor within Palestinian Jewish communities. According to the Ashkenazi Zionist party, HaPoel HaTzair, importing Yemenite workers to Palestine would be financially beneficial while also enabling Ashkenazi to assume leadership positions requiring greater mental skills. "An Ashkenazi worker would not withstand the menial jobs, and we should put the Yemenites there, whose needs are smaller. I cannot accept that position that we can just call out for Ashkenazi laborers from Russia, simply because our call will not help.... The Mizrahi element can be used a lot, as their material requirements are not too large." (32) From 1908 to 1926, Yemenite Jews were not allowed to own land in Jewish settlements, although they were recruited to Palestine to serve as labor and to bolster Jewish demographics.

Throughout the period of the British mandate in Palestine, the largest share of immigration quotas were granted to European Jews. During this period, Mizrahim Jews were limited to 10 percent of the total population of Jewish immigrants to Palestine. Moreover, non-Ashkenazi Jews were offered second-class social services; Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews were barred from attending Zionist Ashkenazi schools, which were mostly funded by world Jewish organizations. (33)

After Israeli independence, political leaders in Israel and throughout the European Jewish diaspora discussed the need both to recruit Jews from Arab countries--in order to build demographic strength in Israel and as a supply of cheap labor--as well as to de-Arabize Mizrahi and Sephardi Jews who were Orientalized as less-fit for the Jewish project of nation-building. Recruiting Jews from Arab countries, however, was not always an easy sell; in many Arab countries, Jews were content to stay put. The British Jewish Chronicle wrote in 1949, "The Chief Rabbi and Iraqi Jews do not like Zionism, since it has caused difficulties for them. They prefer to stay in Iraq and live under the patronage of Islam and its tolerance. They are attached to their houses and traditions, and to the graves of their prophets in Iraq. They have no desire to leave their country and live in refugee camps in Israel. They believe that people there are not too friendly towards oriental Jews." (34) Lebanese Jews, a small population in 1948, chose to remain in Lebanon until the outbreak of the 1975 Lebanese civil war. (35)

Yet for a variety of reasons that go beyond the scope of this essay, Arab Jews did migrate to Palestine in the wake of the Arab Israeli war; yet they arrived in a new nation/state that defined itself as non-Arab. Hence, newly arriving Arab Jews found themselves entering into a new national context where they were racialized and slotted into a capitalist economy as racialized laborers. The head of the Middle Eastern Jews Department in the Jewish Agency, Yaakov Zrubavel, claimed, "These may not be the Jews whose arrival we desire, but we cannot tell them, 'Don't come.'" (36) Although they were recruited to the Jewish State, the Mizrahi Jews were initially excluded from political power as European Zionists felt that Arab culture was antithetical to the modernist project of Israel. David Ben Gurion, Israels first prime minister, argued,
   Those [Jews] from Morocco had no education. Their customs are those
   of Arabs ... the culture of Morocco I would not like to have here.
   And I don't see what contribution present [Jewish] Persians have to
   make ... we do not want Israelis to become Arabs. We are in duty
   bound to fight against the spirit of the Levant, which corrupts
   individuals and societies, and preserve the authentic Jewish values
   as they crystallized in the [European] Diaspora. (37)

Journalist Arye Gelblum, writing for the Israeli newspaper Haaretz in 1949, characterized the Ashkenazi mainstream attitude about Arab Jews in Israel when he documented his visit to immigrant camps to meet North African Jewish migrants.
   This is a people whose primitivity sets a record, their level of
   education borders on total ignorance, and yet worse is their lack
   of ability to absorb anything spiritual ... they are entirely given
   to the play of savage primitive instincts.... Have we considered
   what would happen to the state if this would be its population? For
   the day will come when the Aliyah of Jews from the Arab countries
   will join them! What character will the state of Israel have and
   what shall be its level with such populations? (38)

In 1951, Zalman Shazar, a member of the Jewish Agency Executive and the future president of Israel, warned about Mizrahi immigration, "It will cost us dearly. This is unfathomable.... An Aliyah has come to us who never knew the taste of a high school, and they are unused to so much education, to so much learning. Will the yishuv in Israel survive without more Europeans and Anglo-Saxons, Jews like us? ... I think this is the current function of Zionism: To bring Jews, not necessarily the Jews of the Orient, into the circle of Aliyah." (39) The Israeli government eventually curtailed Mizrahi immigration in the late 1960s. Beginning in the 1970s immigrant quotas were based on biopolitical concerns about fitness for citizenship and orientalist concerns about the future of the Israeli state as a bastion of western enlightenment. Nahum Goldman, chair of the Jewish Agency Executive, said in the late 1940s that "a Jew from Eastern Europe is worth twice the value of a Jew from Kurdistan ... a hundred thousand Mizrahi Jews should be returned to their countries." (40)

Between 1948 and 1950 during their largest migration, Mizrahi Jews were structurally discriminated against in housing, employment, and education. Mizrahi children were undereducated. Mizrahi families were precluded from prime government housing stock. Ashkenazi communities turned to Mizrahi labor for inexpensive work. During the first three years after the establishment of the state, about half of the 664,000 immigrants to Israel were Mizrahi. Most Mizrahi were sent to the frontier of the state (the upper Galilee and the Negev), where there were fewer job opportunities and greater risk of conflict with dispossessed Arabs. In this way, the Mizrahi were forced to enter into the Israeli national project by serving as literal and symbolic frontiersmen for the expanding state. (41)

One consequence of the June 1967 war was the growth of the security industry in Israel that disproportionately benefited Ashkenazi businesses. Yet the war also led to the ascendance of Mizrahi class and culture consciousness. Economic liberalization during the 1960s disproportionately affected Mizrahi workers, who were dependent on social welfare. About 80 percent of welfare recipients during the 1960s were Mizrahim. (42) German repatriation to victims of the Holocaust boosted the revenue of 20 percent of the Ashkenazi population. The state was only required to educate Mizrahi children until the age of fifteen. In 1970, 55 percent of Mizrahi children received no education. (43)

Within Israel, the Six-Day War was represented as the victory of European modernity over the backward orient. The Mizrahi in Israel were thus precariously positioned as Arab and Israeli and therefore found themselves looking at the Israeli economic boom from the outside. At the same time, Palestinian Arabs in the West Bank and in Gaza constituted a new underclass that marginally elevated the social position of the Mizrahi. Thus the '67 war both illuminated Mizrahi economic exclusion as well as their national inclusion. But most of the Mizrahim who would serve in the Black Panthers had not served in the Israeli military and were not willing to suspend protest in the name of national security and unity.


In 2007, I interviewed one of the founders of the Israeli Black Panthers, Reuven Abergil, an organic intellectual who has been a key figure in the Mizrahi struggle to reconstitute a pan-Arab and Jewish identity. In the late 1960s Abergil was a Moroccan Jewish street kid, a citizen of Israel, whose family had been recruited to the Jewish state in order to bolster Jewish population demographics. Yet he was informally excluded from Israeli society and called "Black." By 1970, Mizrahi Jews were called "Black Jews" and when more recent Eastern European Jewish migrants, many of whom were not Jewish, complained about having to live next to "Black Jews" Mizrahi Jews began to draw alternative maps of their belonging in the world. Although Zionism had been a draw for some Arab Jews, their exclusion from Israeli society led them to reconsider their political affiliations.

Thrown in prison for petty theft, Abergil had a prison conversion after reading a newspaper reporting on the Black Panther Party in the United States. Abergil was taken by the Black Panthers' decolonial politics and articulation of a genealogy uniting the Afro-Asian world. Along with other imprisoned Arab Jews, Abergil was at the forefront of organizing the Israeli Black Panthers. Abergil and the Panthers recognized how Israeli colonialism, a formation similar to that of U.S. settler colonialism in North America, produced racial divisions between "white" European Jews and "Black" Mizrahi Jews, who were recruited in order to replace indigenous Palestinian workers. Abergil knew that Arab Jews comprised 65 percent of the Israeli population and that they had more in common with Palestinian Arabs than with European Jews. Hence he produced a new imaginary of his belonging that linked the Arab Islamic world, North Africa, and the Jewish Diaspora.

Although Israeli prime minister Golda Meir believed that the U.S. Black Panther Party were "anti-Semitic," Abergil understood that the "social structure" facing Blacks in America and "Blacks" in Israel were similar; thus, "we didn't choose the 'red brigade' or 'Che Guavara' as the symbols of our movement," because it was the anti-imperialist and antiracist politics of the U.S. Black Panther Party that most spoke to Abergil's social conditions. Abergil pointed out that Israel "was working like America" with regard to race, in the ways that both nations created a Black caste of underemployed laborers who were pathologized as incapable of national inclusion and who were intended to replace an indigenous class. If the "culture of poverty" thesis shaped dominant American responses to Black inequality, in Israel there was a similar discourse about the Mizrahim as "bad apples," who could not shed the "spirit of the Levant," as David Ben Gurion had referred to Oriental Jews. (44)

Abergil locates the origins of the Black Panther Party in Israel to the years after the 1967 Six-Day War. This was an era in which there was growing protest to the occupation of Palestinian lands, as well as growing public racial discourse about Arab citizens and subjects of Israeli rule. Although there were a growing number of left organizations that criticized the occupation, there were none that spoke to the particular concerns of Israel's own racial underclass; hence Abergil and his colleagues founded the Israeli Black Panthers; "The Black Panther Party [in the United States] fit Mizrahim just like Zionism fit America." Events in Israel in 1967 would converge, for Abergil, with the simmering racial turmoil of 1968 America. Yet despite the seeming analog that the Black Panther Party provided to some Mizrahim, Abergil notes that many of his friends needed to be convinced of racism in Israel. The nationalist discourse of "the in-gathering of world Jewry," assumed that Israel would absorb all Jews regardless of their nationality. Yet just as the universalist logic of the U.S. state included exclusive legal and racial practices, the Israeli state was similarly wary of some of the national origins and racial backgrounds of some Jews, including those from the Arab world. Many Mizrahi, according to Abergil, had accepted their racialization as "a God-given structure" since Israel had been based on a logic of manifest destiny and chosenness. But Abergil explained to his Mizrahi brothers and sisters that while Russian immigrants to Israel were greeted at the airport, Ethiopian and Sephardi Jews are not. Moreover, while Israeli society idolizes Ashkenazi Israeli soldiers, the state "doesn't even look for missing Mizrahi soldiers."

Like the U.S. Panthers, a keen sense of dissonance emerged for the Mizrahi around the issues of national service in the Israeli military. Echoing the famous refusal of Muhammad Ali to fight in the U.S. military in Vietnam, Abergil points out the irony that Mizrahi soldiers are asked to protect kibbutzim (from which they were largely excluded) and to harvest the kibbutz produce (for which they did not share profits) and then asked to join the army against Palestinian Arabs. The contradictions posed by having to defend a nation from which he was excluded revealed the exclusions of Israeli nationalism.

Abergil documented numerous ways that Israeli society had created a binary racial logic in which Blackness and whiteness were mapped onto the Mizrahi/Ashkenazi binary. He argues that Israeli immigration policy, especially the recruitment of Russian Jews, is organized to whiten the Israeli population. Although Israel also recruited Oriental Jews, it was through racist programs like "operation red carpet" that they were brought to Israel. While Israel presented itself as a model of European modernity, "a city on a hill," it also created a racial caste system in order to provide cheap labor for the growing state. As Abergil argues, Israel needed Black Jews to serve as "working hands" who often earned only to percent of Ashkenazi income. Moreover, in order to curtail the size of Oriental Jewish families, argues Abergil, the State dispersed Mizrahi families throughout the country, often in frontier housing that made it difficult for social interactions with other Mizrahi families.

Abergil and the Israeli Black Panthers began to reconfigure their belongings in Israel and to see commonalities not only with Black anticolonialists in the United States, but also with the national liberation struggle of the Palestinians, even though Mizrahi Jews were, to Palestinians in Israel and in the West Bank and Gaza, the oppressor. Moreover, the Israeli state recognized the possibilities of pan-Arab solidarity reuniting Mizrahim with other Arabs. Hence, the Israeli state intentionally positioned Mizrahim in the colonial borderlands, where the Mizrahim would serve in positions of dominance to Arab Palestinians. Moreover, Mizrahim were accorded certain "psychological wages" that made their material conditions better than Palestinians. Abergil notes that many Mizrahim embraced their status in the police, in the military, in the prison guards because, "like all slaves that want to please their masters," these Mizrahim know that their economic and political situations will be worse if they are associated with Palestinians. The psychological and material rewards extended by the Israeli state to Mizrahi Jews, according to Abergil, ultimately drove a wedge between any meaningful solidarity between Arab Jews and Palestinians. Indeed, by the late 1970s a range of global counterinsurgency measures within the United States and Israel transformed the conditions of global solidarity movements.

Reuven Abergil remains politically active and committed to a diasporic politics that refuses to erase Arab belongings. Abergil has provocatively called on Arab states to allow for the return of Arab Jews back to their Arab homelands. In doing so, Abergil seeks to re-orient the "law of return" that grants diasporic Jews Israeli citizenship, and to reconstitute Arab Jews' Arab belongings. Abergil's insistence on Jewish belonging within the Arab world (and not within an exclusively Jewish state) evokes what Ella Shohat has called a "taboo memory"; namely, that Jews were and have been at home in the Arab world:
   If the gates will open in Arab and Muslim countries for the Jews to
   return home, the 40 percent of the Zionist Europeans will lose the
   "demographic security" we provided them, in addition to the "Black
   laborers" who served them, and they will have to learn to act as a
   minority amongst the Arab majority, or return to their own
   homeland, as most of them have a second passport anyways. (45)

Although the social movements that sustained Black Panther Palestine have disappeared, the internationalist and anti-imperialist politics it fostered endure in Abergil's contemporary politics.


My analysis of the Israeli Black Panthers is meant to pose an example of an alternative political geography of Jewishness at a time when criticism of Israel and of Zionism is often considered anti-Semitic. Several scholarly interventions have attempted to unravel the discursive knot that associates criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism. Perhaps the most trenchant of these attempts has been Judith Butlers counter-reading of Jewish ethics and the Jewish obligations of cohabitation with the other. In Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism Butler seeks to undermine political arguments that link criticism of the state of Israel to anti-Semitism, while also demonstrating that there are "Jewish resources" for the critique of state violence, colonialism, and ethnic cleansing that make criticism of Israel "possible," if not "ethically obligatory." Butler's approach is to reclaim one aspect of Jewish ethics rooted in Jewish criticism of nation states, while also showing that there is a non-Jewish political philosophy of exile and diaspora produced by Palestinian intellectuals like Edward Said and Mahmoud Darwish that overlaps with Jewish diasporic politics. In the end, for Butler, diasporic politics requires a binational archive and the translation of seemingly incommensurable political identities and socialities.

If, for Butler, a binational imaginary that works against the exclusionary logic of nation states and political Zionism is possible though reading a forgotten Jewish and non-Jewish archive, in this essay I have been interested in a different route to a similar end as Butler's. Rather than focus on ethical traditions of Jewishness, in this essay I'm interested in the possibilities of internationalism and solidarity for realizing a binationalism rooted to emancipatory and democratic notions of cohabitation. The examples from which I draw are in a political moment of Jewish dis-identification with the Israeli state, when Mizrahi Jewish citizens of Israel forged alliances with internationalists engaged in anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist politics. Focusing on the rise and decline of the Israeli Black Panthers is a way to demonstrate the possibilities of internationalism to pose binationalist possibilities in Israel/Palestine. Hence, I have been interested here in the possibilities of diasporic Jewish identities, but not in and of themselves; instead I'm interested in ways that postnational identities engage with internationalist politics.

What practical lessons accrue from a consideration of the Israeli Black Panthers' internationalism? The Mizrahi struggle for rights and solidarity expand our conception of Jewish diasporic politics and identities by forcing a consideration of the diaspora's southern geographies, including the Arab world in particular. So long as the question of Palestine is understood through the prism of Jewish/Arab animosity, Arab Jews will continue to be erased from consideration and Jewish and Arab identities will continue to be seen as paradoxical. More troubling, perhaps, is that the elision of Arab Jewishness from the political geography of Israel makes it increasingly difficult to imagine political possibilities rooted in Arab-Jewish simultaneity and conviviality. The Israeli Panthers remind us that diaspora can exist in plurality and overlap with other political geographies.

In Parting Ways Butler argues, "Jewishness can and must be understood as an anti-identitarian project insofar as we might even say that being a Jew implies taking up an ethical relation to the non-Jew, and this follows from the diasporic condition of Jewishness where living in a socially plural world under conditions of equality remains an ethical and political ideal." (46) Echoing Buder's insights, in this essay we see that the Israeli Black Panthers came to see themselves in an "ethical relation to the non-Jew" through a radical politics of internationalism. Although the Mizrahi politics of identification with the Black freedom movement and the PLO was nonreligious and secular, it was motivated by a radical politics of translation through which seemingly incommensurate worlds were brought into a shared political horizon.


ALEX LUBIN is Professor and Chair of the American Studies Department at the University of New Mexico. From 2011 to 2013 he served as the Director of the Center for American Studies and Research (CASAR) at the American University of Beirut (AUB). Lubin's scholarship engages global histories of race, the African Diaspora, and America in the world, with a particular focus on U.S./Middle East relations. He is the author of Geographies of Liberation: The Making of the Afro-Arab Political Imaginary (UNC, 2014) and Romance and Rights: The Politics of Interracial Intimacy, 1945-1954.


This essay reframes chapter 4 from Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, by Alex Lubin. Copyright [C] 2014 by the University of North Carolina Press. Used by permission of the publisher, The epigraph quotation from Reuven Abergil is from his interview with the author, October 24, 2007.

(1.) Quoted in Sami Shalom Chetrit, Intra-Jewish Ethnic Conflict in Israel: White Jews, Black Jews (New York: Taylor and Francis, 2009), 100-101.

(2.) Ibid., 121.

(3.) Quoted in ibid., in.

(4.) See Paul Chamberlin, The Global Offensive: The United States, The Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post-Cold War Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012).

(5.) See Ella Shohat, Taboo Memories, Diasporic Voices (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006).

(6.) In the larger chapter from which this essay is drawn I discuss the complexities of the Mizrahi activists' location in a racialized settler colonial project. I don't mean to assume that stateless Palestinians, Israeli citizens, and U.S. citizens enter the realm of Third World liberation struggles on equal footing. Larger geopolitical contexts shape the terrain of the Third World left.

(7.) See Lubin, Geographies of Liberation; Eric Sundquist, Strangers in the Land: Blacks, Jews, Post-Holocaust America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009); Weisbord and Kazarian, Israel in the Black American Perspective (New York: Greenwood Press, 1985).

(8.) There have been numerous books that present the "dissolution" of the Black/Jewish left alliance. These studies often assume Black support for Palestine signifies tension within Black/Jewish alliances; however, as I have argued throughout this book, Black support for Palestine is far more complex than merely a story of Black/Jewish relations in the United States. See, for example, Jonathan Kaufman, Broken Alliance: The Turbulent Times Between Blacks andJews in America, (New York: Touchstone Press, 1995); Cornel West and Michael Lerner, Jews and Blacks: A Dialogue on Race, Religion, and Culture in America (New York: Plume, 1996). A more scholarly approach to the question of Black/ Jewish relations in the United States is Sundquist, Strangers in the Land.

(9.) On the role of the Nation of Islam on Black internationalism see Melani McAlister, "One Black Allah," in Epic Encounters-, Richard Brent Turner, Islam in the African American Experience (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003); Manning Marable and Hisham Aidi, eds., Black Routes to Islam (New York: Palgrave, 2009). Also see Alex Lubin, "Malcolm X's Afro-Arab Political Imaginary," UNC Press Blog, http://

(10.) "Third World Round-up," SNCC Newsletter, June-July 1967, 4-5.

(11.) Ibid.

(12.) See Lewis Young, "American Blacks and the Arab-Israeli Conflict." The Journal of Palestine Studies 2, no. 1. (Autumn 1972): 70-85; Keith Feldman offers a brilliant read of SNCC's newsletter in "Representing Permanent War: Black Powers Palestine," CR: The New Centennial Review 8, no. 2 (Fall 2008): 193-231. On SNCC's politics, see Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); Howard Zinn, SNCC: The New Abolitionists (Boston, MA: South End Press, 2002).

(13.) New York Times, June 4, 1967.

(14.) "Anti-Semitism Held Immoral by Dr. King," New York Times, October 11, 1967, 59.

(15.) New York Times, June 28,1970, 5.

(16.) "Prejudiced Negroes Scored by Wilkins," New York Times, November 1, 1967, 18.

(17.) "Canard of Black Anti-Semitism," Crisis, December 1969.

(18.) Roy Wilkins, "Israel's Time of Trial Also America's," Philadelphia Afro-American, June 24, 1967.

(19.) See, for example, Cynthia Young, Soul Power. Culture, Radicalism and the Making of a U.S. Third World Left (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006).

(20.) Intercommunalism, like internationalism, was a political philosophy that recognized the shared conditions of racial capitalism and possibilities for anti-imperialism among local communities across the world. As a political imaginary, intercommunalism was a spatial politics linking colonial locations globally and fostering a politics of comparison and solidarity. On the global dimensions of the Panthers' politics, see Cynthia Young, Soul Power, Peniel E. Joseph, Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights-Black Power Era (New York: Routledge, 2006); Robin D. G. Kelley, Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination (Boston: Beacon Press, 2003).

(21.) See, for example, "Mounir--A Heroic Palestinian," The Black Panther 2, no. 8 (October 1968); "Palestine Guerillas," The Black Panther 2, no. 9 (October 1968); "Support for Palestine Commandos," The Black Panther 2, no. 11 (November 1968); "Arabs Protest U.N. Partitioning of Palestine," The Black Panther 2, no. 19 (October 1969); "Arab People Determined to Fight Until Victory or Death," The Black Panther 3, no. 4 (October 1969); "Al Fath Speaks," The Black Panther 2, no. 16, 1969; "From Al Fat'h," The Black Panther 3, no. 19 (October 1969); "Al Fateh Statement Towards a Democratic State in Palestine," The Black Panther 5, no. 19 (November 7, 1970); "Revolutionary Sister, Leila Khaled," The Black Panther 5, no. 17 (October 25, 1970); "Al Fath Does Not Intend to Push the Jews into the Sea," The Black Panther 4, no. 16 (March 1970); "Palestine Voices of Rebellion, Yasser Arafat," The Black Panther 4, no. 4 (December 1969); "Paper Presented by the Supporters of The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine," The Black Panther 4, no. 8 (January 1970); "Fifth Anniversary of Fat'h, 1965-1970," The Black Panther 4, no. 10 (February 1970); "Survival Strategies of Arabs in Israel," The Black Panther 14, no. 10 (November 22, 1975); "For Palestinian Independence and Sovereignty," The Black Panther 14, no. 10 (November 22, 1975); "Palestinian Popular Front Leader: 'This Revolution Is Our Revolution,"' The Black Panther 16, no. 4 (December 4, 1976); "Abu Daous: 'I am a Palestinian Revolutionary, Not a Terrorist," The Black Panther 16, no. 11 (January 22, 1977).

(22.) "Mao Condemns U.S.-Israel Link," The Black Panther 2, no. 12 (November 1968).

(23.) "Palestine Guerillas Vs. Israeli Pigs," The Black Panther 2, no. 16 (1969).

(24.) "The Role of the Arab Student in the U.S.," The Black Panther 2, no. 5 (September 7, 1968). Emphases in original.

(25.) On the 1975 UN General Assembly consideration of Zionism as racism, see Sami Hadawi, Bitter Harvest: A Modern History of Palestine (New York: Interlink Books, 1991), 183-86; Michael Schechter, United Nations Global Conferences (New York: Routledge, 2005), 71-72. Keith Feldman has an excellent discussion of these politics in A Shadow Over Palestine: The Imperial Life of Race in America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015).

(26.) Farouk Kaddoumi, "For Palestinian Independence and Sovereignty," The Black Panther 14, no. 10 (November 22, 1975). Also see "Like We Said, Zionism is Racism," The Black Panther 14, no. 6 (October 25, 1975).

(27.) For a discussion of the summit see Tarik Ismail, International Relations of the Contemporary Middle East: A Study in World Politics (Syracuse: SUNY Press, 1986); Khair El-Din Haseeb, The Arabs and Africa (New York: Taylor and Francis, 1985); Michael Curtis, The Middle East Reader (New York: Transaction Books, 1986).

(28.) "Letter dated 15 March 1977 from the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Egypt to the Secretary-General," United Nations General Assembly, A/32/61 17 March 1977, 085256FDB006E4C08.

(29.) "Unity Forged at First Afro-Arab Summit," The Black Panther 16, no. 19 (March 19, 1977)

(30.) For example, "Report on Israeli aid to South Africa," The Black Panther 13, no. 24 (Aug. 4,1975); "1976--The Year of the Youth' features Occupied Palestine, Oakland Community School, Azania (South Africa)," The Black Panther 16, no. 8 (Jan. 1,1977).

(31.) "Arab People Determined to Fight Until Victory of Death," The Black Panther 3, no. 4 (May 1969). Emphasis in original. Also see, "Paper Presented by the Supporters of: The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine," in which the PFLP writes, "The PFLP has always been trying to expose the bourgeois misconception of revolutionary struggle by explaining to the Palestinian masses that their struggle against Zionism is an integral part of the world revolution against imperialism-capitalism, and that it is not an isolated battle against Israel. Thus the revolution cannot be victorious by being 'non-political' or neutral at home or abroad as the bourgeois 'revolutionary' movements are trying to do. The PFLP identifies its struggle with the heroic struggle of the Vietnamese, the Angolans, the Cubans, and Afro-Americans, and the International Revolution," The Black Panther 4, no. 8 (Jan. 1970).

(32.) Quoted in Chetrit, Intra-Jewish Ethnic Conflict in Israel, 28.

(33.) On the material and psychology benefits offered to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants over Mizrahi immigrants see Ella Shohat, "Sephardim in Israel: Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Jewish Victims," Social Text, no. 19-20 (Autumn 1988); 1 The Black Panther, 35; Joseph Massad, "Zionism's Internal Others: Israel and the Oriental Jews," Journal of Palestine Studies 25, no. 4 (Summer 1996): 53-68; Avraham Shama and Mark Iris, Immigration Without Integration: Third World Jews in Israel (Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1977).

(34.) Quoted in Chetrit, Intra-Jewish Ethnic Conflict in Israel,

(35.) See, for example, Kirsten E. Schulze, The Jews of Lebanon: Between Coexistence and Conflict (Sussex: Sussex Academic Press, 2009); Reeva S. Simon et al., The Jews of the Middle East and North Africa in Modern Times (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003).

(36.) Quoted in Chetrit, Intra-Jewish Ethnic Conflict in Israel, 33.

(37.) Quoted in Jeremy Allouche, "The Oriental Communities in Israel, 1948-2003: The Social and Cultural Creation of an Ethnic Political Group," Etudes et travaux, Studies and Working Papers, Graduate Institute of International Studies, University of Geneva, 14710872/Jeremy-Allouche-The-OrientalCommunities-in-Israel-19482003.

(38.) Arye Galblum, Ha'aretz, August 19, 1948.

(39.) Quoted in Chetrit, Intra-Jewish Ethnic Conflict in Israel, 35.

(40.) Quoted in ibid., 36.

(41.) Haim Yacobi discusses how Mizrahim are located within "development towns" within Israel in Constructing a Sense of Place: Architecture and the Zionist Discourse (London: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), 126-29. Also see Daniel Lefkowitz, Words and Stones: The Politics of Language and Identity in Israel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 54-55

(42.) Quoted in Chetrit, Intra-Jewish Ethnic Conflict in Israel, 83.

(43.) Ibid., 46-50.

(44.) Ibid.

(45.) Reuven Abergil, "Sixty Years of the State of Israel, Sixty Year of Exile for Jews from Arab and Muslim Countries," The Alternative Information Center, Jerusalem, May 1, 2008, exile-for-jews-from-arab-and-muslim-countries-.html.

(46.) Judith Butler quoted in Olivia Harrison, "On Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism," Los Angeles Review of Books, December 9, 2012, https://lareviewofbooks. org/review/judith-butler-and-the-cause-of-the-other.
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Title Annotation:Israeli Black Panther Party
Author:Lubin, Alex
Publication:Studies in American Jewish Literature
Article Type:Essay
Geographic Code:7ISRA
Date:Mar 22, 2016
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