Big five personality traits model in electoral behaviour studies.
The foundation of this study is the belief that personality and politics are integral planes that intertwine at the level of various decisions and behaviours. The following considerations are a result of the author's research into psychological, personality structure related, determinants of the electoral behaviour of individuals. Questions about the determinants of voting behaviour are not only posed by psychologists, but also by sociologists, political scientists and historians. However, the approach presented in this article appears to be extremely relevant. First of all, this is because personality features play an intermediate role in moderating electoral behaviour, whilst it is the individual himself, who moderates the influence exerted by the surrounding environment and his voting behaviour. This relationship takes the shape depicted by the formula:
environment [right arrow] personality [right arrow] voting behaviour,
which means that similar influences originating in the voters' environments will lead to different behaviours depending on the individuals' personality structures. As a result, the social characteristics of individuals impact their voting behaviour. However, external influence is moderated by the personal predispositions of the individuals, which significantly neutralises the direct impact of the influencing agent, and raises the importance of the personality factor. Secondly, the study of personality determinants finds important applications in various areas of social process design and analysis. One of its uses can be found in psychographic electoral market segmentation, involving the identification of target voter groups based on variables such as lifestyle or personality. Another application is in the design of electoral messages, which is based on the premise that similar ideas can be in fact presented to the public in a variety of ways: They can be strengthened by positive emotions, presented as challenges, take the form of negative campaign, invoke anxiety or give a sense of security, etc.--their effectiveness should take into account the psychological characteristics of potential voters. During each election campaign much attention is given to the issue of passive or undecided voters. A diagnosis of their personal predispositions in this case is particularly important as this makes it possible to build strategies aimed at activating such voters and encouraging them to take active participation in an election.
The aim of the study was to verify the links between voter personalities and their electoral behaviour. A personality profile model utilising a trait-based definition of personality as per the "Big Five" model was used in the study. The analysis presented in this work refers to the trait theory of personality. Personality is defined here as a set of traits, that on the one hand are the foundation of consistency of behaviour, and on the other--of the individual's identity. These characteristics are formed in the process of integrating genetic and environmental factors. They can be defined as the dimensions of individual differences as regards the tendency to exhibit consistent patterns of thinking, feeling and action (Costa&McCrae, 2005: 40). Their essential role is to maintain consistency, both time-wise and transsituationally--the greater the strength of a particular trait in people, the more likely it is that they shall exhibit a certain behaviour, which a given characteristic predetermines. The traits, individual strengths and inter-relations determine the individual's specific adaptation to the demands of the environment, especially of the social kind (Strelau & Dolihski, 2008:799). One of the fundamental theorems of the traits theory of personality states that there is a direct relationship between actions undertaken by an individual, which are associated with a particular trait, and the said individual possessing this trait (2).
The author analysed the relationship between traits and a specific type of behaviour, namely electoral behaviour, defined on the one hand as participation or lack thereof in the vote, and on the other--as making a particular preferential decision. In democratic systems, voting decisions are one of the most important links in the political process. In addition, voting behaviour itself possesses characteristics that determine its distinctiveness from other behaviours: (a) it is a behaviour which occurs relatively rarely, (b) an ordinary, single individual has little influence on what the subject of choice is, (c) the impact of a single person on the outcome of the election is very small, (d) numerous studies indicate that the level of political knowledge in democratic societies is negligible, (e) the outcome of elections in developed and established democracies of the West has very little impact on the daily life of the ordinary citizen (Korzeniowski, 2002: 237-238). An ordinary, single individual has little influence on what the subject of choice is, the impact of a single person on the outcome of the election is very small.
Electoral activity involves a show of support for a specific entity running in an election by the individual casting a vote in its favour. An important part in the analysis of such behaviour is, first of all, the level of identification with the entity the individual chose to vote for, as it is assumed that stronger identification translates into greater stability of voting behaviour over time. Identification provides the individual with a sense of confirmation of his/her system of values, beliefs and attitudes. Secondly, an important part of the analysis of voting behaviour is political distrust, which is understood as a generalised attitude towards politics, in which entities competing on the electoral market carry out their struggle for domination. Political distrust is one of the key elements involved in an individual's sense of alienation, which is defined by researchers as a feeling of isolation the individual experiences with regard to institutions and organizations, leaders and elites which exercise power (Turska-Kawa 2011A). The offer political entities present to the citizens in the course of an election campaign, the way political promises and objectives various entities pursue are executed between consecutive elections, is too much information for the average citizen to single out and analyse separately in order to develop a personal political choice. In addition, the speed with which information circulates these days often leads to various bits of information merging into one. The difficulty in absorbing the information is first of all caused by its shear multitude, second of all, by the voters' time constraints, and thirdly, by the specific interpretation of the information as presented by the communication channel, through which the information is broadcast. Both party identification, as well as political trust, form a bridge connecting the voter with a particular political entity, and allows the mentioned obstacles to be overcome. They allow the voter to actively participate in making important decisions for the benefit of the state, without paying a significant psychological price, as would be the case if one had to keep track of exactly what was going on in politics, analyse political offers and devote a lot of one's personal time on performing such activities.
It should be noted that the relative persistence and resistance of certain personality traits to change does not mean that one will exhibit stable voting behaviour. The fact that mental dispositions are relatively persistent variables means only that individuals sharing similar characteristics will respond similarly to the same electoral messages, while their similar needs, arising from these dispositions, will implicate a desire to receive certain electoral messages and reject others. For example, individuals with elevated dispositional anxiety levels will give preference to messages providing them with a sense of security. These messages will often begin from the third person plural "we", which gives a sense of belonging to a community and sharing responsibility for action. In turn, those with high levels of responsibility traits will be motivated by the content offering them the opportunity for self-realisation, social activity, action, for the pursuit of objectives, and by messages giving them a sense of individuality. As such, there are no permanent ties with the political entity. However, the level of stability in voting behaviour is determined by the consistency of the content and form of electoral messages targeting potential voters. Therefore, if a message fits the traits characteristic for an individual, then one can expect greater commitment and loyalty on the voter's part. However, if the message requires the voter to activate resources that the individual lacks, a series of defence mechanisms could be triggered, including a decision to refuse to vote altogether (Turska-Kawa, 2013: 51).
In the literature of the subject there have been attempts to verify the links between the characteristics of the five-factor model and voting behaviour. Research on the relationship between conscientiousness and electoral activity has not thus far produced any conclusive results. Some studies confirm that a more conscientious person is more likely to participate in an election (Denny & Doyle, 2008). These are individuals for whom making use of their right to vote is the norm, an internalized civic duty (Mondak, Hibbing, Canache, Seligson&Anderson, 2010). However, other results indicate that individuals with higher levels of conscientiousness are less likely to participate in elections, which--as explained by Alan S. Gerber, Gregory A. Huber, David Doherty, Conor M. Dowling, Costas Panagopoulos (2011)--may be associated with the fact they are less likely to engage in any activity that does not bring them direct instrumental benefits. Research by the same team also found that higher levels of extraversion are more often associated with electoral participation, because such individuals feel the need for stimulation and an election as well as its marketing context could satisfy this need. Researchers agree that openness to experience predestines an individual for electoral activity, which is probably due to the stronger links of this trait with the interest in politics itself, participation in political decision-making at meetings or gatherings and greater knowledge of politics (see for example Mondak & Halperin, 2008, Vecchione & Capar, 2009; Mondak, Hibbing, Canache, Seligson & Anderson, 2010). The German study found that agreeableness predestines an individual to support parties advocating the idea of a welfare state, and thus is negatively correlated with the support of extreme right-wing and conservative parties (Schoen & Schumann, 2007). Higher levels of neuroticism characterize those individuals who during the elections cast their votes more often for parties that provide a sense of security, rather than different types of challenges (ibidem).
Some interesting research has been carried out by Jeffery J. Mondak and Karen D. Halperin (2008). Their thesis stated that greater voting activity is a consequence of a greater availability of political stimuli, which is determined by voter knowledge and his or her interest in current political affairs. Therefore, the stimulus triggering or blocking election activity will be the level of a voter's political knowledge (see Milbrath, 1981). The researchers linked this variable with the personality traits in the five-factor model and it turned out that the intensity of these traits defines the level of a voter's exposure to political stimuli capable of moderating voting activity. Their results showed a greater interest in politics and greater political knowledge among individuals with higher levels of openness to experience. In addition, some evidence also pointed to the fact that the more conciliatory individuals reported less sensitivity to political information. Emotional stability proved to be important in the response of the subjects to political conflict. Lower emotional stability resulted in stronger annoyance and anger at conflict, which should, as the authors noted, co-occur with a smaller interest in politics and weaker determination in searching for information about the conflict itself. Surprisingly enough, persons who were less stable, exhibited higher levels of political knowledge. In turn, people who were more conscientious, often declared a higher interest in political information, which the authors explain is the result of the individuals' dutifulness and compliance with social standards.
Poland's political party scene: political context of the study
The research has been carried out in respect of the Polish political scene, which helped to capture the differences and trends specific to the country. Poland is a country with a strong socially inspired dichotomy between two right-wing parties, which are the main actors during election time. These parties are the Law and Justice Party (LaJ) and the Civic Platform (CP, in power since 2007). Left-wing parties remain largely marginalised. The fact that the Polish right-wing has distinct axioms (the Church, tradition, religion, the nation etc.), which it makes reference to in public discourse, while the left-wing has no such axioms on which a stable loyalty foundation can be built upon, makes the Polish left-right situation specific. In Western political systems, one of the factors amalgamating the voter base on the left side of the political spectrum, is, for example, the etatistic approach of left-wing parties to the economy. These parties, in classical terms, are less market economy oriented and recognize the legitimacy of using market regulating mechanisms (See egz.: Szawiel, 2003; Sokot 2003; Sartori 2005: 300; Godlewski 2008: 43-45). In Poland, this factor is absent, as demonstrated by research conducted by Waldemar Wojtasik (2010: 153-172), which clearly states that voters' attitudes towards the economy do not differentiate their ideological identification.
Taking into account the two major right-wing parties, we can observe that they are significantly different in terms of the social anchors at their disposal, which are capable of garnering public support. The LaJ party arouses strong emotions both within its own electorate and among its opponents. The right-wing attributes it supports (the Church, law, tradition, the nation) are often emphasised in public discourse and the campaign message is based around them. In addition, the party is considered as uncompromising and unconditional, one which stands by its values, features which make it stand out. In turn, CP is much less distinctive, more variable, open to new trends and not attached to any specific values, which could glue the electorate together. The electorate of CP, unlike that of LaJ, is very difficult to characterise, as its political platform makes references to a variety of socially and ideologically diverse groups.
Until 2011, competition on the left side of the political scene was practically non-existent. Left-wing voters consolidated around the Democratic Left Alliance (DLA), whose social image became dominated over time by internal divisions and difficulties arising e.g. from the lack of voter trust. Until 2001, DLA had received better results in each consecutive election. At that time, disintegration and divisions were already taking their toll on the right side of the political scene. It was then that the situation took a new turn. Divisions this time began intensifying on the left side of the political spectrum, while on the right, voters began to consolidate around LaJ and CP. In 2011, Palikot's Movement (PM) appeared and quickly became a phenomenon. The party, a new entity on the political scene, was able to enter the Polish parliament on its own. Its left-wing slogans are mainly socially-oriented (end to teaching religion in school, liberalisation of the abortion law, financing in-vitro from the state budget). Furthermore, the distinctness of this party is based mainly on its opposition to the two main right-wing parties. In this way the party was able to mobilise the electorate which had so far been a passive observer of the political scene, or which always chose to vote for the "lesser of two evils". It is difficult to make a simple determination of the image of left-wing parties in Poland, mainly because of their constant transformations and different behaviours on the political scene over the period of their existence.
The Polish People's Party (PPP) is another party present in the Polish parliament, and one which is not very distinct either. Research by the author (Turska-Kawa, 2012) has shown rather mild voter attitudes towards this party. Its election campaign usually lacks emotional overtone. The party does not raise much enthusiasm, nor does it invoke feelings of hatred. It has its own norms and values system, based largely on its attachment to tradition. However, it neither fights for its values nor does it show any effort in enforcing them on the political scene.
With regard to the Polish political scene, there have been numerous political initiatives appearing over the last several years (Poland Comes First (PCF), United Poland of Zbigniew Ziobro (UP) or the current undertakings of Jarostaw Gowin). These are initiatives that are largely addressed to young people, who are discouraged, and who are losing their interest in politics. These new formations contrast themselves with the already well-established parties. They stress that their intentions are sincere and show a high degree of involvement and activity. These parties do not act aggressively towards other political entities. So far, none of these initiatives have been able to secure a stable position on the Polish political scene.
The research was carried out in a very specific period for the Polish political scene. In the three years preceding the study, the situation was very dynamic. It was marked by elections organised at all levels--European Parliamentary elections (2009), presidential, local government elections (2010) and parliamentary elections (2011). The public was, therefore, an observer and a participant of the long-term rivalry between the same entities. Furthermore, an event which changed the nature of political competition and fuelled the emotions and excitement of the citizens, was without doubt the Smolensk air crash on April 10, 2010, in which 96 people were killed, including the Polish President and his wife, the last President of Poland in exile Ryszard Kaczorowski, the speakers of the Parliament and Senate, a group of parliamentarians, commanders of all divisions of Poland's Armed Forces, staff of the Chancellery of the President, clergy members, representatives of different ministries, war veteran organisations and public associations. Taking into account the processes and events co-existing and initiated by the above, including, for example, a number of political disputes, party divisions, the formation of new political entities, etc., it is true that Polish citizens participated in a long political performance, which in different ways could have exerted an influence on their political identification and electoral behaviour.
Participants and procedure
The study was conducted among residents of Silesia in the period from January to April 2012. The study initially covered a group of 778 people, but after excluding incomplete answer sheets, the final analysis encompassed a sample of 726 (382 women and 344 men). The answer sheets were filled only by individuals of legal age, having the active right to vote (3). The sample was selected using the quota-stratified method. (4) Stratification method covered the complete and disjoint division of the population into urban and rural (468 urban and 158 rural residents), and quota sampling procedure was used as regards sex and age. (Appendix, Table 1A).
Measurement of personality traits
The research tool used was the 240-item NEO-PI-R questionnaire by Paul T. Costa and Robert R. McCrae, diagnosing not only the fundamental personality traits (extraversion, neuroticism, openness to experience, agreeableness and conscientiousness), but also their respective components (E: warmth, gregariousness, assertiveness, activity, excitement seeking, positive emotion; N: anxiety, hostility, depression, self-consciousness, impulsiveness, vulnerability to stress; O: fantasy, aesthetics, feelings, actions, ideas, values; A: trust, straightforwardness, altruism, compliance, modesty, tender-mindedness; C: competence, order, dutifulness, achievement striving, self-discipline, deliberation). The use of a more detailed tool during the study permits the diagnosis of subtle differences in the intensity of specific components.
Measurement of voting behaviour
The research tool consisted of four scales, which measured the voting
behaviour of the respondents. The first one diagnosed the election activity level in the four analysed elections held in the years 2009-2011 (election to the European Parliament (2009), the first round of the presidential election (2010), the election to the Regional Assemblies (2010) and the parliamentary election (the Lower Chamber) (2011). The respondents were also given the possibility of declaring that they did not recall their behaviour in a given election). The second one measured preferential consistency in subsequent elections, measured by the strength of conformity of the political entity which voters cast their vote in favour of in the subsequent elections. The third one diagnosed the level of identification with the entity the individuals voted for in an election. It contained 5 out of the 8 questions used in the studies by Kimberly R. Morrison and Oscar Ybarra (2009) (How similar do you think you are to others supporting the party you voted for, taking into account the existing views and opinions? How important for you is the political party you supported? How satisfied are your with what the party you voted for has done so far? How affiliated do you feel you are with the political party you voted for? How much do you like the party you voted for? Answers: Very much, much, little, very little). The third scale, in turn, measured the level of political distrust. Four Alienation Sense Scale proprietary statements were used in this scale (politics is all about connections; most politicians lie to gain followers and public support; I often feel I have been deceived by politicians; most politicians - regardless of what they say--really care only about their careers and their own needs, answers: strongly agree, agree, disagree, strongly disagree).
Measurement of additional variables
Additional variables were used in the analysis: age, education, financial situation as perceived by the respondent, the response to the statement "I'm interested in politics" (answer: definitely yes, rather yes, it's hard to say, rather not, definitely not) and a declaration of identification on an 11-point left-right scale with the possibility of selecting the answer I cannot specify/I do not know.
In order to single out the groups of voters who share similar voting behaviour, a two-step cluster analysis was used, which is designed to reveal natural groupings in a data set. As a result of the analysis, four groupings were identified on the basis of the scales used (voting activity, preferential consistency, political identification, political distrust) (Figure 1). These clusters covered 696 of the 726 observations, that is 95.8%. The individual clusters consisted of the following number of people: 1--245 (35,2%), 2--180 (25,8%), 3--93 (13,4%), 4--178 (25,6%).
Cluster 1 consists of individuals who present the highest degree of voting activity in the analysed election period and a similarly high level of preferential consistency, which means that these voters are prone to voting for the same political entity in the next election. They also present a high level of identification with the entity they vote for and demonstrate a relatively low level of political distrust. Cluster 2, compared with 1, is characterised by far lower levels of preferential consistency and lower levels of political identification. Cluster 3 presents the lowest level of electoral activity at a relatively high level of political distrust. Cluster 4, on the other hand, consists of individuals with an average level of voting activity and a similar level of preferential consistency, slightly elevated levels of political identification and relatively high levels of political distrust.
The clusters diagnosed present different types of voters, who demonstrate significantly different levels of: voting activity in time, preferential consistency, political identification and political distrust. By conducting an internal analysis of the said clusters, they can be given relevant names and provided with a theoretical background.
The first cluster consists of voters with a high level of preferentially consistent voting activity and strong identification with the entity voted for. These are also individuals with a relatively low level of political distrust, which can be a factor supporting voting activity and political commitment. Individuals belonging to cluster 1 belong to a group largely reflecting the characteristics discovered by the Colombian School. The latter posited that voters rather tend to maintain stable political tendencies and rarely change their political likes and dislikes (Campbell, Converse, Miller & Stokes 1960: 93 et seq.). These voters show a high degree of political loyalty. Albert O. Hirschman (1970, Hirschman & Nelson, 1976) notes that loyalty is a "specific attachment" which in a way unites one with its subject, and even in a situation of the subject's difficulties or its fall, loyalty influences one to remain faithful, offer continuous support and identify oneself with the subject's values, qualities or course of action. While we can articulate our dissatisfaction with the actions performed by the subjects of our loyalty, it does not affect the relationship and closeness we feel towards them. A loyal electorate is therefore important for political parties, as they offer support not only in the event of victory, but also in all other circumstances. The voters belonging to cluster 1 have been termed loyal.
Cluster 2 consists of active individuals, but ones who are characterised by weak political identification and a relatively low level of distrust. The consistency of their voting behaviour is not associated with who they support during an election. Voters in this group lack preferential consistency and vote for different entities in subsequent elections. This is a group consisting of so-called swing voters, who very frequently appear in the literature. Swing voters have come to exist as a result of increasingly weaker party identification (Dalton & Wattenberg, 1993: 193-218), lower political knowledge of the citizens (Lazarsfeld & Berelson, 1944) and weak party loyalty (Dalton & Wattenberg, 2000). This trend implies that there is a widening gap to be filled by a different kind of constituency--those who actively participate in an election but are not firmly affiliated with any party and lack loyalty. Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister (1996: 127-139) call them floating voters, stressing that the campaign efforts should, to a vast extent, concentrate on appealing to this segment, as it is the most likely to be swayed by the campaign content. The type of voters defined above was attributed different characteristics by the researchers: lower political fanaticism (Converse, 1962: 578-599; Zaller, 2003: 109-130), increased susceptibility to the effects of the media (Zukin 1977: 244-254), more limited knowledge about politics (Zaller 2003: 109-130). The results of studies by Steven Chaffee and Sun Y. Choe (1980: 53-69) suggest that undecided voters to a weaker degree differentiate the images of candidates in the elections, exhibit weaker identification with a particular party, and are less educated. Individuals belonging to cluster 2 of the study are defined as volatile.
Cluster 3 consists of individuals who are characterized by the lowest level of voting activity and a relatively high level of political distrust. These are people who systematically decide to dispense with their active right to vote. A high level of political distrust may indicate that these people are largely convinced that politics are a field in which connections rather than competence and effective action play an important role; these voters are more likely to feel deceived by political actors. This is a group, which is given most attention before any election campaign, first of all due to the potential for winning their vote, and secondly, for the sake of legitimising the political system. This group is referred to as passive voters in the study.
Cluster 4 consists of voters exhibiting an average level of voting activity, an average level of preferential consistency in voting behaviour, a similar level of political identification and a relatively high level of political distrust. These voters are individuals who participate in elections without any pattern to their behaviour, presenting varying attitudes to different types of elections, which is reflected in their activity or absenteeism in a given election. Valdimer O. Key (1966: 30 and following) credits unsystematic voters with such traits as: lack of commitment, insufficient information and indifference. These types of voters have been termed unsystematic.
The four clusters highlighted in the analysis are represented by groups of individuals of varying electoral types. The main aim of the study was to determine the personality structure of these groups, but the analysis was expanded to include additional variables in order to verify the differences between the various types. To accomplish this, a Kruskal-Wallis one-way analysis of variance was used, where belonging to a cluster is treated as a grouping variable while age, level of education, financial situation, the declared interest in politics and the declared auto-identification on the left-right scale as dependent variables. All comparisons showed significant statistical differences between the voter type groups.
The loyal type is characterised by a higher age compared with the other groups (U = 22.345, df = 3, p<.001). Passive voters, in contrast to the other types, have lower levels of education (U = 11.337, df = 3, p<.02). This type is also characterised by a worse declared financial situation (U = 18.526, df = 3, p < .002). In turn, the volatile group declares a higher interest in politics (U = 33.315, df = 3, p<.001). Loyal voters express the strongest right-wing affiliation compared to other groups (U = 24.321, df = 3, p<.001), unsystematic voters are, in turn, characterised by a higher level of left-wing affiliation (U = 16.372, df = 3, p<.002), whereas passive voters demonstrate the lowest level of identification (U = 28,675, df = 3, p<. 001) on the left-right scale.
Loyal voters mostly include older people. Loyalty is best confirmed here by stability of identification and support for a particular political entity, which does not change over time and does not fluctuate. At the same time, older people are more likely to show attachment to tradition and authority figures, which can be of significant importance in this respect. Studies have confirmed the analyses by Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister (1996: 127-139), which showed that the number of voters making voting decisions during the election campaign declined with age. Loyal voters position themselves on the right hand of the left-right scale more often than other voter types. As noted above, Poland for many years now has been the scene of an electoral struggle taking place between two opposing right-wing parties: The Civic Platform (CP) and the Law and Justice Party (LaJ). The results obtained thereby indirectly confirm that there is a strong social dichotomy between right-wing parties on the Polish political scene, while left-wing parties remain marginalised.
Passive voters present a lower level of education, which is an important variable here. On the one hand it provides insight in the socio-political reality, provides knowledge about its functioning and an understanding of the mechanisms governing it. Many studies have proven that people with a lower education are characterized by a higher sense of alienation and anomie (Middletown, 1967: 755-758; Roberts & Rokeach, 1956: 355-358; Mizruchi, 1965; Pope & Ferguson, 1982-1983: 51-74; Turska-Kawa, 2011). On the other hand, lower education is associated with lower paid work, which translates into a worse financial situation. This factor fits together with the declared weaker financial standing of the passive voter. A lower quality of life may urge individuals to search for the source of such a state of affairs. Blame is usually placed on the various levels of government as it is the institutions of power that people belonging to this group consider as the main reason for their worse standing. Negative emotions associated with being deprived of important necessities can play an important role in the withdrawal from taking an active part in an election. Passive voters, compared to the other groups, demonstrate the lowest level of identification on the left-right scale. The lack of identification with a political entity, the negation of elections and a perfunctory attitude towards politics all translate coherently into ideological preferences.
Volatile voters represent a type characterised by considerably more interest in politics than the other groups. It is assumed that this interest is a factor which activates such voters during an election campaign, sharpening their senses to political messages, and focussing their attention on political stimuli. Their open-mindedness may be a factor which activates volatile voters in an election campaign. At the same time their higher awareness of campaign messages may influence their decision-making process, which will depend on the various postulates voiced by political actors in different election campaigns, leading them to vary their choices every time.
Unsystematic voters mostly identify themselves as left-wing. This is confirmed by the weak involvement of the left-wing electorate in Poland, which, in spite of its support for certain political entities, is not politically involved enough to mobilize itself during election time. Considering once again the previously mentioned continuing marginalisation of left-wing formations, which the Polish political scene has witnessed for the last several years, one may come to believe that the situation is even more exacerbated by the lack of mobilization of the unsystematic voters in situations requiring greater voter involvement. It should also be noted that there is in fact no party present on the Polish political scene which would be capable of providing a stable anchor for the left-wing electorate. Individuals identifying themselves as left-wing are to do without the ease of choice right-wing supporters have at their disposal, which gives them the freedom to choose between two major parties, namely LaJ and CP.
Further analysis will be focused on the diagnosis of personality traits characteristic for these types and the differences between them. The indicated types of voters vary in terms of three of the main five factors: neuroticism, openness to experience and agreeableness. The remaining factors--extraversion and conscientiousness--do not differentiate the listed voter types (Table 1).
A detailed analysis of the main factors of the Five Factor model revealed internal differences between the groups presenting different types of voting behaviour. The studied types are differentiated by three components of neuroticism --anxiety, aggressive hostility, depression- and three components of openness to experience--actions, ideas, values. In the structure of agreeableness, differentiation in trust and compliance should be stressed. Conscientiousness--despite the fact that this factor does not differentiate the respondents, it possesses nevertheless one differentiating component, namely that of competence. In terms of extraversion, the types of voters surveyed do not vary significantly (Table 2).
To crystallize the distinctive characteristics of different types of voters, only the values of the main factors and their components which significantly differentiate the defined groups were taken into account in the subsequent analysis. For clarity of analysis, values were converted into sten scores (Tables 3, 4).
The performed review of the theoretical considerations and preliminary empirical testing allow for the formulation of the main research question of the present publication, which defines the purpose and direction for further analysis: What is the personality profile of individuals belonging to different voter types?
The use of the personality profile in the applied method directs the research towards a diagnosis of a set of traits, their mutual relations, as well as internal relations between the components of each factor/trait. The proposed approach allows for a more precise characterization of voters and referencing of their personalities to the presented behaviours. The research problem thus formulated has been analysed in several contexts that have been designated by the crystallized types of voters: electoral activity/passivity, political loyalty--understood directly as offering regular support to the same political entity in various elections and systematic electoral participation, defined as taking advantage of the right to vote in all votes in a given electoral cycle.
Analysis of personality factors of loyal voters (Tables 3, 4) indicates that they evidence medium levels of neuroticism, but within its components there is some variation. Respondents representing this type of behaviour have low levels of anxiety and depression, which may be manifested by a lower level of concern towards different issues. These voters do not take risks that can disrupt their sense of stability and predictability. They are less likely to feel a sense of guilt or become dispirited. Loyal voters also present a higher level of motivation, which is associated with a lower tendency to be discouraged. Interestingly, the loyal electorate demonstrates a high level of aggressive hostility, which signifies a strong tendency to experience states such as anger, frustration and bitterness. Given their low level of agreeableness, the author feels that this anger has a tendency to be manifested openly, without being merely limited to internal negative emotions.
Loyal voters are to an average degree open to experience, which suggests that they demonstrate average interest in their surroundings, their own feelings and to experiencing new sensations. In terms of the individual components, not much variance is observed-both as concerns actions, ideas and values.
The agreeableness of loyal voters is low. They are therefore usually rather conflict-seeking or antagonistic, sceptical about the intentions of others. These voters are inclined more towards rivalry than cooperating with others. The above suggests that it is a type is represented by voters who show a tendency to fight for their own interests, which may be an advantage in an electoral battle. As relates to the structure of this factor, it should be stressed that loyal individuals evidence low scores in the area of trust, which may be indicative of their tendency to being cynical and sceptical. This result indicates also that the loyal electorate can harbour conviction that other people are dishonest and dangerous. Compliance among this voter type is at an average level.
A high level of competence, a component of conscientiousness, has been identified among the loyal group. The result suggests that these voters are rather strongly assured of their own skills, reasonableness, prudence and efficiency. High scores indicate good preparation to cope with life.
Based on the compiled results in the personality analysis it appears that identification with a specific set of values which gives direction to the actions of the party and its supporters, gives an individual a certain sense of predictability, consistency and integrity of the external world--thus providing also a sense of security. The tendency to experience feelings of aggression and hostility is probably focused on other groups--rival political parties and groupings, which could potentially reduce the possibility of achieving the courses of action postulated by the preferred party. It should be noted that loyal voters found it easier to overtly show aggression and externalize negative feelings (frustration, feelings of bitterness). This component goes parallel with the conflict-seeking and self-centered nature of this group of the electorate, which can manifest itself in the glorification of their own preferred party and a competitive attitude towards others. Loyal voters are likely to fight for the cause they identify with, which means greater mobilization in situations requiring a clear demonstration of one's support for a party, for example during different types of elections. Loyal individuals are only to an average extent interested in new actions, ideas and values. They also exhibit a medium level of preference for novelty and variation, which is also reflected in their weak tendency to take risks. Consequently, they do not often show acceptance for innovative initiatives within the party, but at the same time lack categorical openness and curiosity with regard to different values or courses of action, which may translate into greater commitment towards the party and increased stability of this electorate. The loyal group also consists of voters, who have a high opinion of their own competence. Their preference for common sense and prudency in action strengthen and increase their commitment towards the party. It also enhances their identification. Given the above, it can be concluded that the group evidencing this type of voting behaviour is the preferred subject of interest of political actors, and as concerns the elections, they are a highly desirable electorate on account of their stability, commitment and mobilization to act for the benefit of their party or candidate.
The volatile group is represented by individuals with an average level of neuroticism, as expressed in each of the components taken into consideration: anxiety, aggressive hostility and depression (Tables 3, 4).
Volatile individuals show a high degree of openness to experience. Therefore, they are clearly interested in both the outside world and the workings of their own mind, which is reflected in their search for all kinds of experiences. The internal structure of the factor's components suggests that openness is particularly evident in these individuals' actions and ideas. The first of the mentioned components implies that the individuals undertake various activities and show a preference for novelty and change, whilst shunning away from what is routine and familiar. Intellectual curiosity, indicated by a high score in the ideas component, is evidenced on the one hand in the form of intellectual interests the individuals pursue solely for themselves, and on the other hand in open-mindedness and willingness to consent to debate on innovative, and sometimes unconventional ideas. Volatile voters to an average degree are open to new values (social, political or religious).
Volatile voters scored high in agreeableness, which means this type is more keen on helping others, and shows kindness and warmth in interpersonal relations. They are inclined to cooperate with others. With regard to the individual components, it can be noted that the volatile electorate is represented by people who tend to restrain their anger, and who have a tendency to forgive and forget. However, they are characterized by an average level of trust in other people.
Also competence, a component of conscientiousness, was found to be average among these voters.
They are, therefore, individuals who are not prone to extreme emotions such as hostility or anxiety, which can translate into their lack of emotional involvement in election campaigns. Greater distance allows them to "float" between the parties competing in the election campaign in a relatively stable way. On the one hand, the lack of emotional attachment creates a free space for cognitive stimuli, while on the other hand, their cool attitude towards the political scene may express itself in a lack of interest in the campaign course, and their voting preferences in this case would be directed by random stimuli (for example, the fact of last-minute viewing of a political ad or a suggestion made by friends). This kind of stimulus can also take the form of a magnetic personality of a politician who in a campaign focuses his or her attention on the volatile electorate. Interestingly, this group of voters is highly receptive to new and innovative actions and ideas, but only to an average extent to new values. Probably it is easier to engage their interest in unconventional and unfamiliar actions or ideas, thus an event of interest to them during the campaign--one that will focus their attention--may subsequently translate into volatile characteristics. Importantly, it does not need to be directly linked to political or other values, as they are not a critical determinant. Higher scores on agreeableness indicate collaborative and submissive relationships with other people, focused on conflict avoidance. It can be assumed that a negative electoral campaign, slandering other candidates, is unlikely to be an attractive stimulus for the volatile voter, whose relationships with people more often rely on kindness, despite not showing an above-average trust in other people.
In analysing the passive voters personality structure (Tables 3, 4) it should be noted that this group exhibits markedly high levels of neuroticism. Individuals in this group have a tendency to experience negative emotions such as sadness, fear, embarrassment, anger, guilt and disgust. These types of feelings hinder emotional adaptation, which results in a tendency to accept irrational ideas and in a weakened ability to cope with stressful situations. High scores were also reported for the studied components of neuroticism. It is suggested that passive voters are fearful, anxious and often worry about everything. These individuals exhibit an increased tendency to feel a sense of hopelessness and loneliness. Passive individuals are also more often discouraged in their activities, and frequently experience feelings of anger and bitterness. The low score for agreeableness among this group suggests that these emotions are externalized and are not kept inside.
The passive group is to an average degree open to experience, but an internal analysis of this factor shows some variance in its components. Passive voters are highly open to action, show average openness to ideas and remain rather closed to values. Therefore, they like new activities, but are rather conservative in their beliefs.
As noted, this group has a low level of agreeableness both in the component of trust and compliance. They therefore tend to be cynical and sceptical, and may view others as unfair and threatening. Passive individuals are more competitive, and do not try to suppress anger when situations of rivalry arise.
Individuals belonging to the passive electorate are to an average degree convinced of their own competence, prudence and efficiency in action, which is reflected in the component of competence.
Passive voters experience much internalized fear and anxiety. These variables were considered by Milton Rokeach as some of the main factors contributing to creating closed cognitive structures (Reykowski, 2002: 132). In his conception of dogmatism, also known as the concept of openness-closedness of mind, the author discussed the phenomenon of so-called cognitive conservatism, expressed in a tendency to preserve the existing structures of knowledge and attitudes. Individuals differ in their level of openness to new information and willingness to revise their beliefs if unconfirmed by reality. Rokeach found that high levels of anxiety predispose individuals to rigidity in once formed opinions and judgments, and to perceiving reality through the filter of only that which is related to the unshakable stereotypes and theories they believe in. It can therefore likely that individuals with a strong tendency to anxiety are less likely to change their opinions and beliefs during the election campaign. Thus the already formed negative attitude toward politics--no matter if spontaneously resulting from the lack of interest in this sphere or from disappointment in its form and content--will be extremely difficult to change. Passive voters tend to express their discontent in an aggressive way, which should be more visible in the group treating Polish politics and its actors with resentment. Passiveness will likely rationalize these individual's attitudes and will further lead to consolidation of their beliefs. Resistance to attitude change will also be strengthened by the conservatism of the passive group, as its representatives are closed to new values, and by their attitude towards others, whom they perceive as dishonest. Passive individuals reject any form of cooperation with others. This personality structure makes passive voters extremely difficult subjects, unmovable in their passivity and by nature resistant to change.
Unsystematic voters show an average level of neuroticism (Tables 3, 4). In the components structure, the average levels of anxiety and aggressive hostility are accompanied by pronounced low levels of depression, which means that unsystematic individuals neither experience guilt nor hopelessness or loneliness that frequently.
Voters in this group are highly open to experience. Such individuals exhibit above-average curiosity both about the outside and their own inner world, which coincides with a tendency to ensure a diverse range of stimuli. Unsystematic voters more intensely experience emotions; they are not closed to new actions, ideas and values. Therefore they find pleasure in new activities, and at the same time are likely to respond well to unconventional ideas. Voters belonging to the unsystematic electorate group do not close themselves to opposing or different social, political or religious values. They have an open mind, and show no rigid adherence to specific positions in the socio-political realm.
Overall, the agreeableness factor received an average score, but the analysed components scored high. These voters present a high tendency in exhibiting trust and are convinced of the honest intentions of others. Their relationships with others are formed on the basis of cooperation and restraint of violent reactions. Unsystematic voters also tend to forgive and forget.
The conscientiousness component also scored high. Consequently, unsystematic voters are firmly convinced of their own capacity to take reasonable, prudent and effective action. Individuals with such results are well prepared to cope with difficult situations.
It should be noted here that the high level of competence is highly correlated with self-esteem, and is also linked to a greater sense of self-efficacy. Self-esteem and positive self-image are formed in the course of development of the structure of "self" as a belief in the autonomous value of oneself, and expectation of confirmation thereof from others and from oneself (Jakubik, 1997: 172). The above belief remains integral to the ability to predict the scope of one's actions. It is especially important when undertaking new activities, as the evaluation of one's own abilities is taken into account when deciding on involvement or withdrawal from the said activity. A slightly elevated level of self-esteem is associated with considerable benefits to the individual: it reduces anxiety and fear, allows a person to formulate ambitious goals, and undertake difficult tasks, as well as to cope with possible failures (Sek, 1991: 139-171; Antonowski, 1995; Jakubik, 1997). The important role of sense of self-efficacy in individual behaviour was stressed by Ralf Schwarzer (1997: 79), according to whom the level of perceived self-efficacy may strengthen or weaken the motivation to act. People with a strong sense of self-efficacy choose to undertake more challenging tasks. They set themselves more ambitious goals and stick to them. When action is taken, they also expend more effort and are more persistent than those with a weak sense of self-efficacy. When faced with obstacles, the former recover faster and continue to show commitment in the pursuit of a given goal. For those voters, a high level of competence is therefore a force motivating them to experiment with new actions, ideas and values and will aid in determining their priorities. On the electoral plane, this may imply variability in both the direction of vote allocation (political preferences), as well as the level of activity (passivity-activity).
In the initial research stage, the author, by means of the cluster analysis, identified four types of people presenting different voting behaviour--loyal, volatile, passive and unsystematic. Generally speaking, the first type are citizens regularly making use of their right to vote, and who cast their vote for the same political party or candidate representing it in every election. The second type also regularly participates in elections, but the support is every time offered to another political grouping. The passive group consists of individuals consistently refusing to participate in elections, while the unsystematic participate in them irregularly.
The main empirical analysis confirmed the main thesis of the article, which states that personality differentiates the voting behaviour of individuals. Using the five factor personality model, the author found it to be an important tool that allowed a definition to be made of the differences between people presenting varying electoral types, which translates their behaviour into specific patterns of electoral activity. Of the five major factors of the personality model used, it was determined that three of them, i.e. neuroticism, openness to experience and agreeableness significantly differentiate the types of voters. A detailed analysis of the main factors of the five factor model revealed internal differences between the components making up each of the factors considered. The studied types were differentiated by three components of neuroticism--anxiety, aggressive hostility, depression- while three components of openness to experience--actions, ideas, values were also found to be significant. In the structure of agreeableness, differentiation in trust and compliance was found to be representative as well. Conscientiousness, as mentioned before, did not differentiate the respondents, however, it does possess one component highly impacting voting behaviour, namely that of competence.
Taking into account the characteristics highlighted above, one has to note that these translate into different mobilization opportunities; the content and form of a mobilizing message would need to vary as well. Personality differences between the various types show different needs that these traits generate--hence the need to formulate different mobilizing messages for each of the selected groups. This finding could, in practice, be used to initiate a series of actions aiming to develop optimized messages mobilizing the electorate (Turska-Kawa & Wojtasik, 2013), which would in turn translate into increased electoral participation.
Loyal voters are a stable electorate and one which is highly desired but only from the point of view of the entity which "stole its heart." The voters are trustworthy, it is possible to predict their choice and they are resistant to messages sent by competing political actors. Furthermore, they are highly mobilized in emergency situations (for example loss of seats in the parliament) and ready to openly, sometimes aggressively, protect "their" party and its core values. Openness to new actions and ideas of the volatile electorate implies that there is a strong chance to reach them with a message expressed in an unconventional and innovative way. Their lower rate of political distrust indicates that it is worth creating such communications for these individuals, as they do not isolate themselves from politics, and the indicators defining this voter type highlight their regular electoral participation, which could be harnessed and directed by the form and content of the campaign communication. Passive voters are a difficult electorate as they are less susceptible to campaign communications. They show a high level of anxiety, which is a supporting mechanism for their passivity. It makes them experience negative emotions more than in other individuals. Their readiness to openly manifest negative emotional states, sometimes in an aggressive manner, and express their dissatisfaction, are a form of rationalizing their passive attitudes and further consolidate the validity of choosing inaction. Passive individuals are closed to new values, they are tied to tradition and authority and remain highly politically distrustful. All these serve as additional mechanisms "immunizing" this group against electoral messages. Both the lack of interest in politics, and strongly felt frustration, anger and resentment are strong barriers to mobilization. The unsystematic group consists of individuals with a high potential for mobilization, which is primarily expressed in the inner conviction about the effectiveness of their own actions and in their high openness to new and innovative actions, ideas and values. An analysis of the factors mobilising the various types raises the question about the real need to mobilise all the electoral groups of voters. Any pre-election period, regardless of the campaign level, initiates a series of discussions on the low turnout of citizens and, hence, as concluded by many commentators, leads to weaker civic engagement, which plays an important role in moderating market and social transformation. Political commentators focus much of their attention on the passive group, as its size invokes discussions on the legitimacy of power and democracy each and every time. The issue revolves around the belief that the lack of participation and representation reflects the non-existence of civil society and lack of loyalty towards the system as a whole (Lipset, 1995: 231). In the literature, however, arguments have been voiced which support an opposite view, namely one which states that low voter turnout indicates that citizens are satisfied with the current shape of politics in their country and the actions of its politicians. Jacek Raciborski (1997: 244) in recalling the position of H. Tingsten and d. Riesman stresses that absenteeism could be an expression of a high degree of consensus in society, of involvement of its citizens in other than political matters, whereas a sudden increase in turnout will reflect the build-up of conflict and will eventually lead to a crisis of democracy. Passivity may also be a specific form of activity, taking the form of a passive act of active protest externalised by a boycott of an electoral event.
One study carried out in Poland however, failed to prove that passiveness is caused by voter satisfaction. Passive voters share a set of internal barriers, which prevent them from receiving an active political message. In addition, as evidenced by the diagnosis carried out, these are individuals who show no interest in politics and who do not have the knowledge required to make a political choice, which would be supported by values, beliefs and attitudes. The high level of neuroticism they demonstrate may intensify their negative emotions such as anger, frustration and resentment. These emotional states form an obstacle reducing the effectiveness of political actions aimed at changing these voters' attitudes. One can assume that their activity will be activated by a strongly negative campaign aimed at deprecating, rather than showing support, to political entities. However, this type of involvement cannot be referred to as conscious participation in the decision- making process, but will rather be a consolidation of the negative attitudes felt towards the political scene. This in turn inclines us to believe that the passivity of these individuals represents a sort of a protective umbrella for democracy against the escalation of votes cast by voters who do not have the required knowledge, informational insight or who do not share the values, which these decisions should be based on. An increase in voter turnout does not necessarily translate into beneficial consequences for democracy, if it is increased turnout, rather than forming the foundations upon which the voter can take an informed decision, is the objective.
Referring to the theoretical considerations and the results of the research presented, it seems that the key factors which stand in the way of reaching voters with a political message is low interest in politics and a lack of open-mindedness. These too determine the level of a voter's activity. The first of these factors determines whether political messages reach the citizen at all. It is decisive in the quality of the decision taken, which is measured by the key elements of the decision, i.e. the level of knowledge and informational insight of the voter. The second factor provides a certain space within which the message can impact the recipient. For example, this process will be disturbed if a voter's passivity is moderated by a permanently negative attitude strengthened by negative emotions (anger, frustration). The electoral campaign may even enhance this type of passivity, which in itself, contains an element of isolation. These two factors show, on the one hand, that designing electoral messages for this group of voters is useless, whilst on the other, they raise questions about the point in mobilising this voter group. Indeed, the essential question is whether turnout should be increased at any price or if actions should be focussed more on the informed individuals, whose voice will be an important contribution to civil society. The answer is obvious only on the surface.
What needs emphasising is the evident danger in ignoring this social group. Firstly, the size of this group will most certainly increase as a result of dwindling interest in politics, negative attitudes and strong negative emotions passed around by family and friends which have the potential of infecting wider circles with a passive attitude. Secondly, there is a risk that these individuals equipped with their psychological ballast will begin initiating populist movements, whose intentions are not necessarily focussed on promoting democracy. Submitting oneself to the leader and entrusting responsibility to a powerful authority may give the individual a sense of security. A feeling of inner weakness may see the individual abandon his or her own independence and submit to an external authority figure in order to gain strength and confidence. Strong neuroticism is an activator in this process. "Safe enslavement" (Fromm, 2008: 8) tames one's feeling of anxiety and removes from the individual the burden of having a free choice and bearing its consequences. Disregarding passive voters can thus lead to catastrophic consequences. Where shall we thus seek to find a solution to the diagnosed issues? Perhaps passive voters could be reached by putting politics aside and involving individuals belonging to this group in actions not associated directly with politics, i.e. actions which are more civically-oriented. Such actions could, for example, involve their immediate environment, i.e. small, informal social groups. The fundamental issue will be to show these groups sense in these types of activities by depicting the connection they have with their needs. Keeping politics on the sidelines in this process will, in turn, prevent aggravation of the voters' negative attitudes. It may be that in the longer term, such an approach will arm passive voters with civic competences, which will engage them in activities that cater to their personal values. A positive goal will serve as an anchor making them less vulnerable to populist slogans.
Table 1A: Socio-demographic structure of the sample in terms of sex, age and residence Age bracket Place of Women Men residence number percentage number percentage 18-24 City 33 11,0 35 13,1 Countryside 11 13,6 10 12,9 25-34 City 57 18,9 57 21,3 Countryside 15 18,5 17 22,1 35-44 City 45 15,0 45 16,9 Countryside 13 16,0 13 16,9 45-54 City 53 17,6 49 18,4 Countryside 14 17,3 14 18,2 55-64 City 53 17,6 45 16,8 Countryside 12 14,8 11 14,3 >65 City 60 19,9 36 13,5 Countryside 16 19,8 12 15,6 Altogether City 301 100,0 267 100,0 Countryside 81 100,0 77 100,0 Source: own research Table 2A: Factor Analysis for the components of the factors NEO-PI-R in the sample 1 2 3 4 5 anxiety ,013 ,016 ,831 ,145 -,061 aggressive hostility -,114 -,616 ,424 -,076 ,098 depression -,137 ,073 ,813 -,008 -,133 self-consciousness -,059 ,238 ,744 ,047 -,200 impulsiveness -,181 -,299 ,293 ,208 ,110 vulnerability to stress -,537 ,045 ,661 -,123 -,084 warmth ,234 ,210 -,022 ,305 ,567 gregariousness ,050 ,095 -,096 ,057 ,843 assertiveness ,204 -,478 -,513 ,088 ,392 activity ,235 -,192 -,199 ,102 ,467 excitement seeking -,111 -,391 -,180 ,125 ,645 positive emotion ,193 ,144 -,110 ,224 ,561 fantasy -,227 -,091 ,032 ,618 ,199 aesthetics ,145 ,193 ,181 ,743 ,065 feelings ,224 ,050 ,188 ,661 ,322 actions ,078 -,004 -,197 ,279 ,203 ideas ,188 ,076 -,144 ,791 ,011 values ,155 ,154 -,114 ,374 -,023 trust ,012 ,725 -,101 ,111 ,195 straightforwardness ,100 ,791 ,174 -,023 -,204 altruism ,262 ,663 ,054 ,223 ,221 compliance -,154 ,761 -,050 ,012 -,100 modesty ,098 ,642 ,217 -,062 -,130 tender-mindedness ,030 ,421 ,213 ,241 ,055 competence ,766 ,043 -,322 ,181 ,078 order ,760 -,023 ,044 -,033 ,015 dutifulness ,798 ,314 ,020 ,097 ,047 achievement striving ,769 -,142 -,065 ,218 ,199 self-discipline ,771 ,112 -,248 ,002 ,088 deliberation ,402 ,193 -,015 -,004 -,265 Note: Principal component analysis employing varimax rotation with Kaiser normalization. Source: own research
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Agnieszka Turska-Kawa (1)
(1) Agnieszka Turska-Kawa (PhD) is a Lecturer at the Political Science and Journalism Institute, University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland. She is the President of the Scientific Initiatives Association, board member of the regional branch of the Polish Political Science Association and head editor of the "Political Preferences" journal. E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org
(2) Despite the obvious nature of this statement, its importance should not be underestimated, as evidenced for example by comparison to the psychoanalytical theory of personality (Cervone&Pervin, 2011: 283-284). According to psychoanalysts, an individual describing her- or him-self as calm, collected and gentle does not necessarily have to possess the trait of gentleness and calmness, and she or he may in fact be anxious, but the anxiety is suppressed. Hence the correlation between the externalized behaviour and its personality foundation may not always be direct and straightforward.
(3) The study subjects filled out only the paper version of the research tool, were informed of the full anonymity in the study, and to stress this they received white envelopes, into which they placed the filled out answer sheets before handing them to the researcher. This aspect of the procedure was deemed crucial--on one hand the research tool concerned the intimate questions regarding one's personality, and on the other--the sphere of electoral behavior, which is publicly protected by the principle of confidentiality; thus also during the conducted study it should be particularly respected.
(4) To calculate the percentage share of each category, the author used data from the [Statistical Yearbook ...].
Table 1: Results of univariate variance analysis ANOVA for main factors of the Big Five model Sum of df squares NEUROTICISM Between the groups 4176,761 3 EXTRAVERSION Between the groups 1145,996 3 OPENNESS TO EXPERIENCE Between the groups 5191,345 3 AGREEABLENESS Between the groups 5066,873 3 CONSCIENTIOUSNESS Between the groups 2945,050 3 Mean F Sig. square NEUROTICISM 1044,190 2,630 ,023 EXTRAVERSION 286,499 0,714 n/s OPENNESS TO EXPERIENCE 1297,836 3,058 ,016 AGREEABLENESS 1266,718 2,985 ,018 CONSCIENTIOUSNESS 736,262 1,722 n/s Source: own research Table 2: Results of univariate variance analysis ANOVA for specific components of main factors of the Big Five model anxiety Between the groups NEUROTICISM aggressive hostility Between the groups depression Between the groups self-consciousness Between the groups impulsiveness Between the groups vulnerability to Between the groups stress warmth Between the groups EXTRAVERSION gregariousness Between the groups assertiveness Between the groups activity Between the groups excitement seeking Between the groups positive emotion Between the groups OPENNESS TO fantasy Between the groups EXPIERIENCE aesthetics Between the groups feelings Between the groups actions Between the groups ideas Between the groups values Between the groups trust Between the groups AGREEABLENESS straightforwardness Between the groups altruism Between the groups compliance Between the groups modesty Between the groups tender-mindedness Between the groups CONSCIENTIOUSNESS competence Between the groups order Between the groups dutifulness Between the groups achievement Between the groups striving self- Between the groups discipline deliberation Between the groups Sum of df. Mean squares square anxiety 255,227 3 63,807 NEUROTICISM aggressive hostility 72,820 3 63,664 depression 488,054 3 122,014 self-consciousness 43,786 3 10,947 impulsiveness 254,656 3 18,205 vulnerability to 140,231 3 35,058 stress warmth 89,715 3 22,429 EXTRAVERSION gregariousness 128,102 3 32,026 assertiveness 148,459 3 37,115 activity 67,350 3 16,837 excitement seeking 237,620 3 59,405 positive emotion 26,439 3 6,610 OPENNESS TO fantasy 217,955 3 54,489 EXPIERIENCE aesthetics 74,939 3 18,735 feelings 34,294 3 8,574 actions 284,519 3 71,130 ideas 335,707 3 83,927 values 359,466 3 89,866 trust 495,217 3 123,804 AGREEABLENESS straightforwardness 159,929 3 39,982 altruism 111,560 3 27,890 compliance 563,748 3 140,937 modesty 359,466 3 19,136 tender-mindedness 68,727 3 17,182 CONSCIENTIOUSNESS competence 407,639 3 101,910 order 91,501 3 22,875 dutifulness 82,897 3 20,724 achievement 118,334 3 29,583 striving self- 78,520 3 19,630 discipline deliberation 50,026 3 12,507 F Sig. anxiety 2,379 ,040 NEUROTICISM aggressive hostility 3,190 ,013 depression 5,289 ,000 self-consciousness 0,528 n/s impulsiveness 1,225 n/s vulnerability to 1,455 n/s stress warmth 0,979 n/s EXTRAVERSION gregariousness 1,215 n/s assertiveness 1,338 n/s activity 0,739 n/s excitement seeking 2,184 n/s positive emotion 0,348 n/s OPENNESS TO fantasy 2,139 n/s EXPIERIENCE aesthetics 0,694 n/s feelings 0,595 n/s actions 3,339 ,010 ideas 3,127 ,014 values 3,091 ,015 trust 5,037 ,001 AGREEABLENESS straightforwardness 1,457 n/s altruism 1,384 n/s compliance 5,314 ,000 modesty 1,136 n/s tender-mindedness 1,343 n/s CONSCIENTIOUSNESS competence 5,870 ,000 order 0,929 n/s dutifulness 0,932 n/s achievement 1,387 n/s striving self- 0,893 n/s discipline deliberation 0,552 n/s Source: own research Table 3: Breakdown of values of main factors of the Five Factor model--sten scores and standard deviations (analysis for significant values in the ANOVA test) Loyal Volatile Sten Standard Sten Standard score deviation score deviation NEUROTICISM 5,7 1,176 5,1 0,878 OPENNESS TO 5,1 0,988 6,8 1,322 EXPERIENCE AGREEABLENESS 4,1 0,980 6,9 1,089 Passive Unsystematic Sten Standard Sten Standard score deviation score deviation NEUROTICISM 7,2 1,211 5,6 0,988 OPENNESS TO 5,9 0,811 6,8 0,745 EXPERIENCE AGREEABLENESS 4,1 0,785 5,9 1,112 Source: own research Table 4: Breakdown of values of specific components of main factors of the Big Five model--sten scores and standard deviations (analysis for significant values in ANOVA test) Loyal Sten Standard score deviation NEUROTICISM Anxiety 4,3 1,167 Aggressive 6,9 0,698 hostility Depression 4,0 1,232 OPENNESS TO Action 5,2 0,899 EXPERIENCE Ideas 6,2 1,301 Values 5,2 1,190 AGREEABLENESS Trust 4,0 1,088 Compliance 5,7 0,981 CONSCIENTIOUSNESS Competence 6,9 0,922 Volatile Sten Standard score deviation NEUROTICISM Anxiety 5,8 1,423 Aggressive 5,4 1,321 hostility Depression 5,5 0,891 OPENNESS TO Action 7,1 0,699 EXPERIENCE Ideas 6,9 1,296 Values 5,0 1,289 AGREEABLENESS Trust 5,9 1,003 Compliance 7,0 1,009 CONSCIENTIOUSNESS Competence 6,0 1,502 Passive Sten Standard score deviation NEUROTICISM Anxiety 7,9 1,411 Aggressive 6,8 1,012 hostility Depression 7,0 1,298 OPENNESS TO Action 6,8 1,111 EXPERIENCE Ideas 5,7 0,789 Values 4,1 0,981 AGREEABLENESS Trust 3,1 0,566 Compliance 4,1 0,761 CONSCIENTIOUSNESS Competence 5,8 1,090 Unsystematic Sten Standard score deviation NEUROTICISM Anxiety 5,8 0,677 Aggressive 5,4 1,087 hostility Depression 4,0 1,111 OPENNESS TO Action 7,2 1,009 EXPERIENCE Ideas 6,8 1,320 Values 6,9 0,766 AGREEABLENESS Trust 7,1 0,912 Compliance 6,1 0,892 CONSCIENTIOUSNESS Competence 7,2 1,082 Source: own research
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|Publication:||Romanian Journal of Political Science|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2013|
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