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Between Consent and Descent: Horace M. Kallen and Psychophysical Inheritance.

In 1915, Horace M. Kallen (188Z-1974) first advanced an idea that would become known as "cultural pluralism," a counter-narrative to the reigning "melting pot" ideology, in his well-known essay "Democracy Versus the Melting Pot." That essay was such an important public declaration of the arrival of secular Jewish ethnic identity in America that it continues to serve as a sounding board to which theoreticians of ethnicity respond.' Although Kallen helped to lay the conceptual foundation for what would later come to be called "ethnicity," he nevertheless appears to have embraced notions of biological determinism that were rooted in the race science of the day. His concept of ethnicity (or, in the parlance of 1910s, "nationality") during this formative period is typically viewed as having passed its expiration date because notions of ethnicity now eschew biological association. (2) The centrality of biological determinism to Kallen's thinking is brought into focus through a rather memorable passage in "Democracy Versus the Melting Pot": "What is inalienable in the life of mankind is its intrinsic positive quality--its psychophysical inheritance. Men may change their clothes, their politics, their wives, their religions, their philosophies, to a greater or lesser extent: They cannot change their grandfathers." (3) Many commentators have pointed to this phrase as illustrative of how Jewish ethnicity was, for him, "an immutable category." (4) This contention seems to find support from Kallen's additional assertion that "Jews or Poles or Anglo-Saxons, in order to cease being Jews or Poles or Anglo-Saxons, would have to cease to be. The selfhood which is inalienable in them, and for the realization of which they require 'inalienable' liberty, is ancestrally determined, and the happiness which they pursue has its form implied in ancestral endowment." (5) Thus, to be a Jew, a Pole, or an "Anglo-Saxon" is not a choice. Birth marks the individual with an indelible ethnic imprint that cannot be sloughed off.

"Ethnicity" expresses an idea that had been slowly crystallizing since the 1910s, when Franz Boas and other cultural anthropologists began to argue for a fundamental distinction between race and culture. The Chicago school of sociology, which also accepted the notion that ethnic groups were cultural entities, argued that America should tolerate these cultural groupings in America, in part because they would eventually assimilate and lose their distinctiveness. The Turnerian historians similarly argued that the experience of the wilderness erodes old-world ties. These thinkers conceptualized ethnic groups not as races but as cultures, and they are today credited for having originated the field of American ethnic and immigration studies. (6) They opposed the racial theorists who maintained that ethnic groups were races, biologically and psychologically distinct. While the former groups of thinkers were associated with tolerant attitude towards ethnic groups, the latter group spearheaded an anti-immigration movement that led to the passage of restrictive immigration legislation. Distinct from these schools of thought, Kallen walked a middle path between the opposing camps. He adopted an approach that, much like Sander Gilman writes of Freud's approach, "transcended the limitations of the debates about biological determinism and yet remained framed by them." (7) That approach can only be properly appreciated by framing Kallen's thought in social psychological terms.

Considering Kallen's thought from the perspective of the history of psychology offers a fresh vantage from which to explore one of Kallen's most obscure and contentious claims, dubbed the "grandfather" thesis by Noam Pianko. (8) Building on Pianko's insight that Kallen's view of Jewish nationality (read, ethnicity) was linked to a transnational Zionist discourse that engaged with British internationalists, and building on Glenda Sluga's insight that World War I-era discourse concerning nationality was intimately connected to transnational psychological discourse, this article argues that Kallen's view in 1915 of a Jewish "psychophysical inheritance" was embedded within a synchronic transnational discourse that connected nationality to psychology. (9) Furthermore, this article contends that Kallen's "grandfather" thesis comes directly from George Eliot's nineteenth-century novel, Daniel Deronda. This suggests the importance of a diachronic transnational psychological and literary discourse that evoked a romantic view of Jewish belonging and whose resonance has even now not faded away. Kallen's creative fusion of romanticism with evolutionary psychology articulates an understanding of Jewish group belonging that struggles to mediate between the conflicting poles of "consent" and "descent," and seeks to find authenticity by grounding a romantic ideological devotion to Jewish identity in an objective, scientific framework. (10) Kallen articulated a framework for Jewish belonging that resonates in certain ways with the current growth of interest in establishing a link to Jewishness through epigenetics and population genetics studies.

Many scholars locate Kallen at the center of issues of critical importance today. Sander Gilman observes that the twentieth century gave rise to two models of multiculturalism that acquired a global resonance--the "hybrid" and "cultural diversity" models. He identifies Kallen as an originator of the latter. Daniel Greene shows how cultural pluralism grew out of American Jewish thought and was particularly linked to second-generation American Jews in the university who sought to spark a Jewish cultural renaissance. David Weinfeld describes cultural pluralism as "lived experience," rather than an abstract philosophical program, and, in tracing its development through Kallen's friendship with Alain Locke, he provides an important corrective to Eric Goldstein concerning Kallen's place in American racial discourse. Kallen, central to discourse concerning ethnicity in America, has been subjected to powerful critiques by scholars such as Werner Sollors and David Hollinger because of his apparent ethnocentrism and fixed notion of identity. Sarah Schmidt's valuable biography of Kallen chronicles his creation of a distinctively American form of Zionism, but Noam Pianko points out that Kallen's nationalism also developed out of a trans-Atlantic discourse with British internationalists, thus linking him to the mix of cosmopolitan idealism with a paternalistic sense of noblesse oblige that that legacy implies. Jakob Egholm Feldt makes Kallen his protagonist in his treatment of transnationalism as a cultural intervention rooted in a migration perspective that views reality from a perspective simultaneously universalistic and particularistic. (11)

The fact that Kallen is located at the center of all of these narratives makes a study of his view of Jewish "psychophysical inheritance" of particular interest. This article, while it agrees with scholars like William Toll, Noam Pianko, and Victoria Hattam, who counter Sollors and Hollinger by arguing that Kallen sought to distance himself from the racist perception of biological determinism then gripping American politics, nevertheless takes Kallen's claims for a determined Jewish inheritance at face value. (12) If, then, Kallen did accept some version of biological determinism, how may this apparent contradiction be resolved? Locating Kallen within a transnational psychological discourse makes it possible to understand exactly what Kallen held to be biologically determined and what he regarded the limits of that determinism to be.

In contemporary conversations about race and ethnicity, ironically, references to Kallen's "grandfather" thesis by both his critics and defenders miss his meaning. This is because they anachronistically project their concerns onto him. His detractors condemn him for his biological determinism mainly because it is a way to bring into relief how their understanding of ethnicity (or post-ethnicity) is free from such associations. They are typically associated with what Gilman calls the "hybrid" model of multiculturalism. His defenders, who focus on Kallen's later voluntaristic and cultural understanding of ethnicity, seek to exonerate him from the objectionable charge of racial determinism. Since Kallen's "grandfather" thesis has excited so much commentary, a careful study of its genealogy is needed to properly historicize his thinking. We shall see that Kallen's understanding of the relationship between nationality/ ethnicity and race did not depend on him distancing himself from a scientifically-based model of descent. Indeed, there were powerful reasons for him not to do so, since it aligned him with the gathering political energy of a psychological conception of nationality that, spearheaded by Woodrow Wilson, led to the creation of a new world order that, however flawed, sought to lay the groundwork for greater freedom and democracy in the world.

Formative Influences

Born into an Orthodox Jewish home in Silesia (Germany) in 1882, Kallen was brought to Boston when he was five years old, where he was raised together with his brother and six sisters. His father, who served as rabbi of an Orthodox congregation, had Kallen pursue traditional studies at home and prevented him from attending a secular public school until a truant officer forced the matter. From an early age, he felt intellectually and spiritually confined by his father's brand of rigid orthodoxy and underwent what John Higham identified as "a common second-generation experience: loss of religion and an uncritical enthusiasm for America." (13) Kallen wrote, "It seemed to me that the identity of every human being with every other was the important thing and that the term 'American' should nullify the meaning of every other term in one's personal make-up ... Everything Jewish could be absorbed and dissolved in something quite non-Jewish and identical with the Yankee being as I knew it in Boston." (14) His enthusiasm for his Jewish heritage was rekindled at Harvard, inspired by his American literature professor Barrett Wendell, who taught him to link American ideals with Hebraism, and it was further reinforced through the influence of Solomon Schechter, president of the Jewish Theological Seminary, whom he met in 1906 at a Zionist retreat. Schechter taught him that "while Jews were a descent group, the experience of living as a Jew required creative responses to changing environments." (15) In addition to his growing attachment to the nascent American Zionist movement, he became deeply involved with second-generation Jews attending Harvard, with whom he shared in common a secular, cultural interest in Judaism. This group eventually grew to become the nationwide Intercollegiate Menorah Association (IMA), who, in the pages of the influential Menorah Journal, worked through a relationship to American Jewish identity that was focused on ethnic and humanist, rather than religious, commitments. (16) Meanwhile, his doubts about being able to pass as "the Yankee being" he so wished to be only increased after encountering antisemitism in his first job at Princeton University. All of these influences laid the groundwork for what Higham describes as Kallen's distinction between inner experience and public life. "The state may intervene in external conditions to promote justice or equality," he explains, "but the collective consciousness of each ethnic group must remain free and spontaneous." (17)

These influences also informed his interest in psychology, which he studied at Harvard together with his main area of concentration, philosophy. That Kallen was a philosopher is well-known, but what is less well-recognized is that he also studied functionalist psychology. Kallen's study with Hugo Miinsterburg, Edwin B. Holt (with whom he maintained a close life-long friendship), Josiah Royce, and, in particular, William James, blended philosophy and psychology (at that time these fields had not yet fully separated). Royce inspired Kallen to try "to understand how the individual inheritance of 'instincts' was related to the presence of a 'group mind' on which loyalty to the descent group seemed to depend," writes William Toll. "The relationship stood somewhere between the hereditary inheritance of physical characteristics and the voluntary affiliation of the Jeffersonian citizen." (18) Toll adds that, from his mentor William James, Kallen grew interested in exploring connections between the individual personality and the collective consciousness of a descent group. Kallen's friend and colleague, John Dewey, authored what has become widely regarded as the foundational text of functionalism, The Reflex Arc Concept in Psychology (1896), and for decades Kallen collaborated with him in works philosophical, psychological and political. (19)

As a functionalist psychologist, Kallen developed an interest in the mind's coordinating function between the individual and his or her environment. Such study seemed a promising route to understand the subject as an organic whole. The functionalist approach to psychology would come to ground Kallen's later claim for an inherited Jewish psyche that is especially attuned to Hebraism, understood as an adaptive cultural and spiritual force particularly well-suited to the modern Zeitgeist. From the functionalist point of view, Kallen would have understood psychophysical inheritance to constitute a conditioned mental instinct defined by a functional role. That role would be to contribute to the overall coordination between an individual's thought and behavior and the social environment in which he or she lives. (20) When properly calibrated with the group's cultural consciousness (i.e., Hebraism), the individual's coordination efforts are maximized to their full potential, leading to the healthiest possible expression of living.

Locating Kallen In American Racial Discourse

Progressive-era America, Gary Gerstle observes, was preoccupied with transforming America into a unified moral community. Americanization and social hygiene (and later, Prohibition) were, he writes, "essential stepping stones" to fashioning that national image. Progressive liberal ideology required that the "coagulation" of ethnic group attachments be dissolved into the American melting pot to release the full potential of that American moral transformation. (21) Two competing discourses--"civic nationalism" and "racial nationalism"--framed the national debate about the limits of ethnic civic inclusion. For those of white European descent, the battle for full social and political inclusion was eventually won after some decades, but America continued to practice racial inequality. Civic nationalism would continue to exclude non-whites. Thus, a contradictory impulse emerged that sought to define rigid boundaries of what it means to be American even as the rapid growth of social, demographic, and economic pressures brought with it a push for more inclusivity. (22) In light of this narrative arc of America in the twentieth century, it is clear that although Kallen's argument in support of hyphenated Americans (e.g., Irish-American, Italian-American, Jewish-American, etc.) aimed to disrupt racist rhetoric, he nevertheless did not recognize "racial nationalism" for the foundational discourse that it was. As Toll points out, "His limitation, like that of most liberals before the 1960s, was to see racism as just another form of compensation for individual limitations, rather than as a profound building block of American culture." (23) Kallen was blind to this in part because he had absorbed the racist attitudes of his environment, and in part because his main interest lay in addressing the issues facing immigrant Jews like himself. (24)

Scholars such as Higham have argued that cultural pluralism was, from the outset, so "encapsulated in white ethnocentrism" that it had to be replaced by the multiculturalism of the latter half of the twentieth century. (25) It did not adequately challenge the powerful narrative of whiteness that had enshrined oppressive power structures from the very origins of the nation. Eric Goldstein argues that the issue of whiteness was particularly pressing during the Progressive era. As massive immigration, coupled with increased urbanization and industrialization, reshaped the social, economic, and political contours of American life, the government responded by trying to assess the racial impact of these new immigrants on native white, Anglo-Saxon stock. Because Jews came to represent the sweeping changes in American life, Jews "became a frequently discussed 'racial' figure in American culture," Goldstein observes. "[W]hite Americans often tried to obscure Jewish distinctiveness and to understand it within a black-white context." (26) In response, Jews sought to more firmly establish their whiteness, he argues, and it is in that context that Kallen "relied on the notion that the whiteness of European immigrant groups made them potential contributors to American society rather than a racial threat." (27) On at least one occasion, Kallen explicitly acknowledged the privilege that his whiteness gave him. Weinfeld observes: "In Kallen's racial schema, Jews, or at least Ashkenazi Jews, could and should be designated as white." (28)

Narrowly focusing a critical reading of Kallen through the lens of American whiteness discourse alone, however, prevents one from seeing that Kallen developed an argument against those who viewed the immigrants as a threat not by establishing their whiteness, but by exposing the fallacy of an imagined threat posed through Darwinian natural selection. (29) More importantly, it obscures his deep engagement with a trans-Atlantic racial discourse concerned with psychology and nationalism. In this light, noting Kallen's Eurocentrism is analytically helpful because it draws attention to the transnational valence of his thinking, which is critical to understand his psychological framing of Jewish nationality/ethnicity.

Here, it is helpful to remember Hattam's criticism of scholars like David Roediger, Matthew Frye Jacobson, Gary Gerstle, and others who "have too readily collapsed ethnicity back into whiteness." (30) For Jewish thinkers like Horace Kallen, Isaac Baer Berkson, Louis Brandeis, and many others, she argues, "ethnic difference was not simply a way station on the road to whiteness, but rather was positioned as a quite different axis of difference altogether that could not be collapsed back into race." (31) Hattam, however, joins Pianko in reading Kallen as distancing himself from race. In this, she and other scholars concerned with Kallen's engagement with racial discourse are focused on race within the black-white context. That discourse, however, was not the only racial discourse. There was another that was debated in America and especially in Europe, and was of particular interest to Zionists, that focused not on skin color, but on the nature of culture, nationalism, and ethnicity. To be sure, it was a racial discourse that applied in the main to white European ethnic groups, and so it is not possible to separate it completely from color-based racial discourse, but neither was it concerned with precisely the same set of issues. For that reason, it is important to treat it on its own terms. This racial discourse, in fact, was of far greater significance for Jewish self-understanding. It particularly informed the views of Jews who, like Kallen, identified far more as "white by color" rather than "White by race." (32)

Locating Kallen in Zionist Racial Discourse

Fin-de-siecle Zionist racial discourse, originating with European concerns about Jewish civility, was less concerned with color issues, and more concerned with identifying a positive realm of racial attributes to counter the negative attributes ascribed to Jews by the racist anthropologists of the day. (33) To be sure, there was no unity among Jewish thinkers regarding the fundamentals, or even the implications, of racial theory. Among those Jews who did accept the notion of a biological Jewish race, there developed a wide range of views concerning what that difference consisted of. A plurality of views emerged in the late nineteenth century about Jewish physiognomy, mental and moral capacity, physical health, and whether the transmission of putative racial characteristics was immutable and environmentally conditioned. (34) Racial concerns were particularly important to Zionists, who sought to remedy what they perceived to be Jewish disabilities that followed from living in a toxic social environment. Jewish nationalisms, in their various expressions, very often contained racialized assumptions about Jews because this seemed for many to be the only reasonable alternative to justify Jewish group cohesion apart from religious claims. Kallen's racialized view of Jewishness was conditioned by this discourse far more definitively than by a racial discourse focused on the American black-white context.

Mitchell Hart points out that among Jewish thinkers who affirmed Jewish racial difference, virtually all were united in rejecting the notion of a Jewishness that is "rooted in a fixed, immutable racial or biological essence or identity. They could not accept the view that the Jews were degenerate because they were jews. That, of course, would have made improvement impossible," he writes. "[I]t would have marked the social and political programs of reform--those of liberal integrationists or of Zionists--as futile and Utopian." (35) Similarly, John Efron observes that Zionist race scientists created "an anthropology of resistance without betraying their allegiances to Enlightenment values concerning human adaptability." (36) Jewish thinkers who affirmed the natural bond of Jews as a racial group developed their racial views in response to the prevailing antisemitic climate of race science. Where racist scientists argued that the Jewish race was immutable and degenerate, Jewish thinkers countered with a racial identity that was mutable and exemplary. The former denied that the environment exercised any influence; the latter stressed the importance of environmental influence. Kallen's views were shaped by this latter discourse. He, together with Jewish racial thinkers, carved out a racial identity balanced between heredity and environment, or, between determinism and plasticity.

After the appearance of Franz Boas's 1912 "Changes in the Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants" (which negated the then-popular view that science could make meaningful determinations about race based on skull shapes and sizes), scientific attempts to identify essential racial characteristics shifted attention from craniometry to psychology. The roots of this approach extend back into the prior century, and it was this view of Jewish race that Kallen now wholeheartedly endorsed, as evidenced by his assertion, at the second annual Menorah Association convention in 1913, that Jews have a special inborn aptitude, "[a] special bias, an inherited psyche" that predisposes them to be "the natural conservers and developers of the Hebraic vision." (37) In his writings over the next decade, Kallen held that this purportedly psychological predisposition for Hebraism was the essential characteristic of the Jewish race.

There is a significant record of Zionist thinkers who shared Kallen's belief in an inherited Jewish psyche. For example, in 1913 "The Jewish Racial Problem" appeared in the Viennese Zionist newspaper founded by Theodor Herzl, Die Welt. It summarized the views of the well-known anthropologist and Zionist activist Ignaz Zollschan, whose popular Das Rassenproblem was already in its third edition. The author explained that "what actually ought to be understood by the notion of racial talent ... : namely, not an inborn, eternally immutable trait, but an inherited disposition to cultural achievement that emerges through either an extended or a brief cultural process. And it does not appear open to question that we belong, from this point of view, to those peoples that are eminently well suited for culture." (38) Zollschan's belief in "an inherited disposition to cultural achievement" maps precisely onto Kallen's point of view. In fact, Kallen explicitly relied on Zollschan's anthropology during that decade, because, as Efron explains, it "contained sharp strictures against those who were misguided enough to think that cultural assimilation altered the biological facts of race." (39) Thus, Kallen wrote in 1918, "Where you find a certain definite continuity in a social unit, traceable through history, a continuity of mental type, a continuity of physical type, together with continuity of social function, and psychological activity, there you have what for the purposes of history constitutes a race. From that point of view, it need not be argued, the Jews are as Dr. Zollschan shows, a race and one of the purest of races." (40) For Zollschan, as for Kallen, the essential features of the Jewish race were cultural and psychological. Moreover, the Jewish psyche, although inherited, was also plastic and subject to environmental influence. Kallen never specified how the racial psyche was transmitted, but Zollschan did. It is possible that Kallen accepted Zollschan's belief in an inherited mneme that determined psychic instincts, but, as has been noted above, functionalist psychologists did not focus on the physiology of mental structures. (41)

Identifying exactly when Kallen abandoned these racial views is hard to pinpoint, but it is certain that he had ceased to make any such references by the 1930s. Regardless, his change of mind does not represent the terminus ad quem of Jewish thinkers who believed in an inherited Jewish psyche. In fact, we find a number of instances of Jewish thinkers who continued to espouse this point of view. In 1927, for example, Chaim Zhitlowsky, a prominent advocate of Diaspora nationalism, wrote that understanding "'[r]acial Jewishness'--or, better: Jewishness by descent, psychophysical Jewishness" is "significant not only for us but for the entire civilized world--it is important for the history of culture to discover what each nationalist race has achieved and produced among the cultural treasures of humanity. This is necessary in order to clarify the fundamental role of biology in human progress." (42) Rene Hirschler, the chief rabbi of Strasbourg and the Bas-Rhin department until his murder by the Nazis, recorded in 1929 his Jungian-inspired belief in the persistence of a collective Jewish consciousness. (43) And Sigmund Freud's 1939 Moses and Monotheism put forth the view "that Jewishness is constituted by the biological inheritance of an archaic memory that Jewish people are inexorably compelled to transmit to future generations, whether consciously or unconsciously." (44) To be sure, Freud's thought is unique in its own right, and his psychoanalysis and theories of the unconscious have little bearing on Kallen's psychological perspective, but this only underscores how the idea of an inherited Jewish psyche was powerful enough to be received in different psychological discourses. The persistence of such references up until the Shoah points to the power of the romantic notion of Jewishness as an innate, biologically-transmitted spiritual-cultural force.

The Urgency of the Moment

Gilman points out that it was commonly assumed in turn-of-the-century antisemitic Vienna "that there was a 'Jewish mind' that transcended conversion or adaptation and that this mind was inherently unoriginal." (45) Zollschan and Freud, he argues, both resisted this negative image by creating a positive image from the same material. This particular European antisemitic discourse, however, was not prevalent in America. Kallen was therefore probably not motivated by the same concerns. In fact, during the 1910s, it was not only Jews and antisemites who accepted the notion of inherited racial psychic patterns. It was a view commonly held among many liberal psychologists and social scientists. Representative of this type of thinking was a 1916 article that appeared in the Monist. The author, a psychologist, claimed that "psychic personality" is "the most potent, determining factor for each and every race," and is "by far the best guide for distinguishing one race from the other; and while physical characters fail, being as they are subject to environment, physiological, and other changes, it persists in spite of all outward changes." The Jewish race, it argued, serves as a particularly good example of the persistence of racial "psychic personality." (46) The article was reprinted in the American Israelite in October 1916. (47) A Jewish readership was thus exposed to this alternative racial construction, one that was very much aligned with Kallen's view. Among social psychological thinkers, many were beginning to argue that race described not physical attributes, but psychological ones. These views were not confined to America, but undergirded a trans-Atlantic discourse concerned with the nature and limits of nationalism.

This discourse became of increasingly urgent importance in the context of World War I; the appearance of Kallen's article in 1915 must be situated within that moment. Kallen's commitment to cultural pluralism and Zionism was shaped not only by the American context, but was intimately intertwined with a transnational nationalist discourse. This transnational discourse, Pianko argues, fundamentally shaped a stream of Zionist discourse, pioneered by Ahad Ha'am and Simon Dubnow, that was not limited to the nation-state paradigm of nationalism. Pianko, who numbers Kallen among cosmopolitan Zionists like Judah Magnes and Sir Alfred Zimmern, argues that framing Kallen as a "nationalist" rather than as a "pluralist" has the advantage of drawing attention to how Kallen was engaged with this transnational discourse. In "Democracy Versus the Melting Pot," he points out, Kallen uses conceptual vocabulary such as "commonwealth," "nationality," and "federation of nationalities" to describe how he viewed the ideal cooperation of ethnic groups in a democratic national framework. These terms, Pianko explains, carried "very specific connotations ... regarding the ethical and practical need to contest the spread of self-determination as the principle of nationalism. (48) This view thus linked him to the British internationalists of the First World War-era who, like his friend Sir Alfred Zimmern, a Zionist and a leading internationalist associated with The Round Table, were suspicious of the mainstream nation-state paradigm of nationalism. They envisioned a new post-war era of increased social interaction and economic cooperation among a "federation of nationalities." Kallen's framing of cultural pluralism in "Democracy Versus the Melting Pot," and his framing of Zionism in "Zionism and the Struggle Towards Democracy" (both published in 1915), were deeply indebted to this transnational discourse and to Zimmern's influence in particular. (49) Thus, in the latter essay, Kallen again deployed the same coded vocabulary, writing that "Zionism reasserted the prophetic ideal of internationalism as a democratic and cooperative federation of nationalities." (50)

If Kallen participated in a much larger transnational and cosmopolitan nationalism discourse, it is relevant to consider the kind of racial thinking that informed the views of like-minded thinkers. In the transnational context, Glenda Sluga argues, understanding group identity and the implications of race for the nation was the most important issue in defining the ideology of the 1918 Paris Peace Conference. Even before the war, links between British and American intellectuals around the topic of nationality and race were already being established. (51) What these thinkers generally shared in common was the belief that race undergirded nationality but was not precisely identical with it. The relationship of race to nationality for them may be compared to the movement from unconsciousness (instinct) to consciousness (will). Although the term "race" had proved flexible enough in the hands of thinkers like Kallen to accommodate the tension between "consent" and "descent," the era of the First World War and the growth of discourse concerning nationality provided a new and preferred vocabulary to capture that balance. Indeed, while Kallen did not object to using the term "race" at this time, he nevertheless grew to prefer to refer to the Jewish group using the term "nationality" as the decade progressed. The term provided him with a tool to make a clear analytical distinction. Nationality referred to a group consciousness that unambiguously transcended "descent."

His crispest articulation of how nationality bridges "descent" and "consent" appeared in 1918, in a book that he wrote in support of Wilson's postwar reconstruction agenda, The Structure of Lasting Peace: "Nationality falls between [emphasis added] race and other more external forms of associative unity," he explained. "That racial quality underlies it and is near to it, must be granted, but it is false that racial quality is identical with it." (52) As Kallen now framed it, race describes a psychological foundation, but this carries no greater significance than that it serves as the fertile soil from which the group life grows, expressed as nationality. Thus, race marks Jewish life; however, Jewish life is lived not as race, but as nationality. This aligned his views with those of the internationalists, but this subtle shift did not really represent a new perspective for him. This view was compatible with his strong claim that the Jewish group and all other such ethnic groups are "facts in nature." (53) Race and nationality, considered together from the functionalist point of view, describe the organic unity of the ethnic group's coordination with its environment. As we have seen, Jewish racial thinkers (and Kallen in particular) had long understood the Jewish "race" in terms that are virtually indistinguishable from this now-preferred term, "nationality." But this vocabulary had the advantage of highlighting the salience of group consciousness and will, and, in the context of the post-war reconstruction, it had much more political traction.

Kallen interacted with a number of prominent internationalists who understood nationality in much the same way that he articulated it in 1918. In some cases, he even helped to promote their ideas. Pianko notes, for example, that Kallen connected Zimmern to the Menorah Journal, bringing that readership into contact with his ideas. (54) For Zimmern, nationality functioned as a kind of instinct, an "intimate subjective" and "psychological sentiment" that, now shocked into conscious awareness by the war, functioned as a source of resistance against moral and spiritual decline. (55) A rival group of British internationalists, the Union for Democratic Control (UDC), counted among its members Kallen's friends, Israel Zangwill and Norman Angeli. Although Kallen criticized Zangwill's views in the "Melting Pot," he maintained collegial ties with him. Sluga observes that Zangwill, representative of the views of the UDC, held that nationality "was a manifestation of unconscious and irrational forces such as herd instinct, gregariousness, or the crowd mind," with "psychological theories of the 'subconscious'" throwing "'lurid light upon ancient mythologies.'" (56) Angeli, for his part, believed that "[nationality is a very precious manifestation of the instincts by which alone men can become socially conscious and act in some corporate capacity." (57) Angeli occupied a significant place in Kallen's biography. Kallen resigned from his position as instructor in philosophy and psychology at the University of Wisconsin over issues of academic freedom, his outrage sparked in part because Angeli was forbidden from speaking on campus "because of his seemingly pacifist views." (58) Zimmern, Zangwill, and Angeli, all representative British internationalists, crossed paths in significant ways with Kallen during this time.

Kallen's psychological assumptions were not precisely the same as theirs. He rejected the notion of an unconscious primitive irrationality undergirding nationality, a view reinforced by the psychoanalytic school of Jung and Freud. Nevertheless, all shared in common a view of nationality as based upon a racial psyche that functions below the conscious level, and, brought to consciousness, seeks to find self-expression. Kallen's psychologized notion of race and nationality was thus embedded in a broadly received and deeply rooted trans-Atlantic discourse.

Theories of Mind

We turn now from the transnational discourse of social psychology in its synchronic aspect to its diachronic aspect, to locate the origins of these various conceptions of a racial psyche in nineteenth-century theories of mind. The diachronic aspect, as we shall see, introduces an element of romanticism that infused later social psychological constructions of Jewishness. Among the most important influences was Herbert Spencer's evolutionary theory of mind, first advanced in his Principles of Psychology. (59) Consistent with the Lamarckian view of inheritance, Spencer believed that mental functions, including instinct and morality, originated as habits that were passed down to future generations. Memories, too, could be inherited. He also believed that social groups, not individuals, were the fighting unit in the struggle for survival, because the more that cooperative habits were adopted, the greater the chances for individual survival. Spencer made a profound impact on the American intellectual landscape during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Thanks to his American disciples, John Fiske and Edward Youmans, Spencer's ideas were communicated to a large American readership, but Kallen's exposure to Spencerian ideas about the mind, culture, and society was mediated through his teachers at Harvard, William James and Josiah Royce, and his friend and colleague John Dewey, a group that has been dubbed the "reforming Spencerians." (60) Although Spencer's scientific and philosophical influence had dwindled dramatically by the turn of the century, the notion of mental inheritance continued to live on, in part because it received reinforcement from another quarter--Volkerpsychologie, or "folk psychology."

The origin of the notion of the inheritance of a "folk psychology," may be traced to mid-nineteenth-century Germany. Philosopher Moritz Lazarus and linguist Heymann Steinthal posited a Lamarckian model of mnemonic group inheritance that shapes the mind, the study of which they termed Volkerpsychologie. "Man is by birth a member of a Volk [nation], and is thus determined in his mental development in manifold ways," they claimed. "The individual cannot be completely comprehended without regard to the mental whole ... in which it has been created and in which it lives." (61) The assertion that a Volk is determined in its mental development, however, did not imply for them that a people possessed a fixed or immutable character. Lazarus and Steinthal viewed the Volk not as the product of descent, but as the product of a conscious and deliberate application of will by its members. (62) After 1879, Lazarus felt that he had to respond to the growing problem of German antisemitism and he made a change to his original argument. "Whereas in the earlier texts on Volkerpsychologie the nation had appeared as an harmonious, uniform entity that was created by the folk spirit, he now presented the nation as a diverse unity that benefited from internal pluralism," Egbert Klautke explains. "For this reason the Jews had to preserve their intellectual and ethical heritage and contribute it to the greater good of the German nation." (63) This line of thinking made Volkerpsychologie a powerful tool for pluralists in the following decades. One of the legacies of Volkerpsychologie was the widespread belief, in early twentieth century social psychological circles, that ethnic groups exhibit distinct personalities and psychologies that shape how individuals experience the world. (64) Cultural anthropologist Franz Boas cited the influence of Lazarus and Steinthal on his development of linguistic-anthropological studies. Their ideas were also absorbed by psychologists Wilhelm Wundt, James Mark Baldwin, and Sigmund Freud, among many others. (65) Through his teachers at Harvard, and through colleagues, Kallen absorbed these ideas concerning the inheritance of memory and the existence of a racial psyche.

Kallen explicitly linked psychophysical inheritance to memory in 1918, at last explaining what he had meant when he wrote that one cannot change one's grandfather:
   Individuality of living things counts, and is itself social. I have
   been accustomed to phrase this fact in the formula that, ...
   although you can change almost any connection which you establish
   with your environment, ... you cannot change your grandfathers. Now
   this melodramatic way of phrasing the fact of heredity implies
   simply, that human individuality, that, indeed, the individuality
   of any living thing is a special kind of social fact. And, as a
   social fact, the individuality of any living thing cannot be
   detached from a social setting in time, even if it can be detached
   from a social setting in space. (66)

Saying that "you cannot change your grandfathers" was his "melodramatic way" to communicate that only an individual's "social setting in time" is fixed. It is a temporal, psycho-social claim. Memory shapes individuality. Consistent with the Spencerian organicist view of society, Kallen believed that the individual's life is marked by association with both the "natural" and inherited ethnic group and with external and voluntary modes of association. The ethnic group defines one's social setting in time; and external, or "artificial" groups "like states, churches, professions, castes," define one's social setting in space. (67) For Kallen, individuality, and the freedom of will that is associated with it, are real. The individual makes his or her own choices regarding any number of voluntary forms of social affiliation. At the same time, he asserted, the individual is not a blank slate, and is marked by a psychological relationship to one's history. In this fashion, both "consent" and "descent" are signified.

Kallen and Daniel Deronda

Kallen's construction of nationality as the natural expression of Jewish psychophysical inheritance was likely inspired by George Eliot's Daniel Deronda. From the time of its publication in 1876, Daniel Deronda rapidly became an international sensation among Jewish readers in Europe and America, and was perceived by them to articulate a powerful justification for Jewish life. For her part, Eliot (the pen-name of Mary Anne Evans) was pleased with the positive reception of her effort "to bring an 'ennobling' Judaism to the consciousness of Christians and Jews." (68) Eliot's romanticism exercised a profound influence on the development of the Zionist movement, in which Kallen played an active and prominent role. Daniel Deronda figured in the thought of early European Zionist leaders like Theodor Herzl and A. D. Gordon. Nahum Sokolow, former secretary general of the World Zionist Congress, later reflected that Eliot paved the way for Zionism. Her romanticism made an impression on prominent American Zionists Judah Magnes and Louis Lipsky, and on poet Emma Lazarus. (69) Kallen, an architect of American Zionism, would almost certainly have read the novel as well. (70) He was also a literary critic, served as instructor in English literature at Princeton University from 1903-1905, and was well versed in Victorian arts and letters. Eliot, who was intimate with Herbert Spencer, was profoundly influenced by his social and psychological views. Spencer's views on psychology and heredity are very much on display in Daniel Deronda. A close reading reveals a marked resonance linking Kallen's and Eliot's views concerning inheritance. Eliot's romanticized view of identity, which Kallen embraced, resisted the common Victorian antisemitic view of a deficient racial Jewish heritage.

Eliot's novel suggests that Jews pass along a moral inheritance, linked to memory, a notion that bears more than a passing resemblance to Kallen's articulation of Hebraism. The character of Daniel Deronda is a man of evident moral and spiritual superiority who is inexorably drawn to his Jewish ancestral ties by an innate drive. The prophetic character, Mordecai, insists that the "heritage of Israel is beating in the pulses of millions; it lives in their veins as a power without understanding," transmitted as "the inborn half of memory." (71)

Kallen's self-described "melodramatic" linkage of Jewish inheritance with grandfathers likely found its inspiration from this novel. Deronda's natural attraction to Judaism coalesces around the growing revelations about his grandfather. Deronda's "social setting in time," to use Kallen's phrasing, proves to be far more decisive than his "social setting in space." Deronda, who had grown up without any knowledge of his parentage or his Jewish heritage, is reunited with his mother. When pressed to explain why she had hidden his heritage from him, she justifies herself by explaining that she had secured for him the social status of an English gentleman. But Deronda's "social setting in space" as an English gentleman is upset, and his "social setting in time" exerts a hold on him. Deronda tells his mother, "That stronger Something has determined that I shall be all the more the grandson whom also you willed to annihilate." (71) Deronda here expresses what Kallen later takes to be scientific fact--that Jewish ethnic consciousness inevitably resurfaces and asserts itself despite all efforts to repress it.

At the same time, Deronda makes it clear that his environment and his education have also molded him, and that his outlook on life is not simply predetermined. Thus, when his mother challenges him by asking if he would make himself into a Jew just like his grandfather, Deronda replies, "'That is impossible. The effect of my education can never be done away with." (73) Nevertheless, his awakened ethnic consciousness motivates him to choose to identify with the Jewish people. His psychophysical inheritance marks him; it serves him as a foundation. But he has also been marked by his education and upbringing. He cannot simply replicate his grandfather's Judaism. He must choose his own way. Recovering his Jewish inheritance and committing himself to the nationalist yearnings of the Jewish people becomes the only way for him to fully integrate all the various influences in his life. Deronda exemplifies how an integrated personality successfully coordinates "consent" with "descent." As with Kallen, Jewish nationality is the key.

In his quest to learn more about his heritage, Deronda journeys to see the banker Joseph Kalonymos, whom he seeks out because he was a friend of his grandfather, Daniel Charisi. (74) He thanks Kalonymos for saving him from remaining ignorant of his parentage and for taking care of the chest his grandfather had left in trust to him: "The moment wrought strongly on Deronda's imaginative susceptibility: in the presence of one linked still in zealous friendship with the grandfather whose hope had yearned toward him when he was unborn, and who, though dead, was yet to speak with him in those written memorials which, says Milton, 'contain a potency of life in them to be as active as that soul whose progeny they are,' he seemed to himself to be touching the electric chain of his own ancestry." Kalonymos then presents him with his grandfather's chest, thus restoring to Deronda his heritage. Finally, Deronda declares, "I shall call myself a Jew." (75) When Kallen declared that one cannot change one's grandfather, he surely had Deronda in mind. Kallen's "melodramatic" expression has very long roots indeed. It derives from a half-century's absorption of English philosemitic racial discourse. The mystical romanticism of Eliot's novel, deeply influenced by Spencer's theory of mind, came to exercise a powerful hold on the imagination of her Jewish readers. (76)


Focusing attention on Horace Kallen's 1915 claim that Jewishness is naturally conferred through psychophysical inheritance allows us to appreciate how transnational social psychological discourse, considered both synchronically and diachronically, informed his understanding of Jewish group belonging. Psychology, heredity (especially, memory), race, and nationality were all intertwined in this early effort to frame what would later be called ethnicity, a parental legacy that has been somewhat obscured by postmodern theorists who have sought to distance ethnicity from certain aspects of this mix. Exploring Kallen's thought from this psychological perspective opens up the possibility of finding notes of resonance with certain trends today. Kallen's fusion of romanticism with evolutionary psychology, likely inspired by Daniel Deronda, and his effort to validate that view within contemporary political nationalist discourse, fashioned a notion of Jewish group belonging that struggles to mediate between the conflicting poles of "consent" and "descent," a challenge that continues to engage theoreticians of Jewish identity today. He sought to find authenticity by grounding a romantic ideological devotion to Jewish identity in an objective, scientific framework. This effort, too, continues in some quarters today.

"[M]any American Jews are returning to a self-definition that includes race," Cheryl Greenberg observes. "[P]erhaps at its root American Jewish understanding of identity has always been biological in nature, the notion of race without the related notion of color." (77) A number of theoreticians of Jewish identity today debate the resurgence of interest in re-racializing Jewishness. (78) For those who embrace this notion of Jewishness, both a romantic and a biological connection to ancestral heritage are evoked, whether it involves epigenetic research into the inheritance of group memory, or population genetics research purporting to trace Jewish lineage. Examining early twentieth century Jewish engagement with racial discourse gives us some insight into appreciating the historical continuity of such constructions of Jewish identity.

Just as Kallen responded to a scientific worldview and aesthetic in his day to craft a model of Jewish belonging that mediates between "consent" and "descent," so too do some Jews today fashion a Jewish self-understanding that draws upon twenty-first century science and aesthetic sensibility to express this feeling of a dual valence to Jewish belonging. Here, we would do well to observe the note of caution sounded by Slavet and Greenberg, who stress that this approach to Jewish belonging must be tempered with a healthy acknowledgement of the highly problematic nature of such claims. (79) Needless to say, there are many approaches to Jewish identity that do not concern themselves with this particular frame of reference. (80) Nevertheless, by bringing to light the genealogy of one stream of Jewish self-understanding, an examination of Kallen's thought has the potential to add texture to related discourses today.

(1.) Kallen's article is reprinted in Werner Sollors, Theories of Ethnicity: A Classical Reader (New York: New York University Press, 1996), 67-92. Kallen is also discussed in Sollors, Beyond Ethnicity: Consent and Descent in American Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 181-191; Sollors, "A Critique of Pure Pluralism," in Reconstructing American Literary History, ed. Sacvan Bercovitch (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), 2, 50-2.79; and David A. Hollinger, Postethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism (New York: Basic Books, 2006 [orig. 1995]).

(2.) Werner Sollors explains that the term "ethnicity" first appeared in print in 1941. Werner Sollors, ed., The Invention of Ethnicity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), xiii.

(3.) Horace M. Kallen, "Democracy Versus the Melting-Pot: A Study of American Nationality," Nation, February 25, 1915, 220.

(4.) Sollors, Beyond Ethnicity: Consent and Descent in American Culture, 183.

(5.) Kallen, "Democracy Versus the Melting-Pot: A Study of American Nationality," 220.

(6.) Rudolph J. Vecoli, "Comment: We Study the Present to Understand the Past," Journal of American Ethnic History 18, no. 4 (1999): 115-125.

(7.) Sander L. Gilman, The Case of Sigmund Freud: Medicine and Identity at the Fin De Siecle (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 226.

(8.) Noam Pianko, '"The True Liberalism of Zionism': Horace Kallen, Jewish Nationalism, and the Limits of American Pluralism," American Jewish History 94, no. 4 (2008): 301.

(9.) Pianko, '"The True Liberalism of Zionism,"' 316-315; Glenda Sluga, The Nation, Psychology, and International Politics, 1870-1919, Palgrave Macmillan Transnational History Series (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1006).

(10.) Noam Pianko and William Toll have already shown that Kallen sought to strike a balance between "consent" and "descent." See Pianko, '"The True Liberalism of Zionism': Horace Kallen, Jewish Nationalism, and the Limits of American Pluralism"; William Toll, "Horace M. Kallen: Pluralism and American Jewish Identity," American Jewish History 85, no. 1 (1997): 57-74

(11.) Sander L. Gilman, Multiculturalism and the Jews (New York; London: Routledge, 2006), 45; Daniel Greene, The Jewish Origins of Cultural Pluralism: The Menorah Association and American Diversity, The Modern Jewish Experience (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011); David Weinfeld, "What Difference Does the Difference Make? Horace Kallen, Alain Locke, and the Development of Cultural Pluralism in America" (PhD diss., New York University, 2014); Eric L. Goldstein, The Price of Whiteness: Jews, Race, and American Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 179; Sollors, Beyond Ethnicity: Consent and Descent in American Culture-, Hollinger, Postethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism; Sarah L. Schmidt, Horace M. Kallen: Prophet of American Zionism (Brooklyn: Carlson Pub, 1995); Noam Pianko, Zionism and the Roads Not Taken (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010); Jakob Egholm Feldt, Transnationalism and the Jews: Culture, History, and Prophecy (New York: Rowman & Littlefield International, 2016).

(12.) Toll, "Horace M. Kallen: Pluralism and American Jewish Identity"; Pianko, '"The True Liberalism of Zionism': Horace Kallen, Jewish Nationalism, and the Limits of American Pluralism"; Victoria Hattam, In the Shadow of Race: Jews, Latinos, and Immigrant Politics in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 56-58.

(13.) John Higham, Send These to Me: Jews and Other Immigrants in Urban America (New York: Atheneum, 1975), 206.

(14.) Quoted in Higham, 206-207.

(15.) Toll, "Horace M. Kallen: Pluralism and American Jewish Identity," 67.

(16.) Seth Korelitz, "The Menorah Idea: From Religion to Culture, from Race to Ethnicity," American Jewish History 85, no. 1 (1997): 75-100; Greene, The Jewish Origins of Cultural Pluralism.

(17.) Higham, Send These to Me: Jews and Other immigrants in Urban America, 2.09-210.

(18.) Toll, "Horace M. Kallen: Pluralism and American Jewish Identity," 66.

(19.) John Dewey, The Reflex Arc Concept in Psychology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1896).

(20.) Dewey, argues that the mind and body should be treated as an organic unity that coordinates responses to the environment.

(21.) Gary Gerstle, "The Protean Character of American Liberalism," American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (1994): 1043-1073.

(22.) Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017).

(23.) Toll, "Horace M. Kallen: Pluralism and American Jewish Identity," 73.

(24.) Weinfeld, "What Difference Does the Difference Make? Horace Kallen, Alain Locke, and the Development of Cultural Pluralism in America"; Greene, The Jewish Origins of Cultural Pluralism.

(25.) Higham, Send These to Me: Jews and Other Immigrants in Urban America, 210. This claim is contested by Weinfeld.

(26.) Goldstein, The Price of Whiteness, 35-36.

(27.) Goldstein, 179.

(28.) Weinfeld, "What Difference Does the Difference Make? Horace Kallen, Alain Locke, and the Development of Cultural Pluralism in America," 168.

(29.) Matthew Kaufman, "Horace M. Kallen's Use of Evolutionary Theory in Support of American Jews and Democracy," Zygon: Journal of Religion and Science 52, no. 4 (2017): 922-942.

(30.) Hattam, In the Shadow of Race: Jews, Latinos, and Immigrant Politics in the United States, 51.

(31.) Hattam, 58.

(32.) Cheryl Greenberg, "'I'm Not White--I'm Jewish': The Racial Politics of American Jews," in Race, Color, Identity: Rethinking Discourses about "Jews" in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Efraim Sicher (New York: Berghahn Books, 2013), 41.

(33.) John M. Efron, Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in Finde-Siecle Europe (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994).

(34.) Sander L. Gilman, The Jew's Body (New York: Routledge, 1991); Mitchell Bryan Hart, The Healthy Jew: The Symbiosis of Judaism and Modern Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Mitchell Bryan Hart, ed., Jews and Race: Writings on Identity and Difference, 1880-1940, The Tauber Institute Series for the Study of European Jewry (Waltham: Brandeis University Press, 2011); Raphael Falk, Zionism and the Biology of the Jews (New York: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2017).

(35.) Hart, Jews and Race, xxvii.

(36.) Efron, Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in Fin-de-Siecle Europe, 160.

(37.) Intercollegiate Menorah Association, The Menorah Movement: For the Study and Advancement of Jewish Culture and Ideals (Ann Arbor: Intercollegiate Menorah Association, 1914), 84.

(38.) Reprinted in Hart, Jews and Race, 256-257.

(39.) Efron, 156.

(40.) See Horace M. Kallen, "Eugenic Aspects of the Jewish Problem," American Jewish Chronicle, April 12., 1918, 655.

(41.) Paul Weindling, "The Evolution of Jewish Identity: Ignaz Zollschan between Jewish and Aryan Race Theories, 1910-1945," in Jewish Tradition and the Challenge of Darwinism, ed. Geoffrey Cantor and Marc Swetlitz (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 121, 123; Efron, Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in Fin-de-Siecle Europe, 160.

(42.) Reprinted in Hart, Jews and Race, 264.

(43.) Rene Hirschler, "A Basis for Jewish Consciousness," in Jews and Diaspora Nationalism: Writings on Jewish Peoplehood in Europe and the United States, ed. Simon Rabinovitch, The Tauber Institute Series for the Study of European Jewry (Waltham: Brandeis University Press, 2012), 182-188.

(44.) Eliza Slavet, "Freud's Theory of Jewishness: For Better and for Worse," in The Jewish World of Sigmund Freud: Essays on Cultural Roots and the Problem of Religious Identity, ed. Arnold D. Richards (Jefferson: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2.010), 96; see also Frank J. Sulloway, Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend (New York: Basic Books, 1979).

(45.) Sander L. Gilman, Smart Jews: The Construction of the Image of Jewish Superior Intelligence (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), 103.

(46.) Louis D. Covitt, "The Anthropology of the Jew," The Monist 26, no. 3 (1916): 391.

(47.) "Anthropological Explanation of the Facial Aspect of the Jew," American Israelite, October 5, 1916.

(48.) Pianko, Zionism and the Roads Not Taken, 41-42.

(49.) Pianko, '"The True Liberalism of Zionism': Horace Kallen, Jewish Nationalism, and the Limits of American Pluralism," 319; Pianko, Zionism and the Roads Not Taken, 42.

(50.) Horace M. Kallen, "Zionism and the Struggle Towards Democracy," Nation, September 23, 1915, 379.

(51.) Sluga, The Nation, Psychology, and International Politics, 1870-1919, 50.

(52.) Horace M. Kallen, The Structure of Lasting Peace: An Inquiry into the Motives of War and Peace (Boston: Marshall Jones Co., 1918), 29-30.

(53.) Kallen, 31.

(54.) Pianko, Zionism and the Roads Not Taken, 42.

(55.) Sluga, The Nation, Psychology, and International Politics, 1870-1919, 48.

(56.) Sluga, 45.

(57.) Quoted in Sluga, 45.

(58.) Milton R. Konvitz, "In Praise of Hyphenation and Orchestration," in The Legacy of Horace M. Kallen, ed. Milton R. Konvitz (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1987), 18.

(59.) Herbert Spencer, The Principles of Psychology (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1855).

(60.) Bernard Lightman, "Spencer's American Disciples: Fiske, Youmans, and the Appropriation of the System," in Global Spencerism: The Communication and Appropriation of a British Evolutionist, ed. Bernard Lightman (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2016), 123-148; Mark Francis, "The Reforming Spencerians: William James, Josiah Royce and John Dewey," in Global Spencerism: The Communication and Appropriation of a British Evolutionist, ed. Bernard Lightman (Boston: Brill, 2016), 103-122.

(61.) Quoted in Egbert Klautke, The Mind of the Nation: Volkerpsychologie in Germany, 1851-1955 (New York: Berghahn Books, 1013), 18.

(62.) Klautke, 20, 24.

(63.) Klautke, 24.

(64.) John D. Greenwood, "Individualism and the Social in Early American Social Psychology," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 36, no. 4 (2000): 443-455.

(65.) Sander L. Gilman, Freud, Race, and Gender (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993). 2.7; for an in-depth analysis, see Klautke, The Mind of the Nation: Volkerpsychologie in Germany, 1851-1955.

(66.) Horace M. Kallen, "Eugenic Aspects of the Jewish Problem," American Jewish Chronicle, March 29, 1918, 558.

(67.) Kallen, The Structure of Lasting Peace: An Inquiry into the Motives of War and Peace, 30-31.

(68.) Gertrude Himmelfarb, The Jewish Odyssey of George Eliot (New York: Encounter Books, 2009), 124.

(69.) Ranen Omer-Sherman, '"Thy People Are My People': Emma Lazarus, Daniel Deronda, and the Ambivalence of Jewish Modernity," Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 1, no. 1 (2002): 49-72; Daniel P. Kotzin, Judah L. Magnes: An American Jewish Nonconformist, vol. 1st ed, Modern Jewish History (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2010), 31, 345 n. 40.

(70.) Schmidt, Horace M. Kallen.

(71.) George Eliot, Daniel Deronda (New York: Penguin Books, 1984), 596.

(72.) Eliot, 727.

(73.) Eliot, 724.

(74.) Kalonymous, a common medieval Jewish name, was also Kallen's original family name. See Milton R. Konvitz, "Horace M. Kallen," in The "Other" New York Intellectuals, ed. Carole S. Kessner (New York: New York University Press, 1994)), 145

(75.) Eliot, 787, 792.

(76.) There is a great deal of debate about the relationship of the novel to realism and romanticism. However, with respect to those sections of the novel here under discussion, it seems apt to apply the term "mystical romanticism."

(77.) Greenberg, "'I'm Not White--I'm Jewish': The Racial Politics of American Jews," 45. 50.

(78.) Cynthia M. Baker, Jew, Key Words in Jewish Studies 7 (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2017), 104-110, 142-148; See also Susan A. Glenn and Naomi B. Sokoloff, eds., Boundaries of Jewish Identity (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2010); Slavet, "Freud's Theory of Jewishness: For Better and for Worse."

(79.) Slavet, "Freud's Theory of Jewishness: For Better and for Worse"; Greenberg, "'I'm Not White--I'm Jewish': The Racial Politics of American Jews."

(80.) See, for example, Baker, Jew, 126-142.
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Date:Jan 1, 2019
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