Bertrada de Montfort, Peter Abelard, and Adelard of Bath: the critique of authority in the early twelfth century.
A major victory for Bertradas critics came in December 1104, when Galo, newly appointed as Bishop of Paris (and previously Ivo's successor as dean of Saint-Quentin, Beauvais), forced both Bertrada and Philip to abjure sexual relations and only communicate with each other in the company of trusted witnesses. Yet, as Erik Bournazel observes, this did not stop them from engaging together in public life. (5) A forthcoming study by Max Lejbowicz argues that Bertrada is the queen before whom Adelard of Bath reports that he played the cithara, very likely at Tours, soon after Philips death on 29/30 July 1108. (6) Adelard, who speaks about his recent studies at Tours in his De eodem et diverso, dedicated to the Bishop of Syracuse, narrates the episode to explain the discipline of music from the testimony of experience. Bertrada subsequently became a nun of the Order of Fontevraud, being appointed abbess of a monastery that she founded on her own property at Haute-Bruyere, near Dreux (midway between Chartres and Evreux), within Normandy rather than the royal domain of France. The support she and her son, Fulk, gave to the abbey of Fontevraud would be crucial in ensuring its success as the premier abbey of the Counts of Anjou. Just as Adelard embodied a more critical approach to learning, so Fontevraud embodied a new approach to religious life in allowing men and women to live together in the same location, under the authority of an abbess.
Bertrada s criticism of ecclesiastical authority also deserves to be compared to that of Peter Abelard, who provides a detailed, if partisan account of intellectual debate in this period his Historia calamitatum, written around 1132. (7) While Robert-Henri Bautier has emphasised the influence on Abelard of Stephen de Garlande, an archdeacon of Paris from c. 1096, and royal chancellor to Louis VI for much of the period between 1106 and 1137, he did not consider Stephens potential debt to the initial patronage of Bertrada. (8) Sugers consistent effort in his Life of Louis VI to downplay the contribution of the de Garlande brothers itself echoed his reserve to a most controversial queen. While Adelard's career is not as well known as that of Abelard, they may have both benefitted, at least indirectly, from the patronage of Bertrada. To understand the critique of blind respect for authority made by both Abelard and Adelard, we need to consider more closely the extent to which Bertrada herself challenged ecclesiastical authority.
I. Bertrada de Montfort, Fulk IV of Anjou, and Philip I of France
The family of Bertrada de Montfort came from a part of Normandy close to both Blois and the royal domain of France. Suger described her brother, Amaury de Montfort (d. 1137), as 'a distinguished knight and very powerful baron'. (9) She was raised by her uncle, the Count of Evreux, and aunt, Helwise, 'clever and persuasive but cruel and grasping' according to Orderic Vitalis, who reports that Fulk IV approached Duke Robert of Normandy for permission to marry her. Duke Robert approved the relationship between Fulk and Bertrada because he wanted to make peace with Anjou, but suspected Fulks motives. (10) While this was Bertrada's first marriage, Fulk IV had previously been married to Hildegarde of Beaugency (d. 1070), by whom he had a daughter, Ermengarde, subsequently Countess of Brittany), and then to Ermengarde de Bourbon, by whom he had his first son, Geoffrey Martel. After two further wives, about whom nothing is known and who left no surviving issue, Fulk IV married Bertrada who gave him a son, the future Fulk V sometime between 1089 and 1092. (11)
Bertrada's marriage to Fulk IV was not a happy one. According to the Gesta of Anjou, initially written between 1106 and 1109, soon after the death of Geoffrey Martel, Fulk's eldest son, Bertrada and Philip were so smitten by each other that the king devised a ruse whereby after an official meeting with Fulk IV at Tours on 15 May 1092, she slipped away the following night, protected by a posse of knights, who took her to Orleans. (12) Philips decision to dismiss Bertha, mother to his two children, and exile her to Montreuil in the Pas-de-Calais (where she died in 1094), provoked intense hostility from Ivo of Chartres, who urged all the bishops and archbishops of France to boycott the wedding. (13) In practice, however, most of the French bishops were loyal to the king. On 26 October 1092, Pope Urban II reprimanded Rainald, Archbishop of Reims, for allowing Ursio, Bishop of Senlis and then Philip's chancellor, to celebrate the wedding, widely recognised within the royal domain. The marriage provoked Urban II to excommunicate Philip and place the royal domain, at least in theory, under interdict. William of Malmesbury reports a story that wherever the king travelled, divine service would be suspended with the bells ringing again only after he had left a town, prompting Philip to quip to Bertrada: 'Do you hear, my fair one, how they scare us away?' Ivo maintained resistance to the marriage over the next twelve years as a matter of principle, consistently referring to Bertrada as the Countess of Anjou rather than as Queen of France. (14) To the frustration of both Ivo of Chartres and Pope Urban II, the archbishops of Reims, Tours, and Sens all recognised the marriage. (15) Bertrada gave Philip two sons, Philip de Maintes (d. 1133) and Florus, as well as a daughter, Cecile (1097-c. 1145), subsequently sent as a child to Antioch in 1106 in order to marry Tancred, Prince of Galilee. (16) While Philip and Florus would not prove a political threat to Louis VI, Cecile would become a significant figure in the Holy Land as Countess of Tripoli. Fulk V of Anjou, Bertrada's son by Fulk IV would become King of Jerusalem from 1131 to his death in 1143. Bertrada's grandson, Geoffrey of Anjou, married the Empress Matilda in 1128, creating Angevin control of the English crown.
Urban II reportedly reasserted his excommunication of Philip and Bertrada when he travelled through Burgundy and France, including Clermont, to preach the First Crusade, in 1095. In 1100, a new pope, Paschal II, sent two cardinals to impose reforms at the Council of Poitiers, forcing Count William of Aquitaine, initially hostile to these measures, to submit to papal authority. In the meantime, Philip and Bertrada spent a fortnight at Sens in 1100, installing clergy loyal to themselves, to the consternation of Hugh of Flavigny, who was outraged by the behaviour of the king's 'Jezebel', as he described her. (17) Only in 1104, did Pascal report to the archbishops of France that he had heard that Philip was prepared to renounce Bertrada, and that if this was the case and the king made a solemn oath to renounce sexual relations with her, and not to speak with her except in the company of trusted observers, then he might lift the king from interdict. Philip formally committed himself to these conditions in Paris on 2 (or 9) December 1104. (18)
Neither Suger nor Orderic mentions the accusation made against Bertrada in the Gesta of the Counts of Anjou, written before the death of Fulk IV in 1109, that she was complicit in the unexpected death of Geoffrey Martel, the son of Ermengarde, in 1106. Its author believed (erroneously) that Fulk IV had dismissed Ermengarde because of Bertrada. By the 1150s, his hostile picture of Bertrada had been embellished with an additional passage, presented here in square brackets, excoriating her memory:
The libidinous Fulk loved the sister of Amaury de Montfort, whom no good man ever praised apart from her beauty, because of whom he dismissed the mother of Martel. [This woman feared the stepson as an adult. Her infested mind could not be stilled with any moments of rest or vigils, scheming how she could bring harm to Martel. Often her colour was flushed, sometimes in a ceaselessly swift way, sometimes slow, a madness completely evident in her face and expression, and she gave instruction in evil deeds to those whom she bound to herself in many ways.] (19)
The original Gesta describes how Martel was unexpectedly killed at Candes (near Fontevraud) on 19 May 1106:
... through the treachery of his own people and of his stepmother, with the complicity, as they say of his father. It seems incredible to me that a father would have consented to the death of such a great son, since he was very old and the son, if long life had been granted to him, would have recovered everything that he had lost. (20)
While Orderic gives further detail about how Geoffrey Martel was shot by a crossbowman during negotiation of a truce, he says nothing about Bertrada's complicity in his death. The fact that neither Orderic nor Suger repeats this accusation that she facilitated the rise to power of Fulk V suggests that both may have considered the claim excessive.
II. Abelard's Early Studies under Roscelin of Compiegne 1093-1100
The divisive character of Bertrada's reign as Queen of France between 1092 and 1108 help s explain the turbulence of intellectual life in the schools both in the County of Anjou and in the royal domain during these years. While Abelard makes no explicit mention of Bertrada in the Historia caIamitatum, his opposition to William of Champeaux, closely associated with Bertrada's leading critic, Ivo of Chartres, implies that he was naturally sympathetic to the Queen. Not the least confusing part of Abelards narrative is the very brief statement he makes about his early studies before he came to Paris in around 1100: 'I began to travel about in various provinces debating, like a true peripatetic philosopher, wherever I had heard there was a keen interest in this art.' (21) This is a literary topos, used to describe how Robert of Arbrissel came from Brittany to study in Paris in the early 1080s by Baudri of Bourgueil, writing soon after Robert's death on 24 February 1116. (22) In fact, Roscelin of Compiegne says that Abelard was his student for a long time 'from being a boy to a young man', initially at Loches, palace of the Counts of Anjou, and then at Tours. (23) Loches was an important political centre of Fulk IV of Anjou, who must have offered Roscelin a position there after he had been accused of teaching heresy at the Council of Soissons (between 1090 and 1092), while teaching at a collegiate church in Beauvais. A charter refers to Roscelin and Nevelon of Compiegne as establishing a community of canons at Beauvais, at the request of a reforming bishop subsequently ousted by Fulco, a monk of Bec who sought to become its bishop. (24) The theological accusations against him seem to have been a way of deflecting criticisms made against Bishop Fulco. Roscelin surfaces briefly in the court of Odo of Bayeux on 7 May 1092, before visiting England and then moving to Anjou. (25) Given the recent death of Berengar ofTours (c. 999-1088), Fulk IV may have wished to promote an intellectual of comparable stature at Loches, in order to rival the monastic schools of Normandy. The young Abelard, whose father was Poitevin, arrived at Loches just as Roscelin was beginning to establish himself in a school directly under the patronage of the Count of Anjou, perhaps around the same time as Bertrada escaped from Fulk IV.
Roscelin's remark that he also taught the young Abelard at Tours implies that they moved from Loches, territory belonging to the Count, to SaintMartin of Tours, an abbey firmly under royal control. At her marriage to Philip in September 1092, Bertrada received as a dower a significant part of the property of Saint-Martin, as we know from a legal dispute between Saint-Martin and Fontevraud that developed after the death of Bertrada, who became a nun of the Order of Fontevraud after Philip's death in 1108. Fontevraud's claim to these lands was disputed by the canons of Tours. (26) Given this connection, Bertrada may have inspired both Roscelin and Abelard to move to the more prestigious location at Tours. By the late 1090s, Bertrada was also in a position to invite Abelard to Paris. Stephen de Garlande, a royal chaplain to Philip I in the 1090s was promoted to being one of the three archdeacons of Paris (not a rank of holy orders, like that of a subdeacon or deacon) by 1097. Whether Stephen or Bertrada was responsible for the invitation to Abelard to come to Paris, it seems no coincidence that Bertrada's brother, William de Montfort, was then Bishop of Paris (1095-1101). (27) In 1101, Stephen's brother, Gilbert Paien de Garlande, took over as seneschal (dapifer) or principal steward to the king from Guy le Rouge, Count of Rochefort, who had held that position 1091-1101. The rise to influence of Stephen and his brothers coincides with that of Bertrada. By 1104, Gilbert had been replaced as seneschal by his brother, Anselm de Garlande, whose daughter subsequently married Amaury III de Montfort, cementing their alliance to that powerful family. (28) By later in 1104, the de Garlande brothers were temporarily in retreat, as Guy le Rouge and then his son, Hugh de Crecy, held the post of seneschal from 1104 until 1107. This temporary decline in their influence seems linked to the appointment of Louis by Philip as rex designatus, by 1103. (29) In December 1104, a new Bishop of Paris forced Philip to renounce all carnal relations with Bertrada. Yet this situation did not last long. By 1105/6, Stephen had become royal chancellor. By 1108, Anselm de Garlande had resumed the post of seneschal, passing it on to his brother William (1118-20) and then to Stephen himself (1120-27). (30) Another brother, also called Gilbert, held the post of buticularius in 1108 and from 1112 until 1127, when all the brothers were temporarily ousted from court. (31) Stephen resumed his position as royal chancellor in 1132, holding it to the death of Louis VI in 1137. As dean of Sainte-Genevieve from 1110/11 until his death (14 January, probably 1147), Stephen was well placed to invite Abelard to return to Paris in 1132/33 to resume teaching. (32) Abelard left Paris in 1137 precisely when Stephen finally retired as royal chancellor. The Historia calamitatum was written to provide consolation to an anonymous friend, clearly sympathetic to the cause of Stephen de Garlande, whose ascent to influence had begun when Bertrada de Montfort was at the height of her influence as Queen of France.
Roscelin was still at Saint-Martin of Tours in 1111, according to an eloquently written charter that also mentions Hildebert of Lavardin, then Bishop of Le Mans, and other members of that abbey, including its magister scholae. (33) He is likely to be the Roscelinusgrammaticus who bequeathed fourteen books to the Cathedral of Beauvais, including two works of Augustine, a Priscian, Macrobius, an Arithmetica and the De consolatione philosophiae, a Dialectica, Cicero s De inventione, Vergil, Horace, Juvenal, Ovid, Statius, and a troparium, a book of chants, implying that he also had liturgical interests. (34) As successor to Berengar ofTours (who himself served both Fulk III and Fulk IV as Counts of Anjou), Roscelin emphasised the study of the liberal arts and their contribution to theology against what he saw as blind respect for ecclesiastical authority.
By contrast, there were significant critics of Bertrada in Paris, most importantly William of Champeaux, who likely obtained his position at the cathedral school before the appointment of Stephen de Garlande as archdeacon in 1097. William may have been helped by Walerann, cantor of Notre-Dame, to whom Anselm of Canterbury wrote a supportive letter in 1092/93, just as Bec was trying to gain a foothold in the royal domain. Anselm also wrote to the Bishop of Paris, Godfrey de Boulogne, sending greeting to his friends in the cathedral chapter. (35) Williams resentment was undoubtedly fuelled by Stephens rapid rise to influence during the time that Bertrada was queen. During the early twelfth century, Ivo considered Stephen to epitomise the worldliness of the secular clergy.
Bertradas political influence in around 1100 is evident from an episode reported by Orderic Vitalis about her concern that Prince Louis, originally designated by Philip as his heir in 1098-1100, sought to join the court of Henry I in 1101. Louis was followed by an envoy of Bertrada who gave Henry a letter, purportedly from Philip, asking him to arrest Louis. Orderic claims that Bertrada sought to have her stepson poisoned, and he was only saved by a doctor versed in the medical skills of the heathen. (36) Yet by 1103, she had made peace with her stepson. (37) Bertradas diplomatic skills are also evident from the fact that she negotiated peace between Philip and the Count of Anjou. (38) Suger says nothing about the confrontation to government either of Bertrada or of the de Garlande brothers, who initially rose to influence during the time that she was Queen. Instead, he emphasises how Louis, as the legitimate son of Bertha, spent his early years under the tutelage of the monks of Saint-Denis. (39) Only with the advent of Galo as Bishop of Paris in 1104, would Bertradas influence fall into decline while that of William of Champeaux started to increase. Abelard identifies his problems beginning with the hostility of William and 'the leaders among my fellow-students', who resented the aggression of the newly arrived student. This provided the context for the beginning of Abelard's career, moving outside Paris and thus the influence of William of Champeaux. (40)
III. Melun as a Political Centre
Abelard reports that he chose to move to Melun, located on the Seine some fifty-five kilometres south-east of Paris, because it was at the time an important royal residence:
It eventually happened that, young as I was and estimating my capacities too highly for my years, I set my heart on running a school and providing a place in which I could do this, namely Melun, an important stronghold at that time and a royal residence. My master suspected my intentions, and, in an attempt to remove my school as far as possible from his own, before I could leave him he secretly used every means he could to thwart my plans and keep me from the place I had chosen. But among the powers in the land he had several enemies, and these men helped me to obtain my desire. I also won considerable support simply through his unconcealed jealousy. (41)
In his notes on this passage, David Luscombe does not offer any explanation as to why Abelard should have chosen Melun, other than claiming that Philip I and Louis VI used it as a centre for royal government, referring for further background to Bautier's study. The wide range of locations where Philip and Louis delivered charters reveals, however, that while there was already a strong tendency to favour Paris in the later eleventh century, government was not yet centralised in any one place. (42) Melun was one of many royal palaces around the French kingdom, but it did provide easy access to both Paris and Orleans, an important base of French royal power for Philip I, while also being effectively remote from episcopal influence.
Abelard's move to Melun makes particular sense if he did so not in 1102 (the date proposed by Bautier), but in 1104, when Bishop Galo was appointed to the See of Paris after a protracted period of instability. After the death of William de Montfort in the Holy Land in 1102, there was no bishop in Paris until Ivo of Chartres supported the election of Fulco, canon of Senlis, a choice resisted by the archdeacons, Stephen de Garlande and Vulgrin. After Fulco's sudden death, Pope Paschal II confirmed Galo (who had previously competed with Stephen de Garlande to become Bishop of Beauvais) as Bishop of Paris in April 1104. (43) In July 1104, there was an ecclesiastical council at Beaugency, near Orleans, to force the king to submit to its authority. (44) Nothing happened, however, until December when Galo convened an important ecclesiastical council in Paris. The king was forced to take an oath that he would renounce sexual relations with Bertrada as well as 'conversation and cohabitation', except in the presence of approved witnesses. (45) Between 1104 and 1108, Philip issued charters on his own at Orleans (1105), Paris (1106), Poissy (1106), and then Paris again (1107). In October 1106, however, both Philip and Bertrada confirmed at Angers privileges issued previously by the late Geoffrey Martel, Bertrada's stepson. (46) The young Fulk was also present at that event, which took place a few months after Geoffrey Martel's unexpected death at Candes. (47) Given that Philip died at Melun on 29 July 1108, he likely based himself at Melun from 1104 in order to escape hostile ecclesiastical voices in Paris. Whether Bertrada stayed there during these years, or on her own estates, such as Haute-Bruyere or Tours, is not certain. Nonetheless, the fact that they both travelled to Angers in 1106 suggests that they did not feel constrained by ecclesiastical pressure against them.
Abelard started a school at Melun just as the king transferred his court there to escape the influence of the Bishop of Paris. (48) He subsequently moved his school from Melun to Corbeil (perhaps around 1106/07), not because of any decline in de Garlandes influence, but so that he could be closer to Paris. Corbeil was then under control of Count Eudes, an ally of Anselm de Garlande and an enemy of the son of Guy de Rochefort, Hugh de Crecy, seneschal for a short while (1107-08) before being ousted by Anselm. (49) Abelard wanted to be closer to Paris so that he could engage more easily in disputation with students of William of Champeaux. (50)
Abelard recalls that he was not at Corbeil for long when he fell ill through overwork and had to return to his home region: 'for some years, being far from France, I was more keenly missed by those eager for instruction in dialectic.' (51) If he returned to Paris in 1111 (rather than 1108, as Bautier imagined), then he might have left Corbeil in around 1107/08. William of Champeaux was then emerging as archdeacon of Paris, working closely with Bishop Galo in imposing various ecclesiastical reforms. (52) In April 1107,William worked with Galo in expelling nuns from the abbey of Saint-Eloi, adjacent to the royal palace on the Ile-de-la-cite (a community that Philip I had previously sought to help). In May of that year, William and Galo both attended the Council of Troyes, convened by Paschal II so as to impose many reform measures on the clergy, relating not just to simony, but also to dress and moral behaviour. Also present at this assembly was Cono (also known as Conon or Cuno), founder of the Augustinian canons at Arrouaise, subsequently promoted by Paschal II to be Cardinal of Palestrina and papal legate throughout Gaul. William would become Cono's adviser between 1113 and his death early in 1121. (53) Abelard's decision to return to Brittany may be related, not so much to any fall from grace of Stephen de Garlande, royal chancellor from 1105/06, but to the increasing influence in Paris ofWilliam of Champeaux as archdeacon. Because Joscelin of Vierzy figures prominently in the Vita Goswini (in which William of Champeaux is not mentioned) as a teacher in Paris during these years, it may be that Joscelin was the senior student of William entrusted with teaching dialectic at the cathedral school of Notre-Dame when William became archdeacon. We know that William established a replacement for himself at Notre-Dame when he moved to Saint-Victor. Quite possibly this was Joscelin, who emerges in 1115 as a teacher and archdeacon at Soissons, where he would subsequently become bishop. (54) The teaching of 'magister G[aus].' is regularly mentioned in records of dialectical teaching from this period, 1106-12. (55)
IV. Bertrada and Fontevraud
Philip I died at Melun on 29 July 1108. His body was then taken in solemn procession to the abbey of Fleury on the Loire, just outside Orleans. Suger reports a view that his decision not to be buried at Saint-Denis may have been due to a sense that he might not be given due respect there. (56) Ivo of Chartres and other leading bishops quickly consecrated Louis at Orleans to eliminate any potential challenge to his authority. It seems, however, that the de Garlande brothers had already effectively aligned themselves as supporting Louis VI even before Philips death. Bertrada turned to focus on her children, but continued to style herself 'Queen of France. (57) She is often mentioned as a witness in the Cartulary of Fontevraud, always with the title of Queen, between 1109 and 1115, sometimes in the company of her son Fulk V and occasionally also of her son Philip. (58) In 1112, Pope Callixtus II confirmed her possession of a newly established community at Haute-Bruyere, on de Montfort lands in the diocese of Chartres. (59) The claim of a nineteenth-century history of Haute-Bruyere, that Bertrada had been a nun for four years at Fontevraud itself before moving, may be an invention. According to the second life of Andrew, she was enclosed as a nun at Haute-Bruyere, probably not before 1112. (60)
The charters of Fontevraud certainly show that Bertrada was often present at the abbey in its early years, and so must have been on good terms with its first prioress, Hersende (d. c. 1115), who allowed Fontevraud to be built on her lands in around 1100. This was despite the criticism directed against Robert in around 1096/97 by Marbod of Rennes (then still functioning as archdeacon at Angers, in the service of Fulk IV), charging him with some undisclosed 'sin'. Marbod reported rumours that Robert had been testing his chastity by sleeping adjacent to female disciples, whose guilt was evident from 'the wailing of children' kept by these women. Marbod's use of the plural may be a coded way of referring to Roberts particular friendship with Hersende (alongside whom he wished to be buried, according to a deathbed speech recorded by a disciple). As Werner Robl has observed, Hersende of Fontevraud, as sister of Count Hubert IV of Champagne, was related to some of the most powerful noble families of France and was a distant relation of Bertrada. (61) Robl has put forward a number of reasons (including the coincidence of the day of their deaths) for arguing that Hersende of Champagne was the mother of Heloise, and that she sent her daughter to Argenteuil in around 1100 when she herself became an enclosed nun at Fontevraud. It is impossible to either prove or disprove Robl's suggestion that Heloises father might have been Robert of Arbrissel, whose sexual temptations are indirectly hinted at by Marbod in his letter to Robert from 1096. Nonetheless, Hersende was certainly related to Bouchard IV of Montmorency, traditional guardian of Argenteuil (whose family was remembered in the early seventeenth century as linked to that of Heloise). (62) If Heloise was born out of wedlock, Hersende may have thought that Bertrada was in a good position to watch over the young Heloise at a royal abbey like Argenteuil, which catered for educating girls of noble birth. Bautier observes that the names of both Hersende and Heloise were relatively unusual at the time, but then tend to occur only in the region of Chartres. Helwise was also the name of the Countess of Evreux, by whom Bertrada was raised before becoming married to Fulk IV in 1092. (63) As widow of William of Montsoreau (d. c. 1087), Hersende belonged to the same social elite as Bertrada. Robert of Arbrissel reportedly attended the important reforming Council of Poitiers in 1100, where Philip was urged to repent of his ways, although the evidence here is not certain. (64) After 1104, Hersende was in a key position to persuade Bertrada to support Fontevraud and eventually join the order. After 1108, she reportedly continued to act closely with her brother, Amaury de Montfort, as if she retained a strong interest in public life. (65) Whatever the truth behind suspicions of her complicity in the death of Geoffrey Martel in 1106, Bertradas generosity towards Fontevraud and her establishment of a priory at Haute-Bruyere helped consolidate not just her own reputation, but also that of her son as Count of Anjou. Even if neither Orderic nor Suger mentions the suspicions raised by the Gesta of Anjou about her possible complicity in Geoffrey's death, they do speak darkly about her political ambition.
According to Andrew, the second biographer of Robert of Arbrissel, Bertrada was buried in the nave of Haute-Bruyere. (66) By September 1119, a protracted legal battle between Saint-Martin of Tours and Fontevraud over the rights to the lands that she had been given by Philip I in 1095 led to Callixtus II settling the case in favour of Fontevraud. A month later, Louis VI settled affairs more in favour of Saint-Martin of Tours. (67) This legal dispute provides a background to Roscelin's polemical letter to Peter Abelard, written c. 1119-20 in the wake of his castration (c. 1117) and relationship with Heloise. Besides taking issue with Abelards discussion of theological matters, Roscelin rebuked Abelard for supporting both Anselm of Bec and Robert of Arbrissel. (68) Abelard subsequently responded in a letter to the Bishop of Paris, in which he defended Robert of Arbrissel as an 'outstanding teacher'. (69) Even if Bertrada's critics doubted her motives, her support for Fontevraud suggests that she was as interested in developing new forms of religious life as she was in encouraging younger scholars, like Peter Abelard.
Even if Stephen de Garlande originally rose to influence during the heyday of Bertrada's influence, political ambition led him to work for her stepson, Louis, when he became royal chancellor in 1105/06. By 1110/11, he had become dean of Sainte-Genevieve, an appointment of great significance for the development of the Parisian schools on the land of a royal abbey that was outside the jurisdiction of the bishop. (70) The city of Paris was still in a militarily precarious situation. While Louis VI was holding court at Melun in March 1111, the Ile-de-la-cite had been attacked by Norman forces led by Robert of Meulan, with bridges destroyed. (71) This event was decisive in making Louis VI much more aware of the strategic importance of Paris, because of its vulnerability to invasion from Normandy. It also seems to be the event that precipitated the expansion of two important abbeys on the Seines left bank, which would now compete with the cathedral school as educational centres, namely Sainte-Genevieve under Stephen de Garlande and Saint-Victor under William of Champeaux. Whereas the schools of Laon had been very much associated with the recovery of ecclesiastical authorities, the schools of Paris started to become more known by the second decade of the twelfth century as places for studying both reason and authority.
V. William of Champeaux, Saint-Victor, and the Debate on Universals
Just as Bertrada resisted the authority of Ivo of Chartres, so Abelard challenged the views of William of Champeaux in the matter of universals, soon after William had established a community of canons regular at Saint-Victor. (72) If we follow the evidence of the letter of a German student, who wrote admiringly from Paris about his teacher in late 1111, this challenge happened only at Easter (2 April) of that year, not 1108 as traditionally claimed. The student describes William as
then archdeacon and almost the most senior figure to the king, having given up everything he possessed, withdrew last Easter to a certain very poor church to serve God alone ... And now he rules such a great school as much as in divine as in human disciplines in such a way that I have not seen nor have heard in any place. (73)
The student's presence at Saint-Victor signals the international character of Williams school, which was attracting notice in Germany as much as in France.
Abelard reports that William then lost disciples, while William's replacement at Notre-Dame offered Abelard his position. (74) Abelard likely underplays the extent to which Williams initial appointee may have been under pressure from within the cathedral chapter to cede his position, now that William of Champeaux was no longer one of its canons. William was apparently furious with his initial successor (perhaps Joscelin of Vierzy, subsequently Bishop of Soissons), and then installed another master with a minor reputation in teaching grammar, likely to be Goswin of Anchin. Abelard was forced to re-establish his school at Melun, but once William withdrew with his canons from Saint-Victor (early in 1112), he was invited to teach at Sainte-Genevieve. Goswin's account of how he spurned Joscelin's advice and challenged Abelard in debate at Sainte-Genevieve in 1112 is recorded in the Vita Goswini. (75) The absence of any mention of William of Champeaux in that account may be explained by the falling out between William and his initial replacement (Joscelin), mentioned by Abelard in the Historia calamitatum. Suger, also a friend of Joscelin, similarly never mentions William of Champeaux in his history of Louis VI.
Williams decision to move away from Saint-Victor to a location far from Paris was occasioned by suspicion about the sincerity of his religious conversion. While William of Champeaux resigned his position in the chapter of Notre-Dame at Easter 1111, he would not be replaced as one of the three archdeacons of Paris until May 1112. (76) A letter of Paschal II, issued at the Lateran Council in April 1112 in the presence of Adam, abbot of Saint-Denis, condemns an archdeacon W. of Paris, on the grounds that he had acted harshly against priests of Sainte-Genevieve and Saint-Remy and had attacked privileges of Saint-Denis. (77) The abbey of Saint-Denis, traditionally loyal to the crown, had always expressed reserve towards the privileges of the Bishop of Paris. The edict implies that by 1112 Saint-Denis was joining Sainte-Genevieve in seeking to resist the extremism of some of Williams reforming measures. The charter reinforces what Abelard had to say relating to public suspicion about William of Champeaux, that 'this religious life of his did not remove him from either the city (urbs) of Paris or his habitual study of philosophy'. These rumours eventually led to William removing himself and his community to a place far from the city ('ad uillam quandam ab urbe remotam) for a limited period. (78)
Because Abelard reports that William of Champeaux did not remove himself from the urbs of Paris, it has been suggested that he might have first moved to another location elsewhere on the Ile-de-la-cite, and only subsequently moved to Saint-Victor. (79) Lus combe rightly observes that a much simpler resolution of the issue is to identify the monasterium mentioned by Abelard with the disused church of Saint-Victor, on the left bank, outside the civitas (or Ile-de-la-cite), but still within the urbs, understood as the larger town of Paris . (80) On 18 April 1112, a charter was drawn up by Louis VI (with Stephen de Garlande as his chancellor) officially establishing an order of regular canons based around Puiseaux, some 163 kilometres south of Paris, roughly midway on the road towards Orleans. A nearly identical form of the charter was re-issued the following year, in June/July 1113, establishing the order not around Puiseaux, but around Saint-Victor. (81) The 1112 charter endowed Puiseaux with enormous wealth, transferred in the charter of 1113 to Saint-Victor, when Puiseaux became one of its many properties. If William officially became a regular canon at Saint-Victor at Easter 1111, but initially remained as archdeacon of Paris and as a teacher conducting a public school, there would have been suspicion about the sincerity of his conversion. William may well have been aware that Adam of Saint-Denis was seeking a papal rebuke for his behaviour in attacking both Saint-Denis and Sainte-Genevieve, both royal foundations outside the jurisdiction of the bishop. Only by resigning as archdeacon and physically moving his community could he clear himself of these accusations.
According to Abelard, William of Champeaux returned with his community 'to his former monastery' (certainly Saint-Victor), probably late in 1112 or early in 1113. This precipitated the departure of his second replacement at Notre-Dame, Goswin, who subsequently became a monk at Anchin. (82) Abelard, still fresh from his time away from Paris in the Loire valley, launched into a further round of disputations with William of Champeaux and his students. Sometime during mid-1113, Abelard needed to return to Brittany because his mother, following his father, was preparing to enter religious life. It was during this period that William of Champeaux was appointed Bishop of Chalons, an event that took place most likely in June/July 1113. This laid the way for Abelard to take his students to Laon to engage in one further disputation, but now in the realm of divinity rather than dialectic. While Bertrada was no longer of political influence in the kingdom, her resistance to Ivo of Chartres provided a model for Abelard's opposition to William of Champeaux.
VI. The Political Context to the Confrontation with Anselm of Laon
Abelard's account in the Historia calamitatum presents his encounter with Anselm of Laon as a confrontation with a widely celebrated teacher reliant more on authority than rational questioning. Like William of Champeaux, Anselm was close to Ivo of Chartres in resisting the claims of Bertrada to call herself Queen of France.While Abelard does not mention the dramatic events that had taken place at Laon the previous year, recounted in detail by Guibert of Nogent, his conflict with Anselm and his disciples had particular resonance in the light of broader political struggles between Normandy and France at this time. In 1112, Gaudry (Waldricus), Bishop of Laon, had been murdered in the course of a bloody suppression by the French king of a commune that had been established in the city. As a chaplain and then royal chancellor (1103-07) to Henry I, Gaudry had taken a leading part in Henry's capture of Robert Duke of Normandy in 1106. (83) Guibert deplored the avarice of the archdeacons and clergy of Laon in hoping that they could profit from the wealth of the bishop, with the exception of master Anselm, who, he insists, had not favoured Gaudry's appointment. (84) Anselm nonetheless travelled to England during the years 1108-09, when he reportedly became aware of Gaudry's corruption. (85) This visit of Anselm to England was clearly important in attracting English students to Laon, including two sons of Ranulf, Gaudry's successor as royal chancellor (1107-23) to Henry I. Their coming to Laon to study is mentioned by Hermann of Tournai in his account of the miracles of the Virgin of Laon, a narrative that describes how canons of Laon went from Dover to Bristol in 1113 to collect funds for the restoration of their church. (86) Hermann gives a similar report of Anselms reputation when the canons visited Salisbury. Two nephews of Bishop Roger of Salisbury trained in Laon before rising to positions of influence in England. (87) Hermanns praise for Anselm of Laon, coupled with outrage at the murder of Bishop Gaudry in 1112, reflects a political loyalty radically different from that of Abelard. Anselm's expertise in patristic authority did not make any impression on Abelard, who had been trained under Roscelin at Loches and then Tours in the valley.
Although Louis VI had initially supported the commune at Laon, his decision to enter the city in 1112, following Gaudrys murder, marked a decisive effort to reassert French royal authority in the city. (88) Louis VI needed to assert his authority there as a message to Henry I to limit Norman incursions into the French royal domain. Gaudry s murder offered an opportunity for Louis to reassert his influence. Stephen of Garlande originally wanted to become Bishop of Laon, but then put forward another candidate, the dean of Orleans, so that he himself could become dean at Orleans, as well as at Sainte-Genevieve. (89) After that candidate unexpectedly died, the canons chose Barthelemy de Joux (1113-51), who was more committed to ecclesiastical reform. (90) Abelard came to Laon with his students, perhaps around September/October 1113, at a politically charged moment when many students may have perceived Anselm of Laon (even if unfairly) as closely linked with the regime of Bishop Gaudry. The leading students of Anselm, Alberic of Reims and Lotulf of Novara, sought to maintain control of his school, and resented the way Abelard started to lecture on Scripture (the prophet Ezekiel) without the licentia of the master. (91) While Abelard explains this episode in the Historia calamitatum in terms of their jealousy of his genius, there were also larger political issues involved. Abelard articulated the desire of Stephen de Garlande to assert royal authority around Paris and also make it a centre for educational activity. Anselm was very much associated with respect for patristic authority, drawing extensively on the Fathers in his sentences on core themes of Scripture as well as in his glosses and commentaries. (92) Abelard, by contrast, emphasised applying philosophical categories to the themes of Scripture and to the Fathers, insisting he did not need to rely on any other authority. While William of Champeaux had greater expertise with dialectic and rhetoric than Anselm of Laon, Anselm's theological perspective was still fundamentally shaped by respect for the authority of the Fathers, above all Augustine. When Abelard was offered the position of running the cathedral school at Notre-Dame, Stephen de Garlande was playing a key role in consolidating the reputation of Paris as the leading place to pursue theological enquiry, challenging the dominance of Laon under master Anselm and his disciples. Stephen, with his connections to Orleans and the Loire valley, favoured the study of classical authors and the pursuit of reason, whereas Anselm focused on the study of patristic authority. With the support of Stephen, following in the wake of Bertrada, Abelard's response was to create a theological system based on reason as much as a critical attitude to authority.
VII. Adelard of Bath
While Abelard himself informs us in detail about his career, our knowledge of Adelard of Bath derives largely from a few scattered comments in his writing. Yet it is noticeable that Adelard shared Abelard's reserve towards Laon, while also deciding to pursue his initial studies at Tours. (93) In the De eodem et diverso, addressed to his nephew, Adelard constructs a dialogue that explores the relationship between Philosophia (as what is the same) and Philocosmia (what is different), who introduces each of the seven liberal arts. Roscelin of Compiegne had become notorious during the 1090s, at least in the eyes of St Anselm, for the way he explained identity and difference within dialectic. Adelard's response to this debate was to move beyond a single discipline, and to see all the liberal arts as reflecting the multiplicity of the cosmos, with an underlying unity offered by Philosophy. Philosophia declares as part of her presentation of music:
And lest the long-sought request for an example wear us out any longer, you may recall the occasion last year when you yourself in your studies in France were putting all your efforts in the same science of music, and a master of the science was present one evening with his pupils. These asked you--and the Queen herself asked you--to play the cittern. (94)
Adelard recalls how in response a young child moved his hands and fingers to the music. Adelard here presents an image of Bertrada, possibly visiting her lands at Saint-Martin of Tours shortly after the death of Philip I, in a much more positive light than Suger or Orderic Vitalis, as patron of a gathering involving teachers and students. This must have been before she became a nun of the Order of Fontevraud at Haute-Bruyere, by around 1112.
Adelard prefaced the De eodem et diverso, written in the year following his time at Tours, with a letter of greeting to William of Syracuse (1105-24), 'most learned in all the mathematical arts', as well as a letter to his nephew, in which he declares that for two years he had been working quietly on this manual of the liberal arts. (95) He was critical, however, of Gallica studia, arguing that 'what you will not learn among the Latins, eloquent Greece will teach you'. (96) In travelling to Salerno and Sicily via Tours, he was following the intellectual interests of his mentor, John de Villula (1088-1122), a royal physician who became Bishop of Bath and Wells. In his later Quaestiones naturales, Adelard declared that it had been seven years since he had dismissed his nephew with other students of his near Laon, so that they could pursue 'Gallican studies', while he sought to investigate 'the studies of the Arabs'. Where he wrote the De eodem et diverso is not fully clear; it could have been in England, or in Sicily, in response to a complaint he had received from his nephew about his absence. (97) Lejbowicz plausibly proposes that Adelard went back to England after studying in Tours, Salerno, and Sicily before setting out again for the East, via Laon. (98) In any case, Adelard was in Mamistra in the Norman principality of Antioch at the time of a serious earthquake in the area, reported as taking place in 1114 by William ofTyre, who mentions great devastation in Mamistra in particular. (99)
In getting to Antioch, Adelard was following in the footsteps of Bertrada's daughter, Cecile, who had been sent out to Antioch in 1106 after Bohemund of Taranto (c. 1058-1111) returned from there between March and May 1106 in order to marry Constance, the daughter of Philip I and Bertha, at Chartres. (100) Bohemund's plan was that Cecile should marry Tancred de Hauteville (1070/72-1112), who was governing Antioch in his absence. While Bohemund took the nine-year-old Cecile as far as Apulia, where he remained, she was taken to Antioch to marry his nephew. (101) After Tancred's death in 1112, Cecile married Pontius, Count of Tripoli, bringing an end to rivalry between the two cities. Adelards visit to the region of Antioch, sometime between 1110 and 1114 could well have been at the suggestion of Bertrada. Antioch had become a significant centre of translation of medical texts by the 1120s, in part through its close maritime connections with Pisa in this period. (102) While Abelard once dreamed about escaping to the lands of Islam in order to live a more peaceful life, he never made the actual journey made by Adelard. (103)
Adelard s comment in the Questiones naturelles--that it was seven years since he had left his nephew and other students near Laon before going on to pursue the studies of the Arabs--introduces a sharp contrast between the type of education pursued by his nephew and by himself:
For I have learnt one thing from my Arab masters, with reason as guide, but you another; you follow a halter, being enthralled by the picture of authority. For what else can authority be called other than a halter? As brute animals are led wherever one pleases by a halter, but do not know where or why they are led, and only follow the rope by which they are held, so the authority of written words leads not a few of you into danger, since you are enthralled and bound by brutish credulity. (104)
This emphasis on reason rather than authority paradoxically parallels the concerns of Anselm of Canterbury to promote sola ratione in theological discourse. Adelards comments about his nephew and students preferring to follow authority rather than reason have particular relevance in the light of the strong connections between Laon and England during the years that Gaudry was Bishop of Laon, and the travels of canons of Laon to south west England in 1113, in the months following his murder. Adelard approached Laon but did not stay there, sharing a very similar reaction to Peter Abelard. By 1113, Anselm was an old man, and discipline in his school had been effectively taken over by his leading disciples. After Anselms death in 1117, Laon was no longer able to compete with Paris as an educational centre. In theology, Abelard promoted a style of enquiry that involved basing arguments on both authority and reason. Adelard, however, decided not to pursue theological studies, but rather chose an alternative direction. Choosing to travel to Tours, he was following a similar trajectory to Abelard in his studies under Roscelin of Compiegne in the last decade of the eleventh century. Unlike Abelard, however, Adelard wanted to deepen his studies of the quadrivium by visiting the famous medical school at Salerno, where the translations of Constantine the African made from Arabic into Latin in the second half of the eleventh century were transforming medical knowledge. Adelard chose one way of pursuing the cause of reason, Abelard another. Thierry of Chartres, who attended the Council of Soissons in 1121 (where he was rebuked by his bishop for speaking out against the absurdity of the accusations being made), must have had close contact with Adelard of Bath because he owned some of his most important writings.
By coincidence or not, Thierry of Chartres drew income from an archdeaconry at Dreux, not far from Haute-Bruyere. (105) Bertradas presence in the diocese of Chartres between 1112 and 1119 (at the latest) may have indirectly helped contribute to the expansion of interest there in the natural sciences, richly preserved in Thierry's Heptateuchon, which includes a translation of Euclid from the Arabic for which Adelard was at least in part responsible. (106) Another regional coincidence is that William of Conches came from a town governed in the late eleventh century by Isabel of Conches, a daughter of Simon de Montfort and sister of Bertrada, described by Orderic as famous for fighting alongside her knights 'like Penthesilea and the other warlike Amazon queens'. (107) The women of the de Montfort family challenge assumptions that they were passive victims of male political ambitions, whether aristocratic or clerical. Heloise's decision to call her child Astralabe could have been influenced by her familiarity with scholars like William of Conches, perhaps mediated through Bertrada. Needless to say, Heloise echoed Bertrada in the independence of her spirit and her fascination with a rational approach to the world. Perhaps warned, however, by Hersende's example, she was not keen on the ideal of marriage as the culmination of love.
The Historia calamitatum offers a very partial vision of cultural politics in the first decades of the twelfth century, dominated by antagonism between the interests of Stephen of Garlande at Sainte-Genevieve, and William of Champeaux at Saint-Victor, two foundations that both started to occupy a crucial role in promoting Paris as an educational centre after 1111. It enables us to know much more about Abelard than about his close contemporary Adelard of Bath, both of whom spent time studying at Tours, where Bertrada de Montfort held significant lands. When Abelard was writing his Historia in around 1132, there was still acute tension between rival factions in Paris, conflict that came to a head in August 1133 with the murder of the prior of Saint-Victor by political allies of Stephen de Garlande. (108) Abelards hostility to William of Champeaux and Anselm of Laon cannot be interpreted simply in terms of his personality. His comments about other teachers must be understood as part of an ongoing political hostility between competing factions in which Stephen de Garlande and ecclesiastical reformers were important players. The roots of this hostility can be traced back to the controversial influence of Bertrada de Montfort, a dominant influence on the French court as Queen of France from 1092 to the death of Philip I on 29 July 1108. While many monks and ecclesiastical authorities excoriated her influence, she played an important role in promoting the rise of Stephen de Garlande and his brothers in the last years of the eleventh century. Abelard may have indirectly benefitted from her largesse prior to the death of Philip I. He started his career at Melun, probably in 1104, just when the king was being forced by the Bishop of Paris to renounce sexual relations with Bertrada. After this, the king retreated to Melun, where he died in 1108. Given the intensity of Norman incursions into the French royal domain over these years, culminating in the Norman sacking of the Ile-de-la-cite in March 1111 while Louis VI was at Melun, it was not surprising that Louis VI should seek to reassert Paris as a political centre. The subsequent rebuilding of the abbeys of Sainte-Genevieve and Saint-Victor was part of that process of regeneration.
Perhaps Bertrada's biggest influence was in the challenge she presented to conventional morality. The rejection of authority by Abelard and Heloise during the years 1115-17 deserves to be seen as an echo of the way Philip and Bertrada rejected conventional authority between 1092 and 1108. Bertrada, who subsequently became abbess of her own foundation at Haute-Bruyere in the diocese of Chartres, remained a controversial figure. Her support of the foundation of Fontevraud, established by Robert of Arbrissel and Hersende in around 1100, made possible an alternative vision of religious life from that pursued by William of Champeaux at Saint-Victor. Robert of Arbrissel would transform by 1100 from a preacher who was controversial for his intimacy with female disciples into the founder of a religious community closely tied to the house of Anjou. Hersende of Champagne, who gave Robert the land on which Fontevraud was built before she became a nun, may have sent the young Heloise to Argentueil in around 1100 in the hope she would be watched over by Bertrada, as well as by her uncle, Fulbert, at Notre-Dame. Yet Bertrada could not continue to live in Paris after 1104, with the advent of a reforming bishop. Her greatest influence would be in Anjou after the unexpected death of her stepson, Geoffrey Martel in 1106 (in which some accused both Fulk IV and Bertrada of being implicated), and the accession in 1109 of her son, Fulk V as Count of Anjou, subsequently King of Jerusalem 1131-43.
Adelards career took a different path from that of Abelard. While both disliked the emphasis on authority at Laon, Adelard focused much more on natural sciences. He initially pursued his studies in Tours, where he played the cithara in Bertrada's presence (perhaps in 1108), before deciding to go to Salerno and then Sicily, following in the footsteps of his mentor, the physician and bishop, John of Tours. In later going to Antioch, Adelard was following in the footsteps of Bertrada's daughter, Cecile, sent out to the Holy Land in 1106 to marry Tancred de Hauteville, regent of Antioch. By keeping away from theology, Adelard avoided the controversy that dogged Abelard. Witnessing a charter in the city of Bath in 1122, he may have become a royal servant. Much later in life, he would dedicate his treatise on the astralabe to the future Henry II, a great grandson of Bertrada through Geoffrey of Anjou, son of Fulk V (109) Adelard s contribution to learning was just as significant as that of Abelard, even if he ended up following a different network of cultural patronage in the first decades of the twelfth century. In their different ways, both Adelard and Abelard reflected a similar willingness to question authority as embodied by Bertrada, so as to place authority on a firmer, more rational foundation.
(1) Bertrada's exact dates are difficult to determine. Because her children were born between 1090/92 (Fulk) and 1097 (Cecile), she may have been born between 1065 and 1070. She died on 12 July according to the obituary of Argenteuil (a document that also remembered Peter Abelard as a monk and priest of Saint-Denis), sometime between 1115 and September 1119, when her will was contested (implying 1117 or 1118 is most likely). See A. Molinier, Obituaires de la Province de Sens, 4 vols (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1902-23), I.1 (1902), 348. Erik Bournazel (Louis VI le gros (Paris: Fayard, 2007), p. 109) assigns her death to 1115/16. For a useful bibliographical summary on Bertrada, see Kathleen Nolan, 'The Tomb of Adelaide of Maurienne', in Capetian Women, ed. Kathleen Nolan (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 45-76 (esp. pp. 68-69, nn. 53-56, which includes a discussion of the various dates given for her death). A detailed summary of the controversy surrounding Bertrada was first provided by Michel-Jean-Joseph Brial in 1816. See De repudiata a rege Philippo Berta et de superducta Bertrada Andegavensi, in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. Leopold Delisle, 19 vols (Paris: Victor Palme, 1869-80) (hereafter RHGF), XVI (1878), xxviii-xciv; Brial edited many key sources relating to Bertrada in RHGF, XI-XV, reprinted in a new edition between 1876 and 1878. I am indebted to Max Lejbowicz for sharing his forthcoming study of Bertrada (see n. 6) and discussing many issues in this article.
(2) Georges Duby, The Knight, the Lady, and the Priest: The Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France (NewYork: Pantheon Books, 1983), pp. 3-21.
(3) Suger, The Deeds of Louis the Fat, trans. Richard C. Cusimano and John Moorhead (Washington: Catholic University of America, 1992) (hereafter Suger, Deeds), pp. 61-62. For the Latin original, see Suger, Vie de Louis VI le gros, ed. Henri Waquet (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1964), c. 13, p. 82: 'neque enim post superductam Andegavensem comitissam quicqum regia majestate dignum agebat, sed rapte conjugis raptus concupiscientia, voluptati sue satisfacere operam dabat.'
(4) Suger, Deeds, p. 81; Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 18, p. 122: 'Mater etiam, his omnibus potentior viragoque faceta et eruditissima illius admirandi muliebris artificii, quo consueverunt audaces suis etiam lascessitos iniuriis maritos suppeditare.' On this theme, see Katherine LoPrete, 'Gendering Viragos: Medieval Perceptions of Powerful Women', in Studies on Medieval and Early Modern Women, 4: Victims or viragos?, eds Christine Meek and Catherine Lawless (Dublin: Four Courts, 2005), pp. 17-38, with more detailed discussion of Bertrada on pp. 32-33.
(5) The text of the oath is given in Le registre de Lambert, eveque d'Arras, ed. and trans. Claire Giordanengo (Paris: CNRS, 2007), pp. 242-47. On the ineffectiveness of ecclesiastical moves to censure Philip and Bertrada, see Bournazel, Louis VI, pp. 43-45; and on the contest between Galo and Stephen over the See of Beauvais, see ibid., pp. 73-77.
(6) Max Lejbowicz, 'Adelard cithariste et la reine musicophile', Cahiers d'etudes medievales et humanistes (forthcoming). See Adelard of Bath, De eodem et diverso, in Adelard of Bath: Conversations with his Nephew, ed. and trans. Charles Burnett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 52-53; a French translation and accompanying critical study of Burnetts text is being prepared by Max Lejbowicz, Emilia Ndiaye, and Christiane Dussourt, 'De eodem et diverso', 'Questiones naturales', avec en complement, 'Ut testatur Ergaphalau (Paris: Belles Lettres, 2015).
(7) Peter Abelard, Letter 1 (Historia calamitatum), in The Letter Collection of Peter Abelard and Heloise, ed. David Luscombe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2013), esp. pp. 14-19; this edition adopts with only minor changes the translation of Betty Radice, The Letters of Abelard and Heloise, ed. Michael Clanchy, rev. edn (London: Penguin, 2003). For further discussion of Luscombes edition, see Constant J. Mews, 'Between Authenticity and Interpretation: On The Letter Collection of Peter Abelard and Heloise and the Epistolae duorum amantium , Tijdschrift voor filosofie, 76 (2014), 823-42; and Sylvain Piron, 'La "collection" des lettres d'Abelard et d'Heloise', Cahiers de civilization medievale, 57 (2014), 337-42. The edition by Jacques Monfrin, Historia calamitatum (Paris: Vrin, 1978) still has its value. The present study builds on and corrects analysis originally offered in Constant J. Mews, The Lost Love Letters of Heloise and Abelard: Perceptions of Dialogue in Twelfth-Century France, 2nd edn (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp. 57-85.
(8) Robert-Henri Bautier, 'Paris au temps d'Abelard', in Abelard en son temps, ed. Jean Jolivet (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1981), pp. 21-77; for a summary of Stephens career, see Jean Dufour, Recueil des actes de Louis VI roi de France (1108-1137), 4 vols (Paris: Boccard, 1992-94), III, 38-42.
(9) Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 18, p. 122.
(10) Orderic Vitalis, The Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall, 6 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968-80), 8.19 (iv, 184-86).
(11) Three wives are mentioned in the Chronica de gestis consulum andegavorum, in Chroniques des comtes d'Anjou et des seigneurs d'Amboise, eds Louis Halphen and Rene Poupardin (Paris: Picard, 1913), p. 65, but the two others are mentioned in an expansion of this passage in the Gesta Ambaziensium Dominorum, in ibid., p. 103.
(12) Chronica de gestis, pp. 66-67; repeated in the Gesta Ambaziensium Dominorum, p. 105: 'Rex libidinosus Philipus Turonis venit et cum uxore Fulconis loquutus, eam fieri reginam constituit. Pessima illa, consule dimisso, nocte sequenti regem subsequitur qui Mindraio, prope pontem Beuronis milites dimiserat qui eam Aurelianis duxerunt; sicque rex luxuriosus domum suam sceleratis nuptiis, sub anathemate factis, replevit, et duos ex ea filios, Philippum et Florum, genuit.' On the date of Bertrada's flight and the wedding, see Louis Halphen, Le comte d'Anjou au XIe siecle (Paris: Picard, 1906), pp. 170-71.
(13) Ivo of Chartres (Epp. 13-18, PL, 162. 26B-31D) rejected an invitation to attend, and urged all the bishops and archbishops not to do so. Pope Urban II mentions the role of Ursio of Senlis, Regesta pontificum romanorum, eds P Jaffe and W Wattenbach, 2 vols (Leipzig: Veit, 1885), i, no. 5469; see also Lambert s letter, in Le registre de Lambert, pp. 234-36. Orderic (Ecclesiastical History, 8.20 (IV, 261)) erroneously claims it was conducted by Odo of Bayeux as no French bishops could be found. William of Malmesbury reports that the Archbishop of Rouen officiated. See Gesta Regum Anglorum, ed. and trans. R. A. B. Mynors, with R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 5.404 (I, 731-32). Bertha's death is mentioned in Chronique de Saint-Pierre-le-vif de Sens, dite de Clarius, eds Robert-Henri Bautier and Monique Gilles (Paris: CNRS, 1979), p. 136.
(14) Eric Bournazel, 'Yves de Chartres: Un juriste a geometrie variable', in Foi chretienne et eglises dans la societe politique de l'Occident du Haut Moyen Age (IVe-XIIe siecle), eds Jacqueline Hoareau-Dodinau and Pascal Texier (Limoges: Presses universitaires de Limoges, 2004), pp. 333-46; and Bournazel, Louis VI, pp. 92-93.
(15) See Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, 8.20 (iv, 262, n. 5).
(16) Suger reports that Philip was married to the daughter of Gui Trousseau (1104) and given the castle at Maintes by Louis VI, who two years later re-captured that castle from him, Suger (Vie de Louis VI, c. 1, p. 7; c. 8, pp. 36, 122-24) describes both her and Amaury; Suger, Deeds, pp. 26, 40-42; Bournazel, Louis VI, pp. 107-08. William ofTyre (Chronicon, ed. R. B. C. Huygens (Turnhout: Brepols, 1986), 11.1, pp. 495-96) mentions that Cecile went to Antioch from Apulia in 1106. She subsequently married Pontius, lord ofTripoli (ibid., 14.1, pp. 631-32).
(17) Hugh of Flavigny, Chronicon, in RHGF, xiii (1869), 625; Bournazel, Louis VI, p. 69.
(18) Regesta pontificum romanorum, I, nos. 5774, 5979; Le registre de Lambert, pp. 238-40; see also n. 5, above.
(19) Chronica de gestis consulum andegavorum, p. 65; expanded on in Gesta Ambaziensium Dominorum, p. 103: 'Libidinosus Fulco sororem Amalrici de Monte Forti adamavit, cujus praeter formam nihil unquam bonus laudavit, pro qua matrem Martelli dimisit. [Quae mulier timens privignum adultum aetate, animus ipsius omnibus infestus neque quietibus neque vigiliis sedari poterat, sciscitans quomodo nocumento Martello esse posset. Saepe color ejus exsanguis, incessus modo citus, modo tardus, prorsus in facie vultuque vecordia inerat, et illis quos multis modis ad se illexerat mala facinora edocebat.]'
(20) Chronica de gestis consuIum andegavorum, p. 66: 'Sequente anno Martellus insidiis suorum et novercae, patre ut ferunt consentiente, Cande castro occisus est. [add. sepultusque in ecclesia Beati Nicholai Andegavis.] Incredibile mihi videtur patrem in nece tanti filii consensisse, cum et nimium senex esset et filius, si longinquitas vitae sibi concederetur, quidquid amiserat recuperasset.' This second sentence was omitted when this passage was copied into the Gesta Ambaziensium Dominorum, p. 104. LoPrete ('Gendering Viragos', p. 33) observes this passage only in the later chronicle from the 1150s (noting its inaccuracies), but not the early Chronica, written between 1106 and 1109. Given Orderic s propensity to tell negative stories about Bertrada, his failure to blame her for the death of her stepson is significant. See Ecclesiastical History, 11.16, (vi, 76).
(21) Abelard, Letter 1.2, pp. 4-5: 'Proinde diuersas disputando perambulas prouincias, ubicunque huius artis uigere studium audieram, peripateticorum emulator factus sum.' See also Luscombe, ed., Letter Collection, pp. 519-21.
(22) Baudri of Bourgueil, Vita Roberti, in Les deux vies de Robert d'Arbrissel, fondateur de Fontevraud. Legendes, ecrits et temoignages, eds Jacques Dalarun, Genevieve Giordanego, Armelle Le Huerou, Jean Longere, Dominique Poirel, and Bruce L. Venarde (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), p. 144: 'Perambulat regiones et provincias irrequietus et in litterarum studiis non poterat non esse sollicitus. Et quoniam Francia tum florebat in scholaribus emolumentis copiosior, fines paternos tanquam exsul et fugitivus exivit.'
(23) Roscelin, Epistola ad Abaelardum, in Der Nominalismus in der Fruhscholastik, ed. J. Reiners (Munster: Aschendorff, 1910), pp. 63-80 (p. 65): 'Neque vero Turonensis ecclesia uel Locensis, ubi ad pedes meos magistri tui discipulorum minimus tam diu resedisti, aut Bizuntina ecclesia, in quibus canonicus sum, extra mundum sunt, quae me omnes et venerantur et fovent, et quae dico, discendi studio libenter accipiunt.'
(24) Pope Urban II (Ep. 103, PL, 162. 378B-379C) accused Fulco of serious malpractice; for further detail, see Constant J. Mews, 'St Anselm, Roscelin and the See of Beauvais', in Anselm: Aosta, Bec and Canterbury: Proceedings in Commemoration of the Nine-Hundredth Anniversary of Anselm's Enthronement as Archbishop, 25 September 1093, eds David E. Luscombe and Gillian R. Evans (Sheffield: University of Sheffield Press, 1996), pp. 106-19, repr. in Constant J. Mews, Reason and Belief in the Age of Roscelin and Abelard (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 2002).
(25) Antiquus Cartularius Baiocensis, ed. V Bourrienne, 2 vols (Rouen-Paris: Societe de l'histoire de Normandie, 1902), no. 22 (i, 30-31); Mews, 'St Anselm, Roscelin and the See of Beauvais', p. 110. Ranulf Flambard, keeper of the king's seal for William Rufus, is also mentioned in that charter, suggesting he may have assisted Roscelin's visit to England.
(26) Dufour, Recueil des actes, no. 75 (i, 168-69), and no. 153 (i, 317-18). On the date of Bertrada's death, see n. 67, below.
(27) Robert de Lasteyrie, ed., Cartulaire general de Paris (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1887), no. 119 (p. 144).
(28) Maurice Prou, Recueil des actes de Philippe I (Paris, 1889), pp. cxxxix-cxl; Dufour, Recueil des actes, Ill, 155-56; and Bournazel, Louis VI, pp. 56-57.
(29) Bournazel, LouisVI, pp. 50-56.
(30) Lasteyrie, ed., Cartulaire, no. 150 (p. 170); Anselm is last attested as dapifer in 1117 (no. 176, p. 201); in 1118-20 the seneschal was William (no. 180, p. 203), but Stephen took over from 1120 (no. 187, p. 211); cf. Ivo of Chartres to Pope Paschal II (c. 1104), Ep. 89, PL, 162. 110C: 'utpote nondum subdiaconum, hominem illiteratum, aleatorem, mulierum sectatorem, publice olim de adulterio publico infamatum.'
(31) Dufour, Recueil des actes, III, 158-59.
(32) Dufour (Recueil des actes, III, 42) notes that in 1142, his nephew, Manasses, was chosen as Bishop of Orleans. Bautier ('Paris au temps d'Abelard', p. 77) incorrectly claimed that Stephen de Garlande retired to Saint-Victor giving his books to the abbey. Nothing is said about this in the Necrologium of St Victor which remembered him on 14 January simply for obtaining annates from Louis VI for the abbey. See Necrologium abbatiae Sancti Victoris Parisiensis, eds Ursula Vones-Liebenstein, Monika Seifert, and Rainer Berndt (Munster: Aschendorff, 2012), p. 87.
(33) Gallia Christiana, 14 Instrumenta, ed. B. Haureau (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1856), col. 80, discussed by B. Haureau as possibly composed by either Roscelin or Hildebert (the more likely candidate), in 'Documents nouveaux sur Roscelin de Compiegne', in his Singularites historiques et litteraires (Paris: Calmann Levy, 1894), pp. 216-30. Its reference to Fulcher as magister scholae implies that Roscelin did not have this particular responsibility.
(34) On this list, see L. Delisle, 'Notice sur un manuscrit de l'abbaye de Luxeuil copie en 625, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la bibliotheque nationale, 31.2 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1886), pp. 149-64; and Mews, 'St Anselm, Roscelin and the See of Beauvais', p. 117.
(35) Anselm, Epp. 161 and 162, in Anselmi Opera Omnia, ed. F. X. Schmitt, 6 vols (Edinburgh: Nelson, 1946-61), IV, 31-35.
(36) Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, 11.9 (VI, 52-54).
(37) Achille Luchaire, ed., Louis VI le gros. Annales de sa vie et de son regne (Paris, 1890; Bruxelles: Culture et Civilisation, 1964), pp. 6, 289-93.
(38) Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, 8.20 (IV, 260-62).
(39) Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 1, pp. 6-10; Suger, Deeds, pp. 24-28.
(40) Abelard, Letter 1.3, pp. 6-7.
(41) Abelard, Letter 1.4, pp. 6-7: 'Factum tandem est ut, supra uires etatis de ingenio meo presumens, ad scolarum regmen adolescentulus aspirarem, et locus in quo id agerem prouiderem, insigne uidelicet tunc temporis Meliduni castrum et sedem regiam. Presensit hoc predictus magister meus, et quo longius posset scolas nostras a se remouere conatus, quibus potuit modis latenter machinatus est ut priusquam a suis recederem scolis, nostrarum preparationeum scolarum prepediret et prouisum mihi locum auferret. Sed quoniam de potentibus terre nonnullos ibidem habebat emulos, fretus eorum auxilio uoti mei compos extiti, et plurimorum mihi assensum ipsius inuidia manifesta conquisiuit.' I have adapted the translation provided by Betty Radice, and followed by Luscombe.
(42) The index to Prou (Recueil des actes de Philippe 1 (pp. 514, 523)) records that the only charters known to have been delivered at Melun were in 1066, 1071, 1080, 1094, and 1100, compared to many more delivered in Paris; see also Dufour, Recueil des actes, III, 199-218. Louis VI was similarly mobile, but more often in Paris than elsewhere, and very little in Melun.
(43) Bautier ('Paris au temps d'Abelard', p. 60) interprets the fact that Ivo of Chartres (Ep. 188, PL, 162. 146C) addressed Stephen and Vulgrin as archdeacons of Paris as a sign that William of Champeaux was already one of the three archdeacons of Paris. See Lasteyrie, ed., Cartulaire, no. 131 (pp. 154-55). In fact, only Stephen de Garlande and Vulgrin are identified as archdeacons, William not being attested in this role until 1107, replacing the post held by Vulgrin, archdeacon from 1097 to 1103 (see Cartulaire, no. 119, p. 144). The third archdeacon in 1103 was Rainald, who held that post from 1094 to 1108 (Cartulaire, nos. 113 and 182, pp. 138 and 204), presumably one of the supporters ofWilliam of Champeaux within the cathedral chapter.
(44) Ivo of Chartres, Ep. 144, PL, 162. 150B-151B.
(45) Lasteyrie, ed., Cartulaire, no. 136 (pp. 157-58): ' ... quod ego Philippus, rex Francorum, peccatum et consuetudinem carnalis et illicitae copulae, quam hactenus cum Bertrada exercui, ulterius non exercebo; sed peccatum istud et flagitium penitus et sine retractatione abjuro. Cum eadem quoque femina mutuum colloquium et contubernium, nisi sub testimonio personarum minime suspectarum, non habebo.'
(46) Lasteyrie, ed., Cartulaire, nos. 157-58 (pp. 391-96); see also nos. 150, 152, 154, 160, 161 (pp. 380, 383, 386, 401,403-04).
(47) See n. 29, above.
(48) Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 8, pp. 38-40; Suger, Deeds, pp. 40-43.
(49) Prou, Recueil des actes de Philippe I, nos 154, 155 (pp. 388, 389), see also p. lxi; Luscombe (ed., Letter Collection, p. 7, n. 16) erroneously claims that Stephen quarrelled with the king in 1105, and that this was when Abelard may have left Melun for Corbeil, drawing on a comment by Bautier ('Paris au temps d'Abelard', p. 54, n. 6) that Abelard was at Corbeil in 1105 at a time of conflict between the Garlande family and the king. As Bautier (p. 61) explains, Suger reports (Vie de Louis VI, c. 8, p. 42) that Stephen de Garlande had returned to royal favour by 1105, and was certainly chancellor by 1106; see also Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 15, pp. 88-96; Suger, Deeds, pp. 64-68.
(50) Abelard, Letter 1.5, pp. 6-10.
(51) Abelard, Letter 1.6, pp. 8-9.
(52) Constant J. Mews, 'William of Champeaux: The Foundation of Saint-Victor (Easter, 1111), and the Evolution of Abelard's Early Career', in Arts du langage et theologie aux confins des XIe et XIIe siecles: Textes, maItres, debats, ed. Irene Rosier-Catach (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), pp. 83-104. This study challenges the assumption--maintained since the late seventeenth century--that Saint-Victor was founded at the beginning of the reign of Louis VI. The 1108 date is followed, for example, by Dufour (Recueil des actes, I, 176) and by Bournazel (LouisVI, p. 156). The 1111 date is established by a letter in the Udalrici Codex, Monumenta Bambergensia, ed. Philipp Jaffe (Berlin: Weidmann, 1869), no. 160 (p. 268); it was translated by Robert Ziomkowski, because it refers to William following the example of Manegold. See Manegold of Lautenbach, Liber contra Wolfelmum, trans. Robert Ziomkowksi (Leuven: Peeters, 2002), pp. 121-22. Bautier does not mention it either in his 1990 study of the origins of Saint-Victor, 'Les origines et les premiers developements de l'abbaye Saint-Victor de Paris', in L'Abbaye parisienne de Saint-Victor au Moyen Age: Communications presentees au XIIIe Colloque d'Humanisme medieval de Paris (1986-1988), ed. Jean Longere (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991), pp. 23-52. While Luscombe (ed., Letter Collection, p. 9, n. 18) says that Abelard probably returned to Paris 'around 1108', he comments (pp. 521-22) on the letter by a German student, even though it implies that Abelard returned not in 1108 but in 1111.
(53) Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Early Councils of Pope Paschal II 1100-1110 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, 1978), pp. 80-81. For further detail on the close connection between William and Cono, see Constant J. Mews, 'Memories of William of Champeaux: The Necrology and the Early Years of Saint-Victor', in Legitur in necrologio. Studien zum Nekrolog von Sankt Viktor, eds Anette Loffler and Bjorn Gebert (Munster: Aschendorff, forthcoming).
(54) Vita Goswini, ed. M. Brial, in RHGP, xiv (Paris: Imprimerie imperiale, 1806), 443.
(55) L. Minio-Paluello, Twelfth-Century Logic II. Abaelardiana Inedita (Rome: Storia e letteratura, 1958), pp. xxxix-xlvi, describing Orleans, Bibl. mun. 266.
(56) Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 13-14, pp. 82-87; Suger, Deeds, pp. 61-64. William of Malmesbury mistakenly reports that Philip I took monastic vows at Fleury at the end of his life, perhaps to match his claim that Bertrada then became a nun at Fontevraud (see n. 27, above).
(57) See, for example, the charters of 1106 delivered at Angers (see n. 48, above). On the importance of Bertradas personal seal, see B. Bedos-Rezak, 'Women, Seals and Power', in Women and Power in the Middle Ages, eds Mary Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988), pp. 61-83 (esp. p. 63).
(58) Grand Cartulaire de Fontevraud, eds Jean-Marc Bienvenu, Robert Favreau, and Georges Pon, 2 vols (Poitiers: Societe des antiquaires de l'ouest, 2000-05), I, 138-39, nos. 153 (1109-12); I, 139-41, no. 154 (1109-15); I, 147-48, no. 159 (1115); I, 150-51, no. 161 (1109-1112/13); I, 159-60, no. 167 (8 April 1116); I, 199 and 201, nos. 202 and 204 (1109 or 1112/13).
(59) Dufour, Recueil des actes, no. 75 (I, 168-69).
(60) Dufour, Recueil des actes, no. 75 (I, 168-69), drawing in part on fragments copied from a nineteenth-century history of Chartres by Lejeune (MS 1120, destroyed in 1944); Jacques Dalarun dates Bertradas entry to Haute-Bruyere only to 1114. See Dalarun, 'Fortune institutionnelle, litteraire et historiographique de Robert d'Arbrissel', in Robert d'Arbrissel et la vie religieuse dans l'Ouest de la France (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 239-322 (esp. pp. 303-04); see also Andrew, Supplementum Historiae Vitae Roberti, in Les deux vies de Robert d'Arbrissel, eds Jacques Dalarun, and others, p. 297.
(61) Werner Robl (Heloisas Herkunft: Hersindis mater (Augsburg: Olzog, 2001), p. 178) explains that the grandfather of Hersende of Champagne was Isembart de Lude Broyes Pluviers, whose mother was called Heloise, daughter of Count of Blois and whose son, Hugo Bardoul, had a daughter, Isabelle de Broyes, who was first wife of Simon de Montfort, subsequently married to Agnes of Evreux, mother of Bertrada.
(62) For further discussion of Robls thesis, see Constant J. Mews, 'Negotiating the Boundaries of Gender in Religious Life: Robert of Arbrissel and Hersende, Abelard and Heloise', Viator, 37 (2006), 113-48. Theodore Evergates ('Aristocratic Women in the Champagne', in Aristocratic Women in Medieval France, ed. Evergates (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), pp. 74-110 (p. 106)) follows Bautier (Paris au temps d'Abelard', p. 76) in suggesting that Heloise's father might have been connected to the de Garlande family. By contrast, Robl (p. 205) argues that Heloise acquired crucial Montmorency connections through her mother's side, explaining why Heloise's mother sent her daughter to be educated at Argenteuil.
(63) Bautier ('Paris au temps d'Abelard', pp. 76-77) comments on the geographical distinctiveness of these names, as also that of Fulbert (also a Chartrian name); the forthcoming study he promised on the subject never appeared. Orderic identifies Bertradas aunt and guardian as Helwise in Ecclesiastical History, 8.19 (iv, 186).
(64) Jacques Dalarun (L impossible saintete. La vie retrouvee de Robert d'Arbrissel, fondateur de Fontevraud (Paris: Cerf, 1985), pp. 56-59) raises doubts about the authenticity of the passage at the end of Andrew's Life of Robert about his resistance to the king, as based on the Life of Bernard of Tiron (a later text). This passage collapses the Council of Poitiers in 1100 with Bertradas entry into Haute-Bruyere not before 1112.
(65) Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 18, p. 124; Suger, Deeds, p. 81.
(66) Andrew, Supplementum Historiae Vitae Roberti, p. 297. As Andrew wrote his account in 1119 (see introduction on p. 105 of the edition), Bertradas death (14 February) must be before August/September 1119, when Pope Callixtus II conceded her lands from SaintMartin of Tours to Fontevraud.
(67) Dufour, Recueil des actes, nos. 153, 155 (i, 317-21).
(68) Constant J. Mews, 'Robert d'Arbrissel, Roscelin et Abelard', Revue Mabillon, n.s. 20/81, (2009), 33-54. Roscelins letter was edited by Reiners (see n. 23, above).
(69) Peter Abelard, Letter 14, in Letters of Peter Abelard: Beyond the Personal, trans. Jan M. Ziolkowski (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 2008), pp. 195-96, with helpful commentary.
(70) Dufour, Recueil des actes, no. 50 (i, 100-01).
(71) Luchaire, ed., Annales, pp. 59-60.
(72) Abelard, Letter 1.6, pp. 8-9.
(73) See n. 52, above.
(74) Abelard, Letter 1.7, pp. 10-11.
(75) See the comments of Luscombe, ed., Letter Collection, p. 11, n. 25.
(76) William was replaced as archdeacon by Girbert in 1112, previously episcopal chancellor (1107-09), then subchanter (1109-12), holding that post till his appointment as Bishop of Paris, succeeding to Galo (1117-22). See Hans Tischler, 'The Early Cantors of Notre-Dame', Journal of the American Musicological Society, 19 (1966), 85-87 (esp. p. 87); Lasteyrie, ed., Cartulaire, no. 160 (p. 185); Luchaire, ed., Annales, no. 142 (p. 75); Dufour, ed., Recueil des actes, no. 73 (i, 165).
(77) Papsturkunden in Frankreich, 9. Diozese Paris II. Abtei Saint-Denis, ed. Rolf Grosse (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998), no. 27 (pp. 135-36): Paschalis episcopus seruus seruorum Dei. W. Parisiensi archidiacono salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Sicut apud nos sancti Dyonisii abbas conquestus est, eiusdem monasterii bona adeo pertinaciter insequeris, ut sancte Genouefe presbyterum ceperis, in captionem posuieris, redimi feceris ac triennio iam in eodem loco diuinum officium sit interdictum. [Ad] uersus presbyterum sancti Remigii sepius [sententiam excom]municationis dicisti [interd] ictumque ; uillam quoeue, quam [ibi exco]lunt], interdixisti. Nos igitur, [quia monasteriu] m beati Dyonisii rebus [suis fraudqari et tuitione] priuilegiorum a[ntecessorum nostrorum, que uiolare presum]psisti uiribus, ca[rere nolumus], precipientes [tibi mandamus, quatinus ab] huiusmodi presumptione desistas et in ord[ine suo omnia eidem monasterio] dimittas. Alioquin aduersus temeritatem tuam sancti spiritus iudicio beati Petri mucro deseuiet. Dat. Laternai X kal. April.'
(78) Abelard, Letter 1.8, pp. 12-13.
(79) Charles de Miramon, 'Quatre notes biographiques sur Guillaume de Champeaux', in Arts du langage et theologie, ed. Rosier-Catach, pp. 45-82 (esp. p. 55); and Anne Grondeux, 'Guillaume de Champeaux, Joscelin de Soissons, Abelard et Gosvin d'Anchin: etude d'un milieu intellectuel', in ibid., pp. 3-43 (esp. p. 43); both suggest the original monastery to which William retreated was not Saint-Victor, but Saint-Denis-le-Chatre on the Ile-de-la-cite, a claim for which there is no documentary support.
(80) Luscombe, ed., Letter Collection, pp. 521-22, 525.
(81) Dufour, Recueil des actes, no. 80 (i, 173-80).
(82) Abelard, Letter 1.8, pp. 12-13, with detailed annotation by Luscombe.
(83) On Gaudry as English royal chancellor (1103-07), see H. W C. Davis, 'Waldric, the Chancellor of Henry I', English Historical Review, 26 (1911), 84-89.
(84) Guibert of Nogent, Autobiographie, ed. Edmond-Rene Labande (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1981), 2.4 (pp. 280-96). On Anselm s relationship to Gaudry, see Cedric Giraud, Per verba magistri:Anselme de Laon et son ecole au XIIe siecle (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), pp. 65-69.
(85) Guibert, Autobiographie, 2.4-6, pp. 294-314.
(86) Hermann of Tournai, Miracula sancte Marie Laudunensis, in Les miracles de sainte Marie de Laon, ed. A. Saint-Denis (Paris: CNRS, 2008), 2.6, p. 168; discussed by Giraud, Per verba magistri, p. 118; and Cedric Giraud, 'Les migrations scolaires entre la France du Nord et l'Angleterre au XIIe siecle', in La traversee France-Angleterre du Moyen Age a nos jours, ed. Stephane Curveiller (Arras: Artois Presses Universite, 2012), pp. 19-26.
(87) Hermann of Tournai, Miracula, 2.13, p. 182; Giraud, Per verba magistri, p. 121.
(88) Guibert, Autobiographie, 3.7 (pp. 316-18).
(89) Guibert, Autobiographie, 3.14 (p. 394); Bournazel, LouisVI, pp. 121-22.
(90) Guibert, Autobiographie, 3.14 (p. 396).
(91) Abelard, Letter 1.10-12, pp. 14-21.
(92) Besides the study of Giraud (see n. 85, above), see also Giraud and Mews, 'Le liber pancrisis, un florilege des peres et des maItres modernes du XIIe siecle', Archivum latinitatis medii aevi, 64 (2006), 145-91; and Alexander Andree, 'Laon Revisited: Master Anselm and the Creation of a Theological School in the Twelfth Century', Journal of Medieval Latin, 22 (2012), 257-81, a review article that surveys the core arguments of Giraud (Per verba magistri) and Lesley Smith, The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of Medieval Bible Commentary (Leiden: Brill, 2009).
(93) Constant J. Mews, 'In Search of a Name and its Significance: A Twelfth-Century Anecdote about Thierry and Peter Abaelard', Traditio, 44 (1988), 175-200; repr. in Mews, Reason and Belief.
(94) Adelard, De eodem et diverso, pp. 52-53.
(95) Adelard, De eodem et diverso, pp. 4-5.
(96) Adelard, De eodem et diverso, p. 70.
(97) Adelard, De eodem et diverso, p. 74.
(98) Adelard of Bath, Questiones naturales, in Conversations with his Nephew, ed. and trans. Burnett, p. 90. Lejbowicz argues this in the introduction to a forthcoming French translation of Adelards works (see n. 6, above), rejecting the possibility of a single journey, leaving his nephew and students at Laon, after his time at Tours.
(99) Adelard, Questiones naturales, p. 184; William of Tyre, Chronicon, 11.23, pp. 529-30. While Burnett ('Introduction', in Conversations with his Nephew, ed. Burnett, p. xv) observes that it could be dedicated to Richard FitzSamson, Bishop of Bayeux (1107-33) or Richard of Kent, Bishop (1135-42), the 1114 earthquake makes it more likely to be the former.
(100) On the importance of this marriage of Bohemond and Constance, see Suger, Vie de Louis VI, c. 9, p. 46; Suger, Deeds, pp. 44-45.
(101) On Cecile, see n. 16, above.
(102) On Stephen of Antioch (also called Stephen of Pisa), who translated various Arabic medical texts into Latin, see Charles Burnett, 'The Transmission of Arabic Astronomy via Antioch and Pisa in the Second Quarter of the Twelfth Century', in The Enterprise of Science in Islam: New Perspectives, eds J. P Hogendijk and A. I. Sabra (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2003), pp. 23-51; and Charles Burnett, 'Stephen, the Disciple of Philosophy, and the Exchange of Medical Learning in Antioch', Crusades, 5 (2006), 113-29.
(103) Abelard, Letter 1.59, p. 92.
(104) Adelard, Questiones naturales, pp. 102-03.
(105) Little is known about Thierry's location, but Abelards statement that he was rebuked at Soissons by his bishop, Geoffrey of Leves (Abelard, Letter 1.43, p. 68), provides important evidence against Richard Southern's argument in 'The School of Chartres', in his Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford: Blackwell, 1970), pp. 61-85, that he was not connected to Chartres; A. Vernet ('Une epitaphe inedite de Thierry de Chartres', Etudes medievales (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1981), pp. 160-70) mentions his archdeaconry at Dreux in 1136.
(106) Max Lejbowicz, 'Le premier temoin scolaire des Elements arabo-latins d'Euclide: Thierry de Chartres et l'Heptateuchon', Revue d'histoire de sciences, 56 (2003), 347-68.
(107) Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, 8.14 (iv, 212-14).
(108) On this event, see the detailed notes by Giles Constable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable, 2 vols (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), ii, 106; and Orderic, Ecclesiastical History, 13.12 (vi, 422-24).
(109) On the few biographical details known about Adelard, see Burnett, 'Introduction', p. xvi.
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|Date:||Jan 1, 2015|
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