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Before the Folk-Song Society: Lucy Broadwood and English folk song, 1884-97.

As Honorary Secretary of the Folk-Song Society and editor of its journal, Lucy E. Broadwood played a major role in the Edwardian phase of the first folk song revival in England. Yet even before the foundation of the society in 1898 she had established herself as one of the leading English folk song collectors. Making extensive use of her diaries, which are extant at the Surrey History Centre in Working, this article explores the beginnings of Broadwood's fascination with vernacular song, the development of her network of friends and collaborators interested in folk song and folklore, the genesis of her first two important publications, Sussex Songs and English County Songs, and her work as a song collector during the 1890s with such informants as Samuel Willett, Clara Wilson, Patience Vaisey Henry Burstow, and a group of singers from the Surrey village of Dunsfold.


Lucy Etheldred Broadwood (1858-1929) was the youngest daughter of Henry Fowler Broadwood, a successful businessman whose firm had a long history of building high-quality Broadwood pianos (Figure 1) (1) Although their money came from trade, the Broadwoods had been accepted into the local country gentry and they were acquainted socially with several aristocrats. Unmarried, Lucy was thus an upper middle-class spinster, and she had a private income, initially in the form of an allowance from her parents, later derived from investments in the family firm and in other stocks. The family had a London residence as well as a large manor house at Lyne, near Rusper, on the Surrey-Sussex border, and after her father's death in 1893 Lucy made London rather than Lyne her principal residence, eventually obtaining her own apartment, which she shared with her niece, Barbara Cra'ster.


Many individuals were involved in the wave of vernacular song collecting that we call the late Victorian folk song revival, but the three most substantial contributions were made by the Revd Sabine Baring-Gould, Frank Kidson, and Lucy Broadwood. (2) Of these pioneer collectors, Broadwood was the only one who lived in the Home Counties and noted songs there. (3) Her proximity to (and later residence in) London meant that she, unlike Baring-Gould and Kidson, was able to combine her interest in traditional song with ongoing participation in the capital city's music scene. This, together with the leisure afforded by a private income, allowed her to play a leading role in the Folk-Song Society when it was established in the late 1890s. But why was Lucy Broadwood eager to play such a role? How had she developed a burning interest in folk song, and why in 1898 was she already regarded by others as a figure of some stature in the movement? This article seeks to answer those questions. (4)

Beginnings, 1858-86

Lucy Broadwood might be said to have inherited her interest in folk music from her uncle, the Revd John Broadwood, an important early Victorian collector and the editor of the 1847 publication Old English Songs. (5) She stated on one occasion that she had been 'fired' by her uncle's collection when she first became aware of it, around 1870. (6) But Uncle John was not the only source of folk songs in the Broadwood house. Her father had also collected a number of old songs locally during the 1830s and 1840s, and he occasionally sang them at home. (7) Lucy's first encounter with folk song was probably in the mid-1860s: she recalled that when she was a child of six a small group of old labourers in smock-frocks came around at Christmas time to sing ballads, apparently a rare event even then. She also remembered an old man with two sons coming to Lyne and singing 'The Green Mossy Banks of the Lea outside the front door. The last stanza ended with the lines: 'Go home to your father and mother, and thus you may tell them from me; There's many a poor maiden far fairer than them as has great propertee'. When the singers were invited into the house and asked to repeat the song, the old man violently nudged his boys and tried to prevent them from singing what might wound the feelings of the family. (8) Moreover, throughout much of her early childhood, Lucy had a Scottish nurse who taught her nursery rhymes and sang ballads to her. She learned to play the piano and had singing lessons as part of her education as a young lady, and a handful of folk songs seems to have been part of her repertoire from quite an early age.

In studying Lucy Broadwood's life and her role in the folk song revival we can draw upon a primary source that is not available for any other figure of similar stature: a set of personal diaries. (9) These offer a unique record of her increasing involvement with the folk song revival, revealing her own circumstances and something of her relationships with her friends and her informants. They permit us to date with more accuracy some of her collecting, and make possible a more intimate account of her contribution than that of any other participant in the movement. (10) The diaries--at least, those that are still extant in the Surrey History Centre--begin in November 1882, when she was aged twenty-four and living at the family country house at Lyne. The entries for 1883 make it evident that in her mid-twenties she was already an accomplished amateur musician who sang and played piano frequently at public as well as private 'entertainments'. She was already looking for repertoire other than 'the usual drawing room ballads' (her phrase). (11) That year she supplemented "Home, Sweet Home' with 'Croodlin' Doo', 'Jock o' Hazeldean', and 'How Could Ye Gang, Lassie?'.

The early diaries also make it possible for us to picture the lifestyle of this Victorian young lady. Her health was always delicate, and she suffered rather frequently from feverish colds which affected her throat and periodically prevented her from singing. Although she sometimes had family responsibilities, such as helping to look after sick or ageing relatives, she evidently had plenty of time to devote to her chosen pursuits. The main ones were religion, art, reading, and music. There were several clergymen in the Broadwood family, and Lucy was a practising Church of England Christian, who played the organ in church and trained the local choirboys. She read books on theology and on the history of Christianity, and she sometimes praised or criticized sermons in her diary entries. Without seriously questioning basic dogma, she inclined to a rather liberal and rationalist version of the faith, and she was unsympathetic to fundamentalism or evangelicalism. Her father owned a collection of valuable paintings, and she had a strong interest in art history. She sketched and painted (mainly landscapes), and often visited art galleries. She read a lot of novels, including some of Baring-Gould's, and she also regularly scanned literary periodicals in French and German as well as English, a particular favourite being the Revue des Deux Mondes. She enjoyed biography, especially biographies of musicians and composers. Which brings us to her first love: classical music.

To a large degree, Lucy Broadwood's life centred around music: concert-going (several times a week when she was in London for a 'season'); piano practice (she was a talented pianist, capable of accompanying professional singers); singing lessons (her principal singing teacher was named Wallace Shakespeare); choirs (including membership of the prestigious Bach Choir); musical 'at-homes' and dinner parties; fund-raising 'entertainments' and charity concerts; collaborations with other musicians, either as pianist or singer; composing piano arrangements; and editing music manuscripts. There is an evident evolution in her musical tastes over the years: she began as a Wagnerite, came to prefer Beethoven and Brahms, and then discovered the works of Johann Sebastian Bach. Bach quickly became her favourite composer, although in the late 1880s she also fell in love with the music of Edvard Grieg. She also explored the work of such contemporary British composers as Frederic Cowen, (12) George Alexander Macfarren, (13) Alexander Mackenzie, (14) Charles Hubert Parry, Charles Villiers Stanford, Arthur Sullivan, and Arthur Somervell. (15) Art songs by one or more of these composers were usually included in her concert programmes. Mackenzie, Parry, Somervell, and Stanford she came to know personally, through her close friendship with another musician and family friend, J. A. 'Alec' Fuller Maitland. Fuller Maitland introduced her to Elizabethan madrigals and lute music, and to the compositions of William Lawes and Henry Purcell. She joined the Purcell Society and in the mid-1890s undertook to edit the scores of two unpublished Purcell operas, Amphitreyon and The Gordian Knot Untied. Her own composing was limited to a handful of songs, such as 'Annie's Tryst' and 'Nae Mair', and a fairly large number of piano arrangements of vernacular songs. Some of the latter were published as sheet music by Boosey, the most successful in terms of sales being 'Jess Macpharlane'. The royalties from these seem to have been Lucy's only form of earned income apart from those she received from her published folk song collections. (16)

That, however, is to jump ahead. It was in 1884, when she was in her mid-twenties, that her brother James's engagement to her friend Evelyn Fuller Maitland resulted in Lucy gaining a better acquaintance with Alec Fuller Maitland, who appears immediately to have encouraged her interest in folk song as well as in Renaissance and baroque music. By November of that year, she had obtained a British Museum reader's ticket and begun to make good use of it. (17) She discovered the publications of the Percy Society, including Dixon's Ancient Poems, Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England, (18) as well as the carol collections of Davies Gilbert (19) and William. Sandys. (20) The next summer, a chance encounter at the British Museum with musicologist Ellis Wooldridge, (21) who would subsequently edit a truncated edition of Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time, (22) stimulated her interest in the Victorian song collectors and in the modal character of folk song tunes. (23) Then, in November, she also met the antiquarian F. E. Sawyer. At the time, Sawyer was doing the research for a paper titled 'Sussex Songs and Music' which he would read at a meeting of the British Archaeological Association and also publish as a pamphlet in 1886. (24) Sawyer emphasized to Lucy the importance of her uncle John's Old English Songs, and he gave her copies of a few folk songs that he had himself collected in Sussex. (25) She then apparently discovered that her father possessed the words (but no tunes) for some other folk songs that he and/or his brother John had noted in Sussex in the late 1830s or early l840s. (26) She also enquired whether any more were to be found locally, and received one (the title is unfortunately not recorded) on 1 December from a Mr J. Cobb. (27) This seems to have been her first attempt at song collecting.

February of the following year (1886) found Broadwood vacationing in South Wales. At the village of Dinas Powis she attended a local 'entertainment' and was delighted to hear a Mr O. Fisher sing 'Sally in our Alley and 'Bold Robin Hood'. (28) The latter set her researching Robin Hood ballads in the Roxburghe and other broadside collections. Later that year, when her cousin Aubrey Birch Reynardson sang 'Jockey to the Fair' at a charity concert in Stepney, she discovered that both he and his brother Herbert shared her interest in folk song. (29) Although it is just possible that this combination of events stimulated Broadwood to conceive the idea of a new edition of Old English Songs, there is nothing else in the diaries to indicate that she was thinking along those lines in 1886. The genesis of her first publication therefore seems to have taken place during the years 1887-88.

Sussex Songs

Lucy Broadwood's friendship with Herbert Birch Reynardson blossomed during the winter of 1887-88. She greatly admired the music that he composed for A Masque of Flowers, a production at the Prince of Wales Theatre in London: her diary records that she was 'enchanted with it'. (30) By now she had thought of the idea of editing a new edition of Old English Songs, and Reynardson agreed that Charles Dusart's piano arrangements needed to be replaced. She sent him a copy of one of the songs, 'Rosebuds in June', and he obliged by reharmonizing it. (31) By February 1888, she was visiting her cousin in his London apartment and playing his new composition, a piece for two pianos, with him. (32) This was the year that she discovered the music of Edvard Grieg, and also Stanford's Irish Symphony, which she loved. Reading between the lines, one can sense that Broadwood and Reynardson had jointly come to realize that there could be a renaissance of English national art music if it were re-rooted in folk song, an aesthetic vision that Vaughan Williams was later to champion so successfully (33) Their first way of exploring this idea was for Reynardson to write some new piano arrangements of folk songs, and what better ones to choose than those collected by uncle John?

That summer, Broadwood began looking for additional material to complement that in Old English Songs. Her initial strategy was to write to people she knew who she thought might possess or might be able to locate suitable songs. (34) She also solicited help from the family's friends and acquaintances in the area, and followed up some of their suggestions. In this way, she obtained material from local huntsmen, mummers, and participants in village 'harvest homes'. She also sought her father's help, but bouts of sickness apparently prevented her collecting anything from him until the spring of 1889, when she noted 'Troy Town' from his singing. (35) He appears to have given her about twenty songs in total, although several of these were the same as those noted by his brother John. (36) By that time, the editorial project was well under way, and it was already the stuff of gossip in London music circles. William Barrett, who had begun putting together his collection of English Folk Songs (which would be published in 1891), (37) contacted her, 'begging for Sussex tunes to include in his book' (as she put it), but she declined to contribute on the grounds that 'HFBR [Reynardson] has them already in hand'. (38) The Revd Sabine Baring-Gould, who had just published the first volume of Songs and Ballads of the West, also heard about the project and wrote to her about Devon and Cornish traditional song, a letter that marked the effective beginning of their spasmodic collaboration. (39)

Sussex Songs (Popular Songs of Sussex) was published in April 1890, although the publication date is usually given as 1889. (40) The cover carried Reynardson's name, not Broadwood's, but she nonetheless proudly dispatched a complementary copy to Baring-Gould. (41) The book contained twenty-six songs, of which ten were additions made by Lucy Broadwood, the remainder being reprinted from her uncle John Broadwood's Old English Songs of 1847. So, although they were mixed together in the book, the items in Sussex Songs really fell into two categories: those reissued from John Broadwood's collection, and the new offerings. As Ellis Wooldridge and F. E. Sawyer had pointed out, the old material was still interesting and valuable, in part because Broadwood had made a real effort to capture the modal tunes accurately. According to Lucy Broadwood, her uncle had had considerable trouble in making sure that his collaborator, Charles F. Dusart, a music teacher and organist, did not alter the tunes. She related that 'Dusart made great outcries over intervals which shocked his musical standards. A flat seventh never WAS and never COULD be! It is recorded that Mr. Broadwood, confirming his vocal intervals by vehement blasts on his flute, replied: "Musically it may be wrong, bur I will have it exactly as my singers sang it."' (42) Such an articulate commitment to absolute authenticity in tune collection was unusual at the time and marked an important step forward. On the other hand, John Broadwood had been more interested in saving tunes than words, and in several instances he neglected to obtain more than one stanza of a song. But, at its best, the 1847 publication had united traditional melodies and full texts, and both had been collected in the field. That complete reliance on oral tradition had been a methodological breakthrough of sorts, although isolated instances of the same approach had occurred in the work of earlier collectors. Nonetheless, the small book had its weaknesses, notably the absence of complete texts for many of the songs--weaknesses that Lucy Broadwood had an opportunity to remedy, if she so chose.

Although a systematic replacement of the old piano arrangements with new ones meant that Sussex Songs would be much more than a new edition of Old English Songs, even without the addition of extra songs, she declined to alter her uncle's work much in other respects. She did partially rename one of the songs: 'The Damsel in the West' became, although only in the table of contents, 'The Maiden in the West'. On the other hand, 'Gipsy Song', which was really "The Lost Lady Found', retained its original title, as did "The Poacher's Song', which is better known as 'In Thornymore Woods'. The subject matter of several of the other items from Old English Songs was daily work or everyday life in the English countryside, as in 'The Woodcutter,' 'The Ploughboy', and "The Serving-man and the Husbandman'. Although John Broadwood had collected his texts or text fragments, as well as tunes, from rural informants, several appear to be derived indirectly from broadsheets. This is the case, for example, for two sea ballads ('The Privateer' and 'The Fourteenth of July'), "The Noble Lord', and "The Lost Lady Found'. It may also be true of 'The Maiden in the West' and 'In Lancashire', but John Broadwood had obtained the words for only one stanza of each of these songs, so it is mote difficult to tell. Lucy Broadwood declined the option of searching out and adding the missing stanzas, even when the song was obviously a broadside ballad and the full text was available in the British Museum.

Sussex Songs did not inherit many traditional ballads from Old English Songs. John Broadwood, however, had noted tunes for two: 'The Bailiffs Daughter of Islington' (Child 105) and 'Lord Bateman' (Child 53). He had noted only a fragment of a text for 'Lord Bateman', but what he printed was sufficient to indicate that his informant had probably learned the words from a broadside. Lucy Broadwood again had the option of providing the full text, but she decided not to do so. The tune--and Reynardson's arrangement--was what mattered. On the other hand, uncle John had noted from his unnamed informant the text of 'The Bailiffs Daughter of Islington', as well as the tune. She therefore gave both, commenting that the tune differed from 'the traditional one to which the ballad is commonly sung', as well as from that printed by Chappell in Popular Music of the Olden Time. Her comment reveals that she had previously heard the ballad sung, presumably by a local singer, and that she was already familiar with one of the greatest accomplishments of the Victorian vernacular song revival, Chappell's magnum opus. (43)

The new material in Sussex Songs appears to have been collected by Lucy Broadwood in the villages near Lyne. It reflected different aspects of rural life in the south of England. For example, 'The Nobleman and the Thresherman' was a broadside ballad which had evidently been taken into local oral tradition because it reflected the hardships and aspirations of landless agricultural labourers living in the area. She had also picked up two carols, one of them ('A Glorious Angel') from a mummers' play titled 'St George, the Turk and the Seven Champions of Christendom'. (44) Her text was a composite that combined lyrics that she had obtained from two of the actors in the play, neither of whom was able to write out a complete version from memory. The other religious song, "The Moon Shines Bright', which she believed to be a traditional folk carol, was evidently intended to be sung on Christmas morning. (45) From local village festivities (harvest suppers and hunt celebrations) she had collected a harvest supper song ('Bango') and three drinking songs ('Fathom the Bowl', 'I've Been to France, I've Been to Dover', and 'Drink Old England Dry'). (46) There were also three new hunting songs: 'Bold Reynard the Fox', 'Last Valentine's Day', and a pretty lyric titled "The Sweet Rosy Morning'. (47)

Lucy Broadwood clearly regarded "The Sweet Rosy Morning' as a folk song, but it raises the interesting and tricky issue of the relationship between folk songs and other vernacular songs. It is an eighteenth-century lyric, composed probably sometime during the early decades of the century and printed in several songbooks published during the reign of George II. (48) The printed version, called "The Sweet Rosy Morn', has a fine tune composed by Richard Leveridge, the author of quite a number of vernacular songs that lived on in popular memory for several centuries, and the text is slightly different from Broadwood's. (49) Leveridge's 'Sweet Rosy Morn' had apparently entered oral tradition in the county of Sussex about a century and a half prior to its collection as a folk song, and during that interval it had metamorphosed to some degree. The tune had altered more than the words, with the result that it had turned into a somewhat different song from that composed by Leveridge. Yet it was still a close relative. So, had it become a folk song, or was it still a vernacular song with a known author? The classification is arbitrary, and in a sense matters little, but "The Sweet Rosy Morning' provides a good example of the close relationship between urban popular song and rural tradition, a relationship parallel to that between broadside and traditional balladry.

Sussex Songs was essentially a family affair, something that Lucy Broadwood did primarily for her father and her cousin. While she was willing to add material and to help improve the piano arrangements, she was reluctant to interfere in any other way with her uncle's work, which presumably explains her decision not to supply the missing texts. However, the project had stimulated in her a fascination with folk song that she would never lose. During the next three years, her involvement took four main forms: incorporating a few folk songs into her singing repertoire; research in the British Museum and other libraries designed to make sure that she was familiar with all existing printed collections of old songs; collaboration with Alec Fuller Maitland on a ground breaking printed collection of 'county songs'; and collecting vernacular songs herself, whenever and wherever she had an opportunity.

Contacts, research, and collecting, 1890-92

In the autumn of 1890, Broadwood began collecting again. Somehow-the diaries do not make it clear exactly how and when they initially met--she had found a valuable informant in the village of Cuckfield, Sussex. "This was Samuel Willett, the village baker,
The sweet rosy morning smiles over the hills,
With blushes adorning the meadows and rills.
The sweet rosy morning smiles over the hills,
With blushes adorning the meadows and rills.
And the merry, merry, merry horn cries 'Come, come a-way!'
And the merry, merry, merry horn cries 'Come, come a-way!'
Awake from your slumbers and hail the new day,
Awake from your slumbers and hail the new day.

The fox runs before us, he seems for to fly,
And pants to the chorus of the hounds in full cry.

When our day's work is ended we home do retire,
And we pull off our boots by the light of the fire. (50)


who supplemented his income by performing at local events. (51) Apparently, sometime in September 1890 she contacted him by mail, enclosing a copy of Sussex Songs. Willett replied to her enquiries on 1 October in the following terms:
 Respected madam, I desire to acknowledge the receipt of letter and
 Book of Songs with many thanks. I cannot see any way clear to be
 of service to you unless I spend a convenient day at your residence
 and give a general recital of songs and music. I am sometimes
 requested to furnish a song (words and music) for which my usual
 charge is half a crown. As, however, you would like a considerable
 variety, say 40 or 50, the task would occupy some days and then,
 perhaps, the whole would hardly be acceptable for circulation. My
 late father was a man of many songs of which I have retained to
 memory about 60 and to indite these with piano arrangements would
 involve much time and consequently, a monetary consideration. If it
 is your wish I will willingly come to Lyne and assist you in
 compiling some of the best of my stock, and also I will leave the
 question of remuneration to your generosity. (52)

Before arranging such a session as Willett proposed, Broadwood wanted to find out more about his repertoire, and he obliged by sending her several song lists. One such list contained thirty-five items, out of which she seemingly identified twenty of interest, and she apparently noted several of the tunes from his singing. For some twenty further songs, Willett wrote out the tunes, with partial words, from memory in a small music manuscript book, which he mailed to her. (53) By July, she had selected twenty-seven items that she was willing to purchase, for which she paid 27s., a considerable reduction from Willett's normal asking price. (54) The songs included 'John Appleby' (a hop-pickers' song from Kent), 'Maying', "The Curly-Headed Boy', 'The Farmer's Boy', and a drinking song about a blacksmith which would subsequently turn up again in the Copper family's repeftoire, 'Twankydillo'. (55) Subsequently, Willett also supplied Broadwood with several harvest-home songs, wassails, and carols. In total, she appears to have collected about forty songs from him, although they included several items that were not traditional (for example, 'Black-Eyed Susan') and even a song ('Hush Hush') composed by Willett himself. (56)

She was now eager to meet other collectors, and in February 1891 was delighted to encounter artist and song collector Heywood Sumner at a musical party at which she was singing Elizabethan madrigals with Alec Fuller Maitland. (57) Sumner's The Besom-Maker had been published in 1888, and the two collectors spent hours together enthusiastically discussing the tunes they had found. This chance encounter marked the beginning of an enduring friendship. Sumner was undoubtedly an important influence on Broadwood because he encouraged her to keep on collecting. The Revd Sabine Baring-Gould was another influence. She treasured her copy of Songs and Ballads of the West, purchasing the fourth part of the first edition of this collection of Devon and Cornish folk songs in May 1891. (58) She was not uncritical of Baring-Gould's editorial methods, however: she regretted that he had chosen in some instances to set his own verses to traditional tunes rather than reproducing the original texts. Nor did she like the piano arrangements by H. Fleetwood Sheppard. Nonetheless, she was soon in correspondence with the clerical author, swapping songs and sending him 'many notes' about the items they were discussing. (59) Then, in June 1891, she obtained a copy of Frank Kidson's Traditional Tunes, and confided to her diary that it was 'very interesting'. (60) It would be six months before she plucked up the courage to write to Kidson, but in January 1892 she did so and his prompt reply, enclosing a copy of his book, was the beginning of another close friendship. (61) She had now begun collaborative relationships with the three men--Kidson, Baring-Gould, and Fuller Maitland--with whom she would work most closely within the folk song movement during the late Victorian era, although in the 1900s Ralph Vaughan Williams would also come to play a similar role.

That May (1892), Lucy Broadwood attended a demonstration morris dance and met for the first time Charlotte Burne, the author of Shropshire Folk-Lore. (62) The two women got on well together and would subsequently meet whenever Charlotte travelled up to London to attend meetings of the Folklore Society. (63) She introduced Broadwood to several leading folklorists, including Laurence and Alice Gomme. Arthur Somervell also had a significant influence on Lucy at this time; full of praise for her arrangement of 'Jess Macpharlane' and for her own composition 'Nae Mair', he encouraged her to keep on with her own songwriting and arranging. (64) Broadwood, moreover, was now feeling more confident about her singing, thanks to unexpected praise from her singing teacher, Wallace Shakespeare, and from another new friend, the professional singer Harry Plunkett Greene, whom she much admired. As a result, she had begun looking again for new and unusual material to use in her concert performances.

In March 1891, she paid two long visits to her musical mentor, Alec Fuller Maitland, and the next day she went to do research in the British Museum. (65) Her diary does not record what she and Alec discussed, or what she read in the museum, but it does include a list of material that she intended to consult there. Periodic entries during the next twelve months indicate that she fairly frequently went back to the Museum to 'make researches'. (66) Among the books that she studied were Ritson's Ancient Songs; (67) Evans's Old Ballads; (68) Sandys's Christmas Carols; (69) the many publications of the Percy Society; Robert Bell's version of: Ancient Poems, Ballads and Songs, in addition to Dixon's; (70) and Christie's Traditional Ballad Airs; (71) as well as the periodical Notes and Queries. (72) As we have seen, not all of these books were new to her, but Broadwood had evidently now decided, with characteristic thoroughness, to make herself familiar with all the important extant collections of ballads and other old songs. It seems likely that Sabine Baring-Gould, Heywood Sumner, Alec Fuller Maitland, and, subsequently, Frank Kidson, were her guides in the endeavour. It is possible that Arthur Somervell also played a role here, since her friendship with the Somervells blossomed during 1891. (73)

The Broadwoods had an extended network of relatives and friends, and Lucy's new project was common knowledge in such circles. In consequence, it was often other people who located source singers for her, although she then went to visit them herself if they appeared to have promising material. For example, on 18 November 1891 her cousin Herbert Reynardson took her to the village of Kings Langley in Hertfordshire, where she noted several songs from Mrs Clara Wilson, the wife of a local gardener. (74) Clara Wilson proved to be one of Broadwood's most valuable informants. She had grown up in Northamptonshire, and her songs included two carols ('In Bethlehem City' and As I Sat on a Sunny Bank'), the folk lyric 'The Sprig of Thyme', the Child ballad 'Lord Bateman', and a decidedly feminist broadside ballad, "The Undaunted Female'. (75) A week later, Broadwood collected a Hertfordshire 'May Day Song' from William Marshall in the same village. (76) She also noted a variant of 'The Moon Shines Bright' from Mrs Marshall. (77) In December of that year Lucy's sister Ada brought her back some songs from the hamlet of Anstie, near Holmwood, Surrey, where she had obtained them from an elderly carter named Mr Grantham. (78) On 6 January, Broadwood followed up this lead, travelling to Anstie and noting several items from Grantham's repertoire, including 'The Sweet Nightingale', 'Venus and Adonis', 'Sheepcrook and Black Dog', and 'The Painful Plough'. (79)

Another of Broadwood's informants was John Burberry, (80) a retired gamekeeper, from whom she noted "The Mistress's Health', "The Carter's Health', and 'The Seasons of the Year' in September 1892. (81) The last song bears only slight resemblance to the one of the same title collected by Baring-Gould in Devon. That same autumn, Broadwood went to stay with Herbert Reynardson at his father's mansion, Adwell House, in Tetsworth, Oxfordshire, where she noted 'many rustic songs' (her phrase) from the gardener's wife, Mrs Patience Vaisey, who was rewarded with a present of six handkerchiefs in a box. (82) In all, Patience Vaisey provided her with fifteen songs which she had learned while growing up in the county of Hampshire, where she was born. (83) They included 'My Bonnie, Bonnie Boy', 'Banks of the Sweet Primroses', 'Banks of Sweet Dundee', "The Oyster Girl', and 'Barbara Allen'. (84) Of these, Broadwood was particularly enchanted by 'My Bonnie, Bonnie Boy' and incorporated it into her own repertoire.

By the spring of 1892, Lucy Broadwood had in this episodic manner collected more than seventy vernacular songs in four counties: Oxfordshire, Hertfordshire, Surrey, and Sussex. The material she had in hand was already sufficient in both quality and quantity to warrant publication, and, fortuitously, an opportunity had already arisen for her to contribute to a printed collection. Her enthusiastic resumption of collecting and her growing knowledge of the literature on English vernacular song had not been lost on Alec Fuller Maitland, a busy musician/journalist with multiple obligations, who was looking for help with a book project (Figure 2). A publisher friend, Andrew Tuer, of Leadenhall Press, had suggested that he put together a collection of folk songs that would include

I once loved a boy, a bonnie, bonnie boy,
I loved him, I'll vow and protest;
I loved him so well, arid so very, very well,
That I built him a berth on my breast,
That I built him a berth on my breast.

'Twas up the green valley and down the green grove
Like one that was troubled in mind,
She whooped and she halloed and she played upon her pipe,
But no bonnie boy could she find,
But no bonnie boy could she find.

She looked up high, and she looked down low,
The sun did shine wonderful warm;
Whom should she spy there but her bonnie, bonnie boy,
So close in another girl's arm,
So close in another girl's arm.

I passed him by, on him ne'er cast an eye,
Though he stretched forth his lily-white hand,
For I thought he'd been bound to love but one,
So I would not obey his command,
So I would not obey his command.

The girl that was loved of my little bonnie boy,
I am sure she is greatly to blame,
For many's the night he has robbed me of rest,
But he never shall do it again,
But he never shall do it again.

My bonnie, bonnie boy is gone over the sea,
I fear I shan't see him again;
But were I to have him, or were I to not,
I will think of him once now and then,
I will think of him once now and then. (85)


both words and tune of at least one song from every English county. On 11 August 1891, at Fuller Maitland's prompting, Lucy Broadwood was asked by Tuer to co-edit this collection. (86) Fuller Maitfand would be the senior partner in the project and, in effect, she would be his research assistant, although she would also share the work of writing piano arrangements. She agreed eagerly, in part because her family friend had requested her help, but mainly because the project seemed an excellent way of further expanding her knowledge of folk song. Moreover, English County Songs, as the book was to be titled, offered a vehicle for publishing any more songs that she might collect. (87)

English County Songs

In the event, Broadwood did much more than her anticipated share of the work on English County Songs, and she certainly earned her billing as co-editor. Her first tasks were to compose an accompaniment for "The Croodlin' Doo' (although, in the event, it was not included in the book), and to write to a dozen acquaintances asking them to collect traditional songs in their regions. She would write many more begging letters during the ensuing months, and a handful of them produced results. The arrival by mail of some, but by no means all, of various 'country songs' (her favourite way of describing them) is catalogued in the diary entries for the months of August to December 1891. For example, on 25 September the mail brought two tunes from Somerset correspondent A. H. Frere, one of which, 'Young Herchard', found its way into the book. Similarly, on 20 October she received from Robert C. Thompson the version of 'The Golden Vanity' that she slipped into the final 'Sea Songs' section. (88)

By April of the next year the two editors decided they had more than enough material for the book. After several intensive meetings, they settled on the songs that would be included, reconciling themselves to the fact that there would be a few gaps in their attempted coverage of all the English counties, while a plethora of items for certain regions entailed that some good songs would have to be omitted. (89) After that, it was mainly a matter of harmonizing the tunes for piano accompaniment, a task that Broadwood worked at throughout the summer of 1892. The proofs were corrected by the end of the year, and the book eventually appeared in June 1893. Although a number of the songs included in it had been collected by Broadwood herself, and others were reprinted from such published sources as Sumner' s The Besom Maker, Mason's Nursery Rhymes and Country Songs, (90) and Burne's Shropshire Folk-Lore, the bulk had been gathered by correspondents. There are too many of these to provide a complete list, but some of the more prolific contributors were: Mr R. Bennell of Oxfordshire; H. M. Bower of Whitby, Yorkshire; Mrs Harley of Bewdley, Worcestershire; Mr A. J. Hipkins of Westminster, London; Margaret Royds of Heysham, Lancashire; Mr F. Scarlett Potter of Shipston-on-Stour, Worcestershire; (91) Lavinia Squarey of Downton, Wiltshire; Heywood Sumner; Augusta Mary Wakefield, from the Lake District; Clara Wilson of Kings Langley, Hertfordshire; and Mark Wyart of Enborne, Berkshire. (92) Another dozen or so contributors supplied one song each, and there were many other correspondents whose offerings were, in the event, not included in the book due to lack of space.

Notwithstanding the rather haphazard way in which its contents were assembled, English County Songs was one of the foundation stones of the first folk song revival. The book included ninety-two songs, and its readers travelled in song from the Scottish border to Land's End. It has been called 'a landmark in the history of English music, for it made the musical world aware of the treasures preserved in the memories of unlettered country people'. (93) It was the first large-scale attempt since Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time to go beyond a regional collection to a systematically national one, although its mode of organization was geographical rather than historical. (94) Indeed, it was an ambitious attempt to survey systematically the traditional song of the whole of England, county by county.

In the event, Broadwood and Fuller Maitland were unable to carry out Andrew Tuer's plan to the letter. They failed to obtain any songs from three counties: Bedfordshire, Huntingdonshire, and Monmouthshire. Moreover, in some other instances they were reduced to ascribing songs to counties other than those in which they were actually collected, although they always found some more or less plausible excuse for doing so. For example, Cambridgeshire was represented by a single song, 'Ground for the Floor', obtained from Mrs Slingsby of Skipton, Yorkshire. The item was reassigned from Yorkshire to Cambridgeshire on the basis of rather shaky hearsay evidence: the Revd J. B. Healy of Ripon, Yorkshire, had mentioned to a correspondent of Broadwood's, Mr H. M. Bower, that he remembered a fragment of the song as having been 'formerly very popular among fen shooters from Cambridge'. (95) Similarly, the seven songs supplied by a former resident of Northamptonshire, Mrs Wilson of Kings Langley, Hertfordshire, who happened to employ a servant girl from Leicestershire, were distributed rather cavalierly, according to need, among Leicestershire, Hertfordshire, and Northamptonshire. Representation by county in English County Songs was thus patchy and uneven, with certain counties (Yorkshire, Northamptonshire, Middlesex, Surrey, Sussex, Somerset, Devon) receiving more than their fair share of space. In any case, as Broadwood admitted in her preface, few if any traditional songs were 'the exclusive property of a particular county', nor was it possible 'from internal evidence to assign any tune to any one county'. (96) Yet the approach, although difficult to implement, had an evident benefit: by the very fact of focusing attention at the county level, it induced collectors to try to fill in the most evident gaps. As Broadwood remarked:
 The arrangement here adopted, by which an attempt has been made to
 represent each county of England by at least one song, may seem an
 arbitrary one, since the county boundaries cannot be expected to
 confine the music of each shire to itself; it has, however, been
 indirectly of great service, since it has stimulated effort in
 places that at first seemed altogether unpromising, and these have
 sometimes proved to contain more than the average amount of good
 material. 'We are such an unmusical neighbourhood, you will
 certainly not find anything in this county,' is a remark which has
 often preceded some of the most interesting discoveries; for,
 strange as it may appear, the districts in which music is largely
 cultivated among the poorer classes are not those in which the old
 tunes are most carefully preserved and handed down. (97)

The format of: English County Songs was thus rather arbitrary, and the editors might have been well advised to stick with the simpler division into six regions (north, north west, Midlands, east, Home Counties, and south coast) that they used to structure their work.

The north of England was primarily Alec Fuller Maitland's responsibility, but the south was Broadwood's home turf, and the quality of the collection improves once one reaches London and the surrounding counties. The fifth section of the book is subtitled 'Songs of the Home Counties', and it comprises sixteen items from the counties of Middlesex, Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Berkshire, and Surrey. From Middlesex (read London) came four items, one of which was 'Tripping up the Green Grass', a children's game song noted by Margaret Collyer from the singing of an old family servant. (98) The other three were contributed by A. J. Hipkins, a Westminster organist and musicologist who was a close friend of the Broadwood family. 'Farewell my Joy and Heart' is a short love lament that appears to be a fragment of a broadside ballad, "The Pair of Turtle-Doves', which Broadwood located in the British Museum's Roxburghe collection. 'Lavender Cries' was a set of four London street cries by sellers of lavender bunches, as heard in the streets of Kensington about a decade earlier.

Hipkins's most impressive contribution was 'Lazarus', an organ tune that Broadwood judged to be a particularly fine one, fitting the atmosphere and cadence of the ballad perfectly. (99) But Hipkins knew of no words associated with his melody, and so a speculative leap was required to link it with the similarly titled religious ballad, 'Dives and Lazarus' (Child 56). Fuller Maitland undertook some musical detective work in the tradition of William Chappell. Under the title 'Worcestershire Carol', the words to 'Diverus and Lazarus' had been printed in Notes and Queries, and, with Hipkins's help, in December 1892 he tracked down an old woman in Westminster who recognized the tune as belonging to the carol. He therefore included the Notes and Queries text in English County Songs, albeit with the disclaimer that 'it is not claimed that these words belong to the beautiful tune here given, but they suit it so well that there is a great probability of their having at one time been associated together'. (100) Fuller Maitland noted that another variant of the ballad could be found in Henry Husk's Songs of the Nativity., (101) and that there was strong evidence that it dated from at least the early seventeenth century, since it was alluded to in two Jacobean dramas, Fletcher's Monsieur Thomas and Beaumont and Fletcher's Nice Valour. Child, of course, had reprinted both Husk's variant and that from Notes and Queries in the second volume of The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, but without any tune. (102) In fact, all the extant texts of this religious ballad probably derive from a broadside, the melody for which had not been preserved. This bringing together of text and tune was thus well worth doing, even if the resultant composite was somewhat speculative and the product of an editorial intervention.

The county of Hertfordshire presented no problems. For one thing it was the new home of one of Broadwood's favourite informants, Clara Wilson of Kings Langley, who offered 'As I Lay on a Sunny Bank' (a variant of 'I Saw Three Ships'), as well as the May Day carol, 'The Moon Shines Bright', that Broadwood had already included in Sussex Songs. Another local Hertfordshire singer, Thomas Gray of Weston, neat Hhchin, also sang 'The Moon Shines Bright', albeit to a different tune, and he contributed as well a courting ballad usually known as 'The Fisherman', which he titled 'As I Walked Out'. (103) Broadwood and Fuller Maitland lacked a contributor in neighbouring Buckinghamshire, but they included A Dashing Young Lad from Buckingham', supplied by a Warwickshire correspondent, Mr F. Scarlett Potter. In Notes and Queries they also found the words of
As it fell out upon one day,
Rich Diverus he made a feast,
And he invited all his friends,
And gentry of the best.

And it fell out upon one day,
Poor Lazarus he was so poor,
He came and laid him down and down,
Ev'n down at Diverus' door.

So Lazarus laid him down and down
Even down at Diverus' door;
'Some meat, some drink, brother Diverus,
Do bestow upon the poor.'

"Thou art none of mine, brother Lazarus,
Lying begging at my door:
No meat, no drink will I give thee,
Nor bestow upon the poor.'

Then Lazarus laid him down and down,
Even down at Diverus' wall:
'Some meat, some drink, brother Diverus,
Or surely starve I shall.'

'Thou art none of mine, brother Lazarus,
Lying begging at my wall;
No meat, no drink will I give thee,
And therefore starve thou shall.'

Then Lazarus laid him down and down,
Even at Diverus' gate:
'Some meat, some drink, brother Diverus,
For Jesus Christ his sake.'

'Thou art none of mine, brother Lazarus,
Lying begging at my gate;
No meat, no drink will I give thee,
For Jesus Christ his sake.'

Then Diverus sent his merry men all,
To whip poor Lazarus away;
They had not power to whip one whip,
But threw their whips away.

Then Diverus sent out his hungry dogs,
To bite poor Lazarus away;
They had not power to bite one bite,
But licked his sores away.

As it fell out upon one day,
Poor Lazarus he sickened and died;
Then came two angels out of heaven,
His soul thereto to guide.

'Rise up, rise up, brother Lazarus,
And come along with me;
There is a place prepared in heaven,
For to sit upon an angel's knee.'

And it fell out upon one day,
Rich Diverus he sickened and died;
There came two serpents out of hell,
His soul thereto to guide.

'Rise up, rise up, brother Diverus,
And come along with me;
There is a place prepared in hell,
For to sit upon a serpent's knee.'


'The Prickly Bush', a version of 'The Maid Freed from the Gallows' (Child 95), sent in by Edmund Venables, a clergyman from Lincoln, who had learned them from a nurse who hailed from Buckinghamshire. As it happened, a variant of the same ballad had been submitted by Heywood Sumner, although he had collected it in Somerset. Sumner's version came equipped with a tune, so it was preferable to Venables's, but by a sleight of hand the item was still ascribed to Buckinghamshire. (104) It hardly mattered, since the ballad would prove to be quite common throughout the southern counties of England, although Broadwood did not yet know this. For Berkshire, they had two songs from Mark Wyatt of Enborne, 'The Farmer's Daughter' (another variant of 'The Undaunted Female') and 'The Farmer's Boy'. A correspondent named G. K. Fortescue supplied the tune of a third item, 'The Barkshire Tragedy', an interesting variant of 'The Two Sisters' (Child 10) in which the victim survived until reaching the millpond and was then murdered by the miller. (105) Fuller Maitland was reduced to taking the words of this broadside ballad from a book by Thomas Hughes, The Scouring of the White Horse. (106) That left Surrey, an easy county since Broadwood had done some collecting of her own there, from Mr Grantham, the carter discovered by her sister Ada at Anstie, near Holmwood. All four of his songs mentioned above were included: 'Venus and Adonis', 'The Sweet Nightingale', 'Sheepcrook and Black Dog', and 'The Painful Plough'. (107)

The last region, the south coast, is a large one and might well have been divided into south-east and south-west. There was a wealth of material available for this section, comprising the counties of Kent, Sussex, Hampshire, Wiltshire, Dorset, Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall. Twenty-two items were selected for inclusion. Sussex was easy, except for the problem of what to leave out. Broadwood's own collecting provided almost all of the items, although one exception was 'Faithful Emma, which had been noted by Heywood Sumner from a man in his local church choir. (108) Broadwood's informant from Lyne, the gamekeeper John Burberry, provided three jolly agricultural items, 'The Mistress' Health', 'The Carter's Health', and 'The Seasons of the Year'. (109) Her first discovery, Samuel Willett of Cuckfield, contributed 'The Farmer's Boy' and the blacksmithing song mentioned above, 'Twankydillo'. He also did the honours for Kent, having learned 'John Appleby', a hop-picker's song, while working in the hop fields of that county. (110)

Hampshire was a little more of a problem, as neither Broadwood nor any of her correspondents had done any collecting from oral tradition in that county. However, Davies Gilbert's Ancient English Carols was raided for "The Servingman and the Husbandman, and 'The Reaphook and the Sickle' was borrowed from Sumner's The Besom Maker. Moreover, Broadwood's informant Patience Vaisey, the gardener's wife at Adwell House (the Reynardsons' country estate in Oxfordshire), had grown up in Hampshire, and so her rendition of 'My Bonnie, Bonnie Boy' was counted as a Hampshire item. Broadwood commented that this song was similar to a ballad in Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time called 'My Bonnie Bird, or Cupid's Trepan', which dated from the reign of Charles II, and that the same words as sung by Mrs Vaisey had been printed in an eighteenth-century songbook, The New Cabinet of Love": Songs Sung at Vauxhall. The tune, she remarked, showed the influence of the Dorian mode, which suggested that the song had either begun its life as a folk song or had been modified in oral tradition. (111) For the county of Wiltshire she could rely on three contributions noted locally by Lavinia Squarey, her correspondent from the village of Downton, near Salisbury. They were a 'Sheep-shearing Song', a 'Harvest Song', and 'The Jolly Ploughboy', although the latter was only a fragment and had to be completed from a Hampshire version supplied by Heywood Sumner. (112)

Moving on to the south-west, we find Dorset represented by two items: 'I'm a Man that's Done Wrong to my Parents', collected by H. Strachey from a collier at Bishop Sutton and also from a whistling labourer at Shillingham, and an interesting cumulative song, 'The Twelve Apostles'. (113) The Dorset version of the latter, collected by the Revd W. Miles Barnes, has a simple tune, but some of the words--such as "Three of them are thrivers' and 'Five are the flamboys all in a row'--are rather puzzling. (114) Broadwood also printed a variant titled 'Green Grow the Rushes, Oh!' which she had found in an Eton College songbook, in which some of the words seem, at first glance, superficially to make a little more sense--for example, 'Three, three for the rivals' and 'Five for the symbol at your door'. (115) She also knew of a Somerset version of "The Twelve Apostles', but declined to print it on the grounds that the words were complete nonsense, made so for the sake of rhyming. She appended a detailed discussion of some of the other alternative lines submitted by readers to Notes and Queries. (116) It is evident that she was intrigued by the symbolism in this song, and she probably already suspected that it had some connection with Freemasonry and Rosicrucianism. She would subsequently spend a great deal of time and energy trying to solve the enigma, returning to the problem in 1907 and again in 1916. (117)

Plenty of other material was available to represent the county of Somerset. 'Bristol City', a broadside ballad credited to the singing of a M. Huttley 'at the Convivial Societys [sic] of Bath and Bristol', was not, she admitted, a traditional song and so was 'strictly speaking, outside the scope of the collection', but she included it because of its pretty tune. (118) Somerset also produced a hunting song, 'The Cheerful Arn', collected by Arthur Thompson in the pub of an unidentified village, and a humorous courting song in local dialect, 'Young Herchard' (otherwise known as 'Richard of Taunton Dene'), supplied by A. H. Frere. (119) Heywood Sumner had also noted in the county a version of "The Outlandish Knight' (Child 4), which Broadwood described as a 'fine ballad ... known all over the north of Europe'. She pointed out that an alternative version could be found in Charlotte Burne's Shropshire Folk-Lore, and she referred her readers to Kidson's Traditional Tunes for a discussion of different melodies to which the ballad was sung in the north of England. (120)

Cornwall is under-represented, with only 'Adam and Eve', collected, presumably from a parishioner, by a relative of Broadwood's, the Revd John Shearme. (121) However, there are three songs from Devon. Two of them, "The Green Bushes' and 'The Loyal Lover', came courtesy of the Revd Sabine Baring-Gould, while the other, a cumulative song, 'The Tree in the Valley', was taken from Marianne Mason's Nursery Rhymes and Country Songs. Broadwood confirmed that it had in fact been collected in Devon, and that Baring-Gould had noted another version of it in the same county. (122) Although both of Baring-Gould's items had been included in Songs and Ballads of the West, the versions printed in English County Songs are not duplicates. In both cases, the tunes are different. 'The Green Bushes', for example, appears to be James Parsons's variant, rather than the one sung by Robert Hard that Baring-Gould had preferred to use in Songs and Ballads of the West. (123)

English County Songs was an impressive accomplishment, yet the collection clearly had its limitations and problems. As we have seen, Broadwood and Fuller Maitland had to rely for the bulk of the collection on submissions from correspondents, friends, and fellow enthusiasts living in localities that spanned the length and breadth of England, from Yorkshire and the Lake District in the north to Devon and Cornwall in the south-west. Because so many people had a hand in collecting the material, it is very difficult to tell if the tunes and words printed in English County Songs reflect with reasonable accuracy what the original informants actually sang. There was certainly no guarantee that songs mailed in by contributors were taken down accurately and submitted exactly as collected. Most of the time the editors had no choice but to assume that their collaborators had recorded the words and tunes correctly. The diaries do cast a little light on this problem, by helping one pick out the songs noted in the field by Broadwood herself, but in the main they merely confirm that most of the others simply arrived in the mail.

Some texts were incomplete and had to be completed from broadsides, usually from those in the Roxburghe collection in the British Museum. Moreover, as we have seen, other songs were taken from earlier publications: Marianne Harriet Mason's Nursery Rhymes and Country Songs, Heywood Sumner's The Besom Maker, Davies Gilbert's Ancient English Carols, Sabine Baring-Gould's Songs and Ballads of the West, and two other regional compilations, Charlotte Burne's Shropshire Folk-Lore and Edward Jones's Popular Cheshire Melodies. (124) Twenty-two items were taken, in whole or in part, from these printed sources. Here it was a question of trusting the probity of the respective editors, and again Broadwood and Fuller Maitland had little choice in the matter, since they needed to fill in the geographical gaps left by their other collaborators' submissions. Despite this, coverage of Englad is still uneven, with a few remaining omissions and other thin areas.

Another defect is that the editors often did not know, or chose not to reveal, source singers' names and places of residence. This editorial practice was contrary to that adopted by Sabine Baring-Gould in Songs and Ballads of the West. (125) The format in which the songs were presented is also controversial: forty-seven were harmonized for piano by Broadwood and most of the rest by Fuller Maitland. This practice, although standard for the time, is in noticeable contrast to that adopted by Frank Kidson in his Traditional Tunes, which eschewed piano arrangements. (126) The editors apparently did have some reservations about including piano arrangements, which effectively presented folk songs as if they were art songs, but they were quick to defend their practice in the preface:
 While to give the tunes without accompaniment is doubtless the most
 scientific method of preserving the songs, it has the disadvantage of
 rendering them practically useless to educated singers. The
 accompaniments have been kept as simple as possible, and in all
 cases the editors have endeavoured to preserve the character of the
 period to which they suppose the tune to belong. (127)

In other words, Broadwood was sensitive to an editorial conflict between the most scholarly way of presenting the collection and Fuller Maitland's, and her own, desire that it be used as a songbook by 'educated' (read middle-class, often trained-voice) singers. Their choice was the pragmatic option.

Despite its faults, English County Songs was a significant achievement. The editors claimed, apparently correctly, that nearly two-thirds of the songs in the collection had never been published before. The book certainly demonstrated that traditional song was alive and available to be noted in most corners of England (including the streets of London), and it provided a basis upon which subsequent regional collections could build. Moreover, it proclaimed the aim of collecting folk songs from oral tradition rather than from library manuscripts and broadsides. It also stated the principle that a collector should publish a song exactly as it was sung: neither the tune nor the words should be modified. In her preface to the collection Broadwood emphasized that (with one exception, a late medieval song for which the spelling had been modernized) the editors' policy had been to leave the lyrics 'absolutely unaltered' and in no instance to 'tamper with' the melodies. (128) This 'antiquarian' policy was highly controversial at the time, and in Broadwood and Fuller Maitland's embracing of it we can see at work the influence of Joseph Ritson (the first collector to champion the approach), Frederick Furnivall and the Ballad Society, and, even more recently, Francis Child, with whose editorialapproach in The English and Scottish Popular Ballads Broadwood had recently become acquainted.

In practice, English County Songs did not fully implement these principles, but it was nonetheless a pioneering work that marked an important first step. The book suggested a methodological framework within which regional collecting could be pursued with increased vigour, albeit along lines already demonstrated by John Stokoe. Frank Kidson, and Sabine Baring-Gould. Only William Barrett had previously published a nationwide survey of English folk song in which authentic traditional texts and tunes were both provided, and his smaller collection had not attempted to cover the various regions of England in the same comprehensive manner. (129) However, the significance of what Broadwood and Fuller Maitland had attempted does not seem to have been fully appreciated at the time. Reviews were mixed, and Broadwood must have become very tired of being told that a given song was not the exclusive property of the county to which it was assigned in the book, a complaint she had anticipated and tried to disarm in the preface. Nonetheless, the collection sold quite well, affording her a small but fairly steady income for two decades. (130)

Collecting, singing, and networking, 1893-97

Harmonizing songs for English County Songs and correcting the proofs of the book took up most of Broadwood's time during the summer and autumn of 1892, although, as we have seen, she continued to do some collecting, with Patience Vaisey of Tetsworth, Oxfordshire, being one of her most valuable informants. Early in the new year, she dispatched the last set of proofs to the publisher and thereafter the diaries show a renewed focus on her own singing, with folk song playing a larger part in her repertoire. She had been asked to provide the musical illustrations for a lecture by Mr W. Frere to the Society for Plain Song Music on the subject of Tonality of Popular Songs', and on 24 January 1893 she did so, singing 'My Bonny Boy', 'Adieu Lovely Mary', and 'Cupid, the Pretty Ploughboy'. (131) After the talk, she chatted with H. Fleetwood Sheppard, who had helped Baring-Gould with noting the tunes in Songs and Ballads of the West. As mentioned above, she was not a fan of Fleetwood Sheppard's piano arrangements, but she was eager to resume her friendship with Baring-Gould, with whom she had corresponded several times during 1891 but had temporarily lost touch the following year. They resumed their correspondence that February. (132) Frank Kidson was by now another regular correspondent, (133) and on 22 February she was delighted to receive a present of an autographed and annotated copy of Traditional Tunes that Kidson had personally bound in leather. (134) April 1893 saw her travelling to Leeds where she performed in a concert, met Kidson for the first time, and was shown his extensive collection of old songbooks. (135) English County Songs was finally in the bookstores at the beginning of July, just in time for her to show a copy to her father, who was very ill and in fact died on 8 July. (136)

If her father's passing was for Lucy the low point of 1893, the high point was her discovery of Henry Burstow. The diaries do nor reveal exactly how and when this occurred, but we know that on 2 May she noted a batch of songs from him, apparently for the first time. (137) Burstow was a sixty-eight-year-old shoemaker who had lived all his life in Horsham, Sussex, so it is likely that she travelled to Horsham to interview him. A music lover whose hobby was bell-ringing, he was a willing informant and delighted in singing items from his extensive repertoire. He eventually penned an autobiographical account of Horsham and his life there. (138) Broadwood later wrote the following brief account of her informant:
 As a boy he was apprenticed to the shoemaking trade, but [he] is
 best known as a bell-ringer. It has lately been written of him that
 his reputation 'stands unrivalled in England, and there is hardly a
 belfry in the land where his name and fame are not known and
 respected'. And this, although during eighty-three years he has
 slept only six nights away from his native town. Mr. Burstow has
 from childhood made bell-ringing and song-singing his hobbies.
 He has a list of more than four hundred songs, old and new, which
 he knows by heart. Amongst them [are] about fifty or sixty of the
 traditional ballad type, and these have been noted and preserved.
 Mr. Burstow learned some of his songs from his parents, and many
 'old songs and ballets off shoemakers singing at their work'. Others
 he learned from labourers, many of whom could not read. His
 excellent ear and sense of rhythm have probably been developed by
 constant bell-ringing, in which he still joins ... with energy
 and skill. (139)

During the three occasions on which Broadwood collected songs from Burstow during 1893 and 1894, he sang for her (and she noted down) at least forty-three items, although this was but a fraction of his repertoire, which amounted to approximately 420 items in total. (140) He lent her his song list, but he refused to sing some of the songs on it to her, on the grounds that the words were not fit for a lady's ears. These, unfortunately, included quite a few that, by their titles, promised to be among the very oldest ballads, and since he could not detach the tunes from the words, she was unable to note even the melodies. One of the songs that he did sing, and which enchanted her at that first meeting on 2 May, was 'Belfast Mountains', a simple lament with a haunting tune. Although the song depicts a scene in Northern Ireland, the text was on a broadside published initially in Manchester, although likely reprinted in London, since Burstow had learned it in the south of England.

Broadwood was so impressed by the quality of Burstow's singing, his extensive repertoire, and his reliable memory that she arranged for him to travel to Lyne on 20 May to perform for two house guests, Alec Fuller Maitland and A. J. Hipkins. (142) Her diaries do not reveal which songs Burstow sang on this occasion, but it is likely that "The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood' (Child 132) was one of them. It was one thing to find Robin Hood texts on old broadsheets, but quite another to locate one, with a tune, in oral tradition. Finding a vernacular version of 'The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood' was therefore something of a coup, and it is likely that she wished to show off this 'find' to her fellow enthusiasts. Burstow's text was derived from a broadside printed by Henry Parker Such, and was similar to that printed by Robert Bell in his edition of Ancient Poems, Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England. The ballad relates essentially the same story as that in 'Robin Hood Newly Revived' (or 'Robin Hood and the Stranger'), in which the protagonist is called Gamwell, a common seventeenth-century broadside found in the Pepys, Wood, and Douce collections and reprinted in Robin Hood's Garland.
All on the Belfast mountains I heard a maid complain,
Making forth her lamentation down by some purling stream,
Saying, 'I am confined all in the bands of love,
All by a false pretender who doth inconstant prove.'

'Oh, Johnny! My dear jewel, don't treat me with disdain!
Nor leave me here behind you in sorrow to complain!'
With her arms she clasps around him, like violets round the vine,
Saying, 'My bonny Cheshire lad, you've stole this heart of mine.'

'My dear, I'm sorry for you, that you for me should grieve,
I am engaged already; 'tis you I can't relieve.
'Since it is so, my Johnny, for ever I'm undone,
All by this shame and scandal I shall distracted run.'

'If I'd but all those diamonds on yonder rock that grow,
I would give them to my Cheshire lad, if his love to me he'd show.
Wringing her hands and crying, 'My Johnny dear, farewell!
Unto those Belfast mountains my sorrow I will tell.'

'It's not those Belfast mountains can give to me relief,
Nor is it in their power to ease me of my grief;
If they'd but a tongue to prattle, to tell my love a tale,
Unto my bonny Cheshire lad my mind they would reveal. '(141)


Her third session with Burstow took place at Lyne on 1 January 1894, at which time she noted the melodies of twelve of his songs: 'Americans that Stole my True Love', "The Female Smuggler' (a tune Burstow also used for 'The Female Highwayman'), 'Green Bushes', 'Henry Martin' (which Burstow knew as 'Salt Seas'), 'King Pharim', "The Moon Shines Bright', 'Poor Fisherman's Boy', "The Rover', 'Stinson the Deserter', "The Three Butchers' (which Burstow called 'Gibson, Wilson, and Johnson'), and 'Yarmouth Is a Pretty Town'. (143) Of these items, she was particularly taken with the last two and with the traditional pirate ballad 'Henry Martin' (Child 250). Burstow's version of this last was quite similar to that printed by Kidson in Traditional Tunes; but it was not the only Child ballad that he sang. In addition to 'Henry Martin' and "The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood', he also knew a version of 'Geordie' (Child 209), although his title for it was 'Banstead Downs'. His variant, of course, was an English one, and it probably derives from the broadside titled "The Life and Death of George of Oxford', although it differs in tune and text from that printed by Frank Kidson in Traditional Tunes.

Henry Burstow was the most prolific informant that Lucy Broadwood ever found, and when she eventually (in 1908) published a book-length selection from her collecting, his songs featured heavily in it. English Traditional Songs and Carols would include eighteen items noted from Burstow, more than half of the book's contents. All eighteen were collected in 1893-94, most of them are narrative ballads of one kind or another, and most of these ballads were based on broadside texts. Several of them deal with the triumph over adversity of a pair of lovers upon whom fate had not initially looked kindly; for example, 'Rosetta and her Gay Ploughboy', 'Through Moorfields', 'Bristol Town', and "The Wealthy Farmer's Son'. Others, such as 'Belfast Mountains', 'Yarmouth Is a Pretty Town', and the well-known broadside, 'The Merchant's Daughter, or the Constant Farmer's Son', tell love stories with sadder outcomes. The last has the same theme as 'Clerk Saunders' (Child 69), telling of the murder of a young woman's lover by her brothers who oppose the match. (144) Of course, not all of Burstow's broadside ballads are on the subject of true love frustrated or vindicated. "The Three Butchers' is a dramatic tale of deception, robbery, and murder, while 'Boney's Lamentation' and 'The Duke of Marlborough' are historical broadsides dealing with war and international politics. 'Van Dieman's Land' is a powerful ballad about poaching and transportation. John Ashton had reprinted the broadside text of this song in his Modern Street Ballads, but Henry Burstow had a variant text and he could also provide the tune to which it was sung, although he titled the song 'The Gallant Poachers'. (145)

Not all of Broadwood's favourite Burstow songs were ballads. His other offerings included a rambling song, 'Travel the Country Round', plus two items with more literary texts which betray the hand of an educated author, 'The Ages of Man' and 'Death and the Lady'. In contrast, there are also simple folk lyrics, laments with pretty melodies that appealed to Broadwood. An example is 'I Must Live All Alone', which she included in English Traditional Songs and Carols, although she felt the need to consolidate the text, making four stanzas out of the original five. It was not standard broadside material, but she did find, in Baring-Gould's personal collection of broadsides, a similar text, so it is likely that a broadsheet had been Burstow's original source for the song. (146)

Seeing English County Songs in print and discovering Henry Burstow were the most important folk song-related happenings in Broadwood's life during 1893, but there were some other exciting events, too. In addition to visiting Frank Kidson in Leeds, she met the Revd Sabine Baring-Gould for the first time. On 4 September she made a complicated train journey to Coryton in Devon in order to stay for two weeks with the Baring-Gould family in the rectory at Lewtrenchard. (147) Her diary records that the next day she 'looked through many vols of Mr. Baring-Gould's traditional songs, broadsides, etc., and had long talks with him'. That evening they attended a 'folk song concert' in Launceston, organized by the daughter of Baring-Gould's collaborator, F. W. Bussell. Her opinion of it was mixed; she commented that 'Mr. Ferguson (good baritone) and two indifferent professional ladies sang, in costumes (poor). Tunes very brisk. Mr. Ferguson especially exulted in "Ormond the Brave".' (148)

The next day included another long session discussing folk music with Baring-Gould and exploring his collection and library. The highlight of the trip came on 7 September, when the two enthusiasts went song-hunting together. In the morning they walked over to Down House, a farm on Baring-Gould's estate, and Broadwood noted two tunes, 'Green Gravel' and 'The Summer Is Over--Nothing Else to Do', from Louisa and/or Elizabeth Hamley. (149) In the afternoon they drove in a carriage to the village of Milton Abbott for tea with Alice Cann, the local rector's wife. In the nearby hamlet of Dunterton they found another informant, Jane Jeffrey. Although elderly and frail (she had only partially recovered from a debilitating stroke), Jane sang them several verses of 'The Unquiet Grave' (Child 78). Like the version collected in Shropshire by Charlotte Burne, which had been included in English County Songs, this was titled 'Cold Blows the Wind' and the words are similar, except for Jane Jeffrey's two concluding stanzas, which delighted Broadwood. The tune is somewhat different from the Shropshire variant, although obviously related. She apparently wrote down only three stanzas, the first and the last two. (150)
Cold blows the wind o'er my true love,
Cold blow the drops of rain,
I never had but one true love,
In the greenwood he was slain.

My time be long, my time be short,
Tomorrow or today,
Sweet Christ in heaven will have my soul,
And take my life away.

Don't grieve, don't grieve for me, true love,
No mourning do I crave;
I must leave you and all the world,
And sink down in my grave. (151)


This was not the end of her collecting in Devon. On 21 September, the day before she left the county to visit relatives on the Isle of Wight, she and Baring-Gould drove to the village of Lifton, near Launceston, where she noted three songs from a farmer's wife named Mary Fletcher: 'Damon and Phyllis', 'Why, What's the Matter Now?', and "The Outlandish Knight'. (152)

Back in London for the pre-Christmas concert season, Broadwood divided her musical activities between singing, writing songs, concert-going, and networking with other folk song enthusiasts and folklorists. She had written some more songs of her own ('Tammy' and 'The Woodlark'), and her performances usually included a mixture of her own compositions, German lieder (she was particularly fond of Mendelssohn's 'Der Fruhling'), and folk songs from English County Songs. For example, at a concert in Poplar on 11 November she performed 'A North Country Maid' and 'The Loyal Lover'. (153) Now interested in the non-musical aspects of folklore as well as in folk music, she had begun attending meetings of the Folklore Society, and she was happy to pursue her friendship with Charlotte Burne, whom she met at a meeting of the society on 15 November and then entertained on the 22nd. (154) Baring-Gould was also in London, and he was invited to lunch on 6 December. Together they attended a 'Ballad Concert' at which her favourite professional male singer of lieder, Harry Plunkett Greene, sang two items from English County Songs, 'Twankydillo' and 'The Golden Vanity'. (155)

Broadwood also gave Baring-Gould copies of two carols that she had recently noted from three male Gypsies from a family named Goby, who often camped in the Surrey/ Sussex border country near Lyne. (156) She had encountered them on nearby farmland at Pleystowe, in Surrey. 'The Moon Shines Bright' is a traditional Christmas carol, which she had previously found to be sung frequently in local villages, but 'King Pharim' is more unusual. She concluded that it was related to two Child ballads: 'St Stephen and Herod' (Child 22), a late medieval ' poem from the Sloane MS, which had been printed in 1856 by Thomas Wright in his collection, Songs and Carols from a Manuscript in the British Museum of the Fifteenth Century; (157) and 'The Carnal and the Crane' (Child 55), which had been collected by William Sandys in the West Country and by William Henry Husk in Worcestershire. Both ballads include the miracle of a roasted cock crowing three times in affirmation of the birth of Christ. 'King Pharim' (which Broadwood believed to be a corruption of 'King Pharaoh') also shares some of its text with "The Carnal and the Crane',

Around this time, too, Broadwood was contacted by the Cambridge writer Brimley Johnson, with a request to help him choose and edit material for a projected four-volume edition of traditional ballads. She alerted him to the work of Francis James Child, and for the assistance she provided Johnson was sufficiently grateful to reward her with a set of Popular British Ballads, Ancient and Modern, when it was published the following year. (158) This was another example of Broadwood's networking, an activity that she continued over the next two years, 1894 and 1895. Her musical friends, with whom she played and sang at informal gatherings, included, in addition to the composers Alexander Mackenzie, Charles Villiers Stanford, and Arthur Somervell, such instrumentalists as Fanny Davies, (159) Alec Fuller Maitland, Arnold Dolmetsch, (160) and Joseph Joachim, (161) and singers Kate Lee, Harry Plunkett Greene, (162) and James Campbell Mclnnes. (163) She maintained her correspondence with Frank Kidson and Sabine Baring-Gould, and on 11 May 1894 attended a lecture by the latter on 'Traditional Song' at the Royal Institution. This, she considered, was spoilt by 'bad singing' and by Fleetwood Sheppard's irritating piano arrangements. (164) Her most exciting trip of that year was undoubtedly a visit to Bayreuth, during which she attended performances of Lohengrin, Tannbauser, and Parsifal. She had been an enthusiastic Wagnerite when she was younger, but her taste in classical music now inclined more to the baroque period, in particular the works of Bach and Purcell, and she was less receptive to German Romantic music than she had been a decade earlier. Tannhauser, she confessed, now left her 'cold and unmoved', but she still found Parsifal 'altogether most impressive and touching'. (165)

Although she was still an amateur, Lucy Broadwood's singing was by now recognized in London musical circles as professional in standard, and she was asked to sing the role of Elvira in a successful production of Mozart's Don Giovanni and that of Dorabella in a follow-up production of Cost fan tutti. (166) She also continued to perform at numerous charity concerts, on occasion mixing folk songs such as 'The Loyal Lover' and 'A North Country Lass' with art songs by Somervell, Stanford, and Brahms. (167) Her involvement with the early music movement included singing Elizabethan lute songs, songs by William Lawes, Henry Lawes, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and vocal works by Johann Sebastian Bach and George Frideric Handel. (168) All this musical activity took her away from collecting and from her scholarly research on folk song, but she did not neglect the latter entirely. She acted as Baring-Gould's researcher in the British Museum, and she helped the composer and principal of the Royal Academy of Music, Alexander Mackenzie, prepare a series of lectures on 'English County Songs'. (169) A throat and ear infection, which temporarily rendered her deaf and left her with a sore throat for several months, prevented her from acting as Mackenzie's singer for those lectures, but on other occasions she performed similar services, research and singing musical examples, for Somervell and Fuller Maitland. (170)

Fuller Maitland's lecture series covered the history of English music, and his eloquence reinvigorated Broadwood's love for medieval song (she incorporated 'Summer Is Icumen In' and a piece by Dunstable into her repertoire), Elizabethan madrigals, and the music of the English baroque era, especially that of Henry Lawes, John Blow, and Henry Purcell. (171) By the autumn of 1895 she was again in fine voice, and her reputation as an interpreter of Purcell had grown to the point where, in November, she was offered a professional engagement at a concert of Purcell's music. (172) This was the closest Lucy Broadwood came to a professional singing career, and, although she declined, she must have hesitated before doing so, because she took her singing very seriously and she was usually on the lookout for ways to supplement her income. But the family would have disapproved, and in any case she was only too aware of the problems she had earlier experienced with her throat, so she probably decided that a singing career would overtax her strength. For the folk song movement it was a fortunate decision.

In September 1895, she began collecting folk songs again. While staying with a friend at Swannington House, near Coalville in Leicestershire, she noted songs from two local colliery workers, William Wardle (173) and Hoseah Heywood, (174) although she concluded that 'none [of their offerings] were really very old'. (175) William Wardle sang for her 'Phoebe Dearest' and a coal-mining version of 'Come, Let's Sit Down and Merry, Merry Be', and Hoseah Heywood contributed "The Father's Welcome; or, All Day Long in the Cornfields So Weary'. (176) Later that month, while staying with relatives at Craster, near Alnwick in Northumberland, she noted several songs and singing games from children in the village of Embleton. (177) These included 'Bingo', 'Hullabaloo', 'Round and Round the Village', and 'Newcastle Races'. Broadwood was familiar with Alice Gomme's published collections of nursery rhymes and children's games, and she recognized 'Dinah; or, Jenny Jones' and 'When I Was a Lady as items that Gomme had collected. Some of the melodies were already known to her; for instance, 'Amongst the Bush of Tansy' employed the tune of 'Nancy Dawson', while 'Oh What is Mary Weeping for?' had the same tune as 'Poor Mary', a Worcestershire game song that had been included in English County Songs. (178)

On her way back to London, Broadwood stopped off in Leeds for the annual music festival, visiting Frank Kidson and introducing him to Alec Fuller Maitland. (179) Her friendship with Fuller Maitland, and with the British Museum musicologist W. Barclay Squire, now led to her closer involvement with the work of the Purcell Society. Her major scholarly project in 1896 was to edit for publication the scores of two recently rediscovered Purcell operas, Amphitreyon and The Gordian Knot, for which she also constructed piano arrangements. This time-consuming scholarly work again took her away from collecting, but she was still including folk songs in her recitals, which might include such traditional ballads as 'Edinbro' (a version of "The Cruel Sister') and 'The Three Ravens', as well as her standbys 'A North Country Lass' and 'The Loyal Lover'. One of her proudest achievements that year, apart from her editions of the Purcell operas, was learning to ride a bicycle, a skill she learned in part in the hope of becoming less dependent on others when noting songs in the countryside around Lyne.

After a break of nearly a year, Broadwood once more resumed collecting in the autumn of 1896, following up a tip from a friend called Mrs Carr, (180) who was the singer Kate Lee's sister. (181) On this occasion, the results were substantial. She recorded her visit to the Surrey village of Dunsfold in her diary as follows:
 [W]ent to a small old cottage done up by Mr. & Mrs. Carr. Mrs.
 Carr received me ... Walked with her to see some cottagers about
 old songs. In afternoon ditto. In evening 10 or 12 old men,
 labourers, none able to read, came to supper and to sing to us.
 They sang sitting with eyes shut. Amongst others they knew and
 sang 'Banks of Sweet Dundee', 'The Lady and the Box', 'Bailiffs
 Daughter of Islington', 'Cold Blows the Wind', 'The Trees They Are
 So High', 'Young Lamkih', 'Abroad As I Was Walking', A Ship Lies
 in the Harbour', etc., etc., etc. Interesting evening. I noted
 14 old tunes. (182)

While none of the Dunsfold informants was in the same league as Henry Burstow, this group of singing villagers, who apparently knew each other well and had shared songs together before, was nonetheless a notable discovery. It is by no means certain that they all lived in Dunsfold; although some were residents of the village, others may have walked in from nearby farms or hamlets, or from neighbouring villages. (183) In the main, they were not as elderly as Broadwood perceived them to be, since most were in their forties or fifties. The singers from whom she noted items included George Baker, (184) James Bronham, (185) Edward Cooper, (186) George Ede, (187) Mr Lough, (188) George and Mary Ann Rugman, (189) Mr Sparks, (190) and Thomas Whittington. (191) The lone female, Mary Ann Rugman, sang 'How Cold the Winds Do Blow', a variant of 'Cold Blows the Wind'. (192) Her husband George contributed "The Sheffield Apprentice', about an innocent man who was hanged, (193) and a well-known broadside ballad of requited love, 'The Blind Beggar of Bethlem Green', a ballad which Mr Lough also sang, to a slightly different tune. (194) James Bronham offered a further variant of 'Cold Blows the Wind', as well as "The New Irish Girl', (195) while Edward Cooper provided "The Pleasant Month of May', another ballad of requited love. (196)

Broadwood was aware that Baring-Gould had collected the traditional ballad 'The Trees They Do Grow High' in Devon and had included an edited version of it in Songs and Ballads of the West. She also knew of a broadside text (printed by Such) titled 'My Bonny Lad Is Young, but He's Growing'. The version sung in Dunsfold by George Ede had a different tune and some variation in the words from that noted in Devon. For example, the age of the young lovers was even younger, namely twelve and thirteen, respectively. Broadwood first heard it sung when Ede was trimming hedges, and she reported that the fierce snap of his shears at the words 'so there was an end to his growing' came with 'a startling dramatic effect'. (197) She would publish Ede's text, without censoring it, in the Journal of the Folk-Song Society in 1902, (198) but in English Traditional Songs and Carols she transposed or altered words where rhyme and metre absolutely necessitated it' and she omitted the penultimate stanza. (199) This is the version that George Ede sang (with his variant of the title).
Oh! the trees are getting high, and the leaves are getting green,
The time is gone and past, my love, that you and I have seen.
'Twas on a winter's evening, as I sat all alone,
There I spied a bonny boy, young, bur growing.

'Oh mother! Dear mother! You've done to me much wrong!
You've married me to a bonny boy, his age it is so young!
His age is only twelve, and myself scarcely thirteen!
Saying, 'My bonny boy is young, but a-growing.'

When it's 'Daughter, dear daughter, I have done to you no wrong,
I've married you to a bonny boy, he is some rich lord's son,
And a lady he will make you, that's if you will he made,
Saying, 'Your bonny boy is young, but a-growing.'

Saying, 'Mother, dear mother, I am bat a child,
I will go back to my old college for a year or two more;
I will cut off my yellow hair, put my box upon my head,
And I'll gang along with it to the college.'

And 'twas on one summer's morning by the dawning of the day,
And they went into some cornfields to have some sport and play,
And what they did there she never will declare,
But she never more complained of his growing.

And at the age of thirteen then he was a married man;
And at the age of fourteen he was father of a son;
And at the age of fifteen then his grave was growing green:
So there was an end to his growing. (200)


If demonstrating that "The Trees They Do Grow High' was in English oral tradition elsewhere than in the West Country was significant, so too was finding a southern English version of 'Lamkin' (Child 93). The Dunsfold singer who contributed it was Thomas Whittington and he called his version 'Bold Lankon'. (201) The importance of this version lies more in the fact of its existence in oral tradition in the south of England than in its somewhat doggerel text or rather pedestrian tune. Some of the other ballads sung in Dunsfold, although likely more recent creations by eighteenth-century ballad-mongers, came with more attractive melodies. Whittington, for example, also sang a version of "The Bailiff's Daughter of Islington', and while Broadwood did not bother to write down the well-known words she did note his tune. (202) The same is true for "The Seeds of Love', which she had previously collected from Henry Burstow, and for which she now obtained different tunes from George Ede and from Mr Sparks. (203) The latter also contributed 'The Labouring Man', a song about the hard times experienced by rural workers. (204) One of the songs mentioned in her diary entry had a tune that particularly appealed to her, and it was also sung by Mr Sparks. 'Our Ship She Lies in Harbour' is an unusually concise broadside ballad in which a patient young woman outmanoeuvres her parents' opposition to her marriage with a sailor. One stanza was omitted by the singer, but is included in a broadside text printed by Such, which Broadwood was able to track down with the help of Frank Kidson. (205)

Another striking ballad that she collected at Dunsfold was one that, curiously, she did not mention in her diary. Sung by George Baker, who also contributed "The Pretty Sailor; or, the Lowland Maid', (206) this is a feminist broadside titled "The Valiant Lady'. (207) It tells the unusual story of a young woman, apparently trained in medicine, who volunteers to go to sea as a surgeon to keep an eye on her lover, the victim of a press gang. Her medical skill saves his life, and she then buys his release. Broadwood discovered that this song was a variant of a longer black-letter broadside in the Roxburghe collection titled "The Valiant Virgin; or, Philip and Mary', and in printing the ballad in English Traditional Songs and Carols she restored one stanza and two other lines that Mr Baker, her Dunsfold informant, had forgotten. The seventeenth-century broadside was intended to be sung to the tune of 'When the Stormy Winds Do Blow', and she argued that Baker's tune, which she regarded as a fine, vigorous air, was a more authentic version of 'Stormy Winds' than that printed by Chappell in Popular Music of the Olden Time, which she dismissed as 'weak and monotonous'. (208) This, then, was a rare instance in which it appeared that an old ballad tune had been recovered from oral tradition, along with much of the original text.

Other vernacular songs that she heard in Dunsfold included three contributions by Mr Lough, who sang two songs about requited love, 'The Bonny Labouring Boy' and 'It's of a Pleasant Month of May', and one about unrequited love, 'Some Rival Has Stolen my True Love Away'. The first of these is a fairly lengthy broadside ballad about parental opposition to their rich daughter's desire to marry a handsome ploughboy, and Broadwood was more interested in the tune, which she ascribed to the Mixolydian mode and which resembled that of "The Painful Plough in English County Songs, than in the words, which were to be found on a Such broadsheet. (209)-1 Lough's May song also has a familiar tune; it is similar to 'Down by the Riverside' in Baring-Gould's Songs and Ballads of the West. (210) 'Some Rival' was another one of Broadwood's favourites, a simple but eloquent folk lyric with an attractive tune reminiscent of 'Love Will Find Out the Way.' (211)

Despite her enthusiasm for the cause, and for much of the material that she had collected, Broadwood's involvement with folk song was only an occasional activity during the winter of 1896-97. However, she was still including folk songs in her performances at amateur concerts. For example, at a 'Popular Ballad Concert' held at Toynbee Hall, Aldgate, in London, on 22 October 1896, she sang 'A North Country Maid'. 'Edinbro'; or, The Cruel Sister', and 'Young Colin', the last being her own arrangement of an eighteenth-century vernacular song by William Shield. After dinner that evening she sang the entire fifteen stanzas of "Edinbro" into a phonograph owned by a Mr Aves, her first experience with the new technology. (212)

The next year (1897) saw her continuing her work for the Purcell Society and occasionally attending meetings of the Folklore Society, where she made new contacts, including the new president, A. Nutt, who gave his inaugural lecture on fairies. (213) She continued to see the Stanfords, Somervells, Fuller Maitlands, and other musical friends socially, and made music with them at dinner parties, tea parties, and 'at homes'. By now her standard folk song repertoire also included 'I Will Give You the Keys to Heaven', an item that Sabine Baring-Gould had contributed to English County Songs. (214) Her most significant new friendship was with the young composer Ralph Vaughan Williams, whom she invited to dinner on 15 January and again to tea on 31 January. (215) He would be on her guest list for periodic musical 'at homes' and tea parties throughout the year, and by May he was arranging songs by Bach for the two of them to perform together. (216) Even more significant, at least in the short term, was an impromptu collaboration in December with the singer Kate Lee at a party held at the house of Mr and Mrs Herbert Carr. Kate, a professional singer, had incorporated into her repertoire a number of songs from English County Songs and was an enthusiastic supporter of the burgeoning movement. It was time, they agreed, that it had a formal organization, similar to the Folklore Society. They met again on 15 January 1898 to plan the creation of a Folk-Song Society. (217)


Lucy Broadwood's involvement with the birth of the Folk-Song Society is a topic that must be left for a later occasion, but it may be useful to summarize briefly her principal accomplishments in the realm of folk music from the time that she first began to take a serious interest in folk song, in 1884, to her initial involvement in planning the Folk-Song Society in 1897.

She had been exposed to folk song on various occasions during her childhood, but it was her decision in the winter of 1887-88 to co-edit with her cousin Herbert Birch Reynardson a new edition of John Broadwood's Old English Songs that prompted her to begin her career as a folk song collector. Although this project was primarily a family affair, it resulted in her taking up vernacular song collecting as a hobby. She began noting extra material in the summer of 1888, Sussex Songs was published in the spring of 1890, and during the next year she began building her network of contacts in the fields of folklore and folk song. Friendships with Heywood Sumner, Arthur Somervell, Charlotte Burne, Sabine Baring-Gould, and Frank Kidson developed during the next few years. She resumed collecting in 1890, and her most important informants during the following two years included Samuel Willett, Clara Wilson, Patience Vaisey, Mr Grantham, and John Burberry.

The invitation to work with Alec Fuller Maitland on English County Songs was the next major stimulus that kept her engaged wholeheartedly with folk song. During 1891-93 this second project led her to delve systematically into the extant Georgian and Victorian literature on English folk song, and within a few years she had made herself the most knowledgeable person on the subject in late Victorian England. Collecting material for the book also necessitated developing a nationwide network of friends and correspondents who were interested in the folklore and folk music of their local areas. Broadwood helped publicize the book by singing her (and Fuller Maitland's) arrangements of folk songs from it at charity concerts, and by persuading professional singers, including Harry Plunkett Greene, Kate Lee, and, later, James Campbell McInnes, to incorporate such folk songs into their repertoires.

She continued collecting in the mid-1890s, but only episodically, and her other musical interests tended to take prominence in her life. But her continuing friendships with Frank Kidson and Sabine Baring-Gould kept her involved with folk song, and she was fortunate to discover such valuable new informants as Henry Burstow and the Dunsfold villagers. She also continued networking, bringing into her orbit leading folklorists and such big names in the world of late Victorian art music as Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Sir Charles Hubert Parry, Sir Charles Villiers Stanford, and the young Ralph Vaughan Williams. It was, however, due to her friendship with Kate Lee that she became involved in the planning and eventual foundation of the Folk-Song Society.

It seems reasonable to conclude that during the decade 1887-97 folk song was initially little more than a hobby for Lucy Broadwood, but that it gradually became an avocation. Yet, except for a few months here and there, it was not her primary occupation. She was at least as committed to her amateur career as a singer and to her involvement with the early music movement. She probably viewed her contribution to the Purcell Society as of equal importance to her work with folk song. Indeed, looking back over the decade, she may well have been a little surprised at how much she had accomplished in the latter field, but her role in the development of the late Victorian folk song revival was indeed a major one.


(1) The best Broadwood pianos were of exceptional quality and a number of prominent musicians owned them. Famous composers with Broadwoods included Franz Josef Haydn, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Ludwig van Beethoven, Frederic Chopin, Franz Liszt, and Edward Elgar. On the Broadwood firm, see David Wainwright, Broadwood by Appointment (London: Quiller Press, 1982).

(2) Mention should also be made of (among others) William Barrett, Charlotte Burne, Alec Fuller Maitland, Marianne Harriet Mason, John Stokoe, and Heywood Sumner.

(3) I should like to thank Keith Chandler, Martin Graebe, Irene Shettle, and Maureen Shettle for their generous and invaluable help in tracking down biographical information on a number of Lucy Broadwood's source singers. Despite their laborious searches through census data, however, I regret that I still do not know even the first names of several of her informants. In most instances she refers to source singers in her diaries and her field notes only as Mr. or Mrs., the conventional usage of the time.

(4) For alternative perspectives on Lucy Broadwood, see Christopher Bearman, "The Lucy Broadwood Collection: An Interim Report', Folk Music Journal, 7.3 (1997), 357-65; Dorothy De Val, 'The Transformed Village: Lucy Broadwood and Folksong', in Music and British Culture, 1785-1914: Essays in Honour of Cyril Ehrlich, ed. by Christina Bashford and Leanne Langley (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 341-66; Walter Ford, 'Lucy Etheldred Broadwood', Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 8.3 (33) (1929), 168-69; Vic Gammon, 'Folk Song Collecting in Sussex and Surrey, 1843-1914', History Workshop Journal, no. 10 (1980), 61-89; Lewis Jones, 'Lucy Etheldred Broadwood: Poet and Song Writer', English Dance & Song, 57.4 (1995), 2-3; Lewis Jones, 'Lucy Broadwoods Diaries: The Early Years', English Dance & Song, 62.3 (2000), 2-3; Lewis Jones, 'Lucy Etheldred Broadwood: Her Scholarship and Ours', in Folk Song: 'tradition, Revival., and Re-Creation, ed. by Ian Russell and David Atkinson, Elphinstone Institute Occasional Publications, 3 (Aberdeen: Elphinstone Institute, University of Aberdeen, 2004), pp. 241-52; Ralph Vaughan Williams, 'Lucy Broadwood: An Appreciation', Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 8.1 (31) (1927), 44-45; Ralph Vaughan Williams, 'Lucy Broadwood, 1858-1929', Journal of the English Folk Dance and Song Society, 5: 3 (1948), 136-38; Woking, Surrey History Centre [SHC], 2297/6, Mary Venables, 'Lucy Etheldred Broadwood' (unpublished manuscript), February 1930.

(5) Old English Songs, as Now Sung by the Peasantry of the Weald of Surrey and Sussex, [ed. by John Broadwood and Charles F. Dusart] (London: Berts & Co., [1847]). The date is not 1843, as is often stated; the galley proofs of Old English Songs at the Surrey History Centre are stamped '1847' (SHC, 2185), and the book was catalogued by the British Museum (now British Library) in that year.

(6) SHC, Broadwood Papers, 2185/LEB/1/446, Lucy Broadwood, 'Re Collecting' (manuscript notes), n.d. [c.1893].

(7) London, Vaughan Williams Memorial Library [VWML], Lucy Etheldred Broadwood MSS, LEB/1/1.

(8) Broadwood, 'Re Collecting'.

(9) SHC, Broadwood Papers, 6782, Lucy Broadwood diaries. The most convenient way of identifying individual entries is by date (day, month, year). Subsequent citations from the diaries are given in this fashion. In all cases the accession number at the Surrey History Centre is the same, namely 6782 (most other SHC accession numbers relating to Lucy Broadwood carry the suffix /LEB/ but this is not the case with 6782).

(10) For an alternative account of the early diaries, see Jones, 'Lucy Broadwood's Diaries: The Early Years'.

(11) Broadwood diaries, 12 April 1883.

(12) Frederick Hymen Cowen (1852-1935) had a successful career as a pianist and conductor. His compositions included six symphonies, of which his Symphony No. 3 in C minor, 'Scandinavian', first performed in London in 1880, was the most popular and established his reputation as a significant figure in late Victorian art music.

(13) George A. Macfarren (1813-87) was a leading British composer of the mid-Victorian era. For several decades a professor at the Royal Academy of Music, he became its principal in 1876. His compositions included operas, oratorios, and a considerable body of orchestral music, including eight symphonies. His Symphony No. 7 in C-sharp minor is regarded as one of his finest achievements. Macfarren was a personal friend of Victorian vernacular song collector and editor William Chappell. One of the results of their collaboration was Old English Ditties, Selected from W. Chappell's 'Popular Music of the Olden Time', with a New Introduction, ed. by William Chappell, G. A. Macfarren, Natalia Macfarren, and J. Oxenford, 2 vols (London: Chappell, [n.d.]).

(14) Sir Alexander Campbell Mackenzie (1847-1935) was a Scottish composer who spent much of his early career in Italy but in 1888 took over as principal of the Royal Academy of Music in London. His most famous compositions included the oratorio The Rose of Sharon, his Scotch Rhapsodies, incidental music for the Shakespeare plays Twelfth Night and Coriolanus, and various works for violin, including a violin concerto and Six Pieces for Violin.

(15) Sir Arthur Somervell (1863-1937) played a significant role in the Edwardian phase of the English folk song revival. As Inspector for Music he had a tremendous influence on the kind of music employed by schoolteachers in their classrooms, and he strongly encouraged the teaching of English 'national' songs to primary school children. Attacked by Cecil Sharp for not including enough 'genuine' folk songs (that is to say, those collected by Sharp and others from oral tradition), Somervell initially defended vigorously his more eclectic concept of folk song, but he later compromised with Sharp and facilitated the introduction of many more of the folk songs collected by Baring-Gould, Broadwood, and Sharp (among others). As a composer, Somervell is best remembered for two song cycles: his setting of Tennyson's Maud, and his very influential setting of A. E. Housman's A Shropshire Lad (the first of very many such settings). I am assuming that Sir Charles Hubert Parry, Sir Charles Villiers Stanford, and Sir Arthur Sullivan, the three pillars of late Victorian arc music in England, are too well known to need introduction here. Incidentally, although most of these Victorian composers received knighthoods, they had not necessarily been so honoured when Broadwood first discovered their music. That was true of Sir Edward Elgar, too, but I have seen no evidence that she was familiar with any of his compositions before the late 1890s.

(16) This paragraph is based on multiple entries in the Broadwood diaries, 1884-89.

(17) Broadwood diaries, 15-26 November 1884.

(18) Ancient Poems, Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England, ed. by James Henry Dixon (London: Percy Society, 1846).

(19) Ancient Christmas Carols, with the Tunes to which They Were Formerly Sung in the West of England, together with Two Ancient Ballads, A Dialogue, etc. ed. by Davies Gilbert, 2nd edn (London: John Nichols, 1823). The first, much smaller, edition was published in the previous year.

(20) Christmas Carols, Ancient and Modern, Including the Most Popular in the West of England, and the Airs to which They Are Sung. Also Specimens of Trench Provincial Carols, ed. by William Sandys (London: Richard Beckley, 1833).

(21) Wooldridge was an expert on medieval and early Renaissance polyphonic church music. See H. Ellis Wooldridge, The Polyphonic Period, 2 vols, Oxford History of Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1901-05).

(22) Old English Popular Music, ed. by H. Ellis Wooldridge, 2 vols (London: Novello & Ewer, 1893).

(23) Broadwood diaries, 2 June 1885.

(24) F. E. Sawyer, Sussex Songs and Music, paper read to the British Archaeological Association, 21 August 1886, and published as a pamphlet (reprinted from the Association's Proceedings) by the author [cited from the copy in SHC, 6192/2/42].

(25) Broadwood diaries, 25, 29 November 1885.

(26) VWML, Broadwood MSS,LEB/1/1.

(27) Broadwood diaries, 1 December 1885.

(28) Broadwood diaries, 18 February 1886.

(29) Broadwood diaries, 2 November 1886.

(30) Broadwood diaries, 16 July 1887.

(31) Broadwood diaries, 13 July 1887.

(32) Broadwood diaries, 9 February 1888.

(33) In my view, the project of creating a new 'national' school of classical music with its roots in English folk music, initiated by Macfarren and Parry but continued by Vaughan Williams and many others, was hugely successful. Meirion Hughes and Robert Stradling provide a surprisingly negative reading of this movement in The English Musical Renaissance 1860--1940: Construction and Destruction (London: Routledge, 1993); revised as The English Musical Renaissance 1840-1940: Constructing a National Music (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001).

(34) Broadwood diaries, 27 July 1888, 16 January 1889.

(35) Broadwood diaries, 23 May 1889.

(36) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/1/1.

(37) English Folk Songs, ed. by William Alexander Barrett (London: Novello, Ewer, [1891]; repr. Darby, PA: Norwood Editions, 1973).

(38) Broadwood diaries, 15 April 1889.

(39) Broadwood diaries, 17 December 1889.

(40) Sussex Songs (Popular Songs of Sussex), ed. by [Lucy E. Broadwood and] Herbert Birch Reynardson (London: Lucas & Weber, 1889 [1890]).

(41) Broadwood diaries, 16, 25 April 1890.

(42) Lucy Broadwood, quoted in Stanley Godman, 'John Broadwood, the Earliest English Folksong Collector', West Sussex Gazette, 30 January 1964, [pagination missing from photocopy of newspaper cutting in my possession].

(43) Popular Music of the Olden Time: A Collection of Ancient Songs, Ballads and Dance Tunes, Illustrative of the National Music of England, ed. by William Chappell, 2 vols (London: Cramer, Beale & Chappell, 1858--59; repr. New York: Dover, 1965).

(44) Sussex Songs, p. 3; also Broadwood diaries, 16 January 1889. The play appears to have been performed at Horsham.

(45) Sussex Songs, pp. 4-5. It may, however, originally have been a hymn which entered oral tradition during the eighteenth-century religious revival. The song includes several stern exhortations to repent of one's sins before it is too late.

(46) Sussex Songs, pp. 32-33, 40-43, 46.

(47) Sussex Songs, pp. 34-39.

(48) The Minstrelsy of England, ed. by Frank Kidson and Alfred Moffat (London: Bailey & Ferguson, 1901), p. 256.

(49) Frank Kidson is my authority for saying that the song was composed by Richard Leveridge (see n. 48 above). Leveridge was the composer of the music for several other songs that entered oral tradition, including "The Roast Beef of Old England' and 'Black Ey'd Susan'.

(50) Sussex Songs, pp. 38-39.

(51) Although born in Fulking, near Brighton, Samuel Willett had lived in Cuckfield for at least twenty years. He was aged fifty-nine or sixty, and his wife Sarah hailed from Shoreham. They had three sons and four daughters.

(52) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/71, Samuel Willett to Lucy Broadwood, 1 October 1890.

(53) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/72, [n.d., but probably April or May 1891].

(54) Broadwood diaries, 2, 3 July 1891.

(55) Broadwood diaries, 1, 6 May 1891.

(56) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/69-92. The following is an attempt to list all the songs that, in one way or another, Broadwood probably obtained from Willett (however, some songs may be listed twice, where their titles for the same song differed; and the list includes several songs that were not traditional): Adam and Eve', 'Arthur o' Bradley', "The Battle of the Mill', "The Beggar Girl', 'Black-Eyed Susan', 'Brave Sportsmen Pause', 'Christians Awake', 'Country Lass', 'The Curly-Headed Boy', "The Echoing Horn', 'The Farmer's Boy', 'Fayther and I', 'Five and Twenty', "The Grey Mare', 'Hark, hark what news the angels sing', 'Hare-Hunting Song', 'Harvest Home', 'Hush, Hush', 'John Appleby', 'King James and the Tinker', 'Lads Push the Bowl About', 'Lashed to the Helm', 'Master's Health', 'May and December', 'Maying', 'Mistress's Health' (No. 1), 'Mistress's Health' (No. 2), 'Mr and Mrs Simkins', 'Mr Tompkins', 'Now Christmas Is Come', 'One Midsummer's Morning', 'Poor Jack', 'Remember, Love, Remember', 'Richard Short', 'Sary Sykes', 'There Was an Old Woman', 'Twankydillo', 'Vernal Fields', 'William and Mary', 'Young Roger the Miller'.

(57) Heywood Sumner was an accomplished artist and a member of the Arts and Crafts Movement associated with William Morris. The small illustrated book of folk songs that he published, The Besom Maker, was a work of art. See The Besom Maker and Other Country Folk Songs, ed. by Heywood Sumner (London: Longmans, Green, 1888).

(58) Broadwood diaries, 11, 16 May 1891.

(59) Broadwood diaries, 1,6, 10, 11,22,24 May 1891.

(60) Broadwood diaries, 30 June 1891. It was lent, or perhaps given, to her by A. J. Hipkins.

(61) Broadwood diaries, 16, 18 January 1892.

(62) Shropshire Folk-Lore: A Sheaf of Gleanings from the Collections of Georgina F Jackson, ed. by Charlotte Sophia Burne, 3 pts (London: Trubner, 1883-86).

(63) Charlotte Burne would become the first female president of the Folklore Society. See Gordon Ashman and Gillian Bennett, 'Charlotte Sophia Burne: Shropshire Folklorist, First Woman President of the Folklore Society, and First Woman Editor of Folklore. Part 1: A Life and Appreciation', Folklore, 111 (2000), 1-22; Gillian Bennett, 'Charlotte Sophia Burne: Shropshire Folklorist, First Woman President of the Folklore Society, and First Woman Editor of Folklore. Part 2: Update and Preliminary Bibliography', Folklore, 112 (2001), 95-96.

(64) Broadwood diaries, 30, 31 March, 7, 12 April 1891.

(65) Broadwood diaries, 24, 25, 26 March 1891.

(66) Broadwood diaries, 26 March, 23 June, 27 November, 7 December 1891.

(67) Ancient Songs from the 7 Time of King Henry the Third to the Revolution, ed. by Joseph Ritson (London: J. Johnson, 1790); rev. and expanded edn., Ancient Songs and Ballads from the Reign of King Henry the Second to the Revolution, 2 vols (London: Payne & Foss, 1829).

(68) Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative, with Some of Modern Date, Collected from Rare Copies and Mss., ed. by Thomas Evans, 2 vols (London: Evans, 1777); 2nd edn, 4 vols (London: Evans, 1784); rev. edn, Old Ballads, Historical and Narrative, ed. by R. H. Evans, 4 vols (London: Evans, 1810).

(69) See n. 20 above.

(70) Ancient Poems, Ballads and Songs of the Peasantry of England, ed. by Robert Bell (London: John Parker & Sons, 1857) [a revised edition of Dixon's 1846 Percy Society publication of the same title; see n. 18 above].

(71) Traditional Ballad Airs, ed. by William Chrisrie, 2 vols (Edinburgh: Edmonston & Douglas, 1876, 1881).

(72) Broadwood diaries, list at end of diary no. 8 (beginning 26 March 1891). The item by Christie is listed as Scottish Tunes, but this appears to be an uncharacteristic error.

(73) Broadwood diaries, 30 March 30, 12 April 1891.

(74) Broadwood diaries, 18, 20 November 1891. Clara Wilson, who was aged thirty-nine, was the wife of Cornelius Wilson; they had one daughter.

(75) The only song collected from Clara Wilson extant in the Vaughan Williams Memorial Library collection is 'As I Sat on a Sunny Bank', aversion of which Broadwood apparently noted at Barnes Lodge, Kings Langley, sometime in 1892 (VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/93). For information on her collecting from Clara Wilson in November 1891 we are therefore dependent on the diary entries and on the material included in English County Songs that is ascribed to Mrs Wilson. It seems likely that when Broadwood chose As I Sat on a Sunny Bank' as a candidate for inclusion in English County Songs she went back to Kings Langley to hear Clara sing it again, to make sure that she had the full set of words and the tune notated accurately.

(76) Broadwood diaries, 24 November 1891. William Marshall, who was aged twenty-nine, was a railway clerk. At this time he appears to have been one of the main breadwinners for a family of six, which included his widowed mother Mary, but he was soon to marry his wife Elizabeth and start a family of his own.

(77) Mrs Marshall is difficult to identify. She was probably Mary Marshall, who was aged sixty-two at the time, but she might have been Mary's daughter Kate, a dressmaker, then aged thirty-seven. Mary had been born in Northamptonshire, but her son and daughter were born in Kings Langley, Hertfordshire. As mentioned in n. 76 above, her son, William, was apparently not yet married, so this was probably not his future wife, Elizabeth.

(78) I regret that I have so far been unable to discover Mr Grantham's first name(s) or any other biographical data about him apart from his occupation. The problem lies in identifying which of the many male Granthams listed in the 1891 census returns for the Dorking region was the musical carter.

(79) Broadwood diaries, l6 December 1891, 6 January 1892.

(80) John Burberry, who was aged sixty-eight, had been the gamekcepet at Lyne. He was born in the nearby village of Newdigate, Surrey, and now lived at Ridgebrook Cottage in Warnham, Sussex. His son Mark, who had taken over as Lyne gamekeeper, probably suggested to Broadwood that his father might prove a valuable informant.

(81) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/2.

(82) Broadwood diaries, 16, 18, 20, 21 September 1892.

(83) Patience Vaisey (nee Cooper) was aged forty-two in 1892. Her husband, whom she had married in 1880, was Richard Walter Vaisey. The couple had two children, a boy and a girl, and they had moved to Oxfordshire within the previous five years, since their children had been born in Barnct, Hertfordshire.

(84) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/66-68. The other ten songs were 'Sailor Boy; or, Fair Phoebe', 'Jenny of the Moor', 'Ploughing Song', '1 Courted a Bonny Lass', 'How Sweet in the Woodlands', 'When the Mom Stands on Tiptoe', 'Oh Why Was I Born', 'Nothing Else to Do', 'The Beautiful Damsel; or, In Rochester City', and "The Garland of Love'. However, in many cases Broadwood noted only the melody, or the tune with just a few of the words. 'I Courted a Bonny Lass' was apparently noted twice, perhaps on different occasions.

(85) English County Songs: Words and Music, ed. by Lucy E. Broadwood and J. A. Fuller Maitland (London: Leadenhall Press, 1893; repr. London: Cramer, 1915), pp. 146--47.

(86) Broadwood diaries, 11 August 1891.

(87) Broadwood diaries, 11 August 1891.

(88) Broadwood diaries, 25 September, 20 October 1891.

(89)Broadwood diaries, 4 April 1892.

(90) Nursery Rhymes and Country Songs: Both Tunes and Words from Tradition, ed. by M[arianne] H[arriet] Mason (London: Metzlcr, 1878).

(91) I am grateful to Keith Chandler for pointing out that Shipston-on-Stour, although surrounded by Warwickshire, was at this date administratively in Worcestershire.

(92) I regret to say that I have so far been unable to identify the first names of many of the contributots to English County Songs. I wish to thank Keith Chandler for researching Mrs Lavinia M. Squarey of Downton, near Salisbury, and discovering that she was the sixty-year-old wife of land agent Elias R. Squarey. The couple had two grown-up daughters and a son.

(93) Ursula Vaughan Williams, R V.W.: A Biography of Ralph Vaughan Williams (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 62.

(94) William Barrett's English Folk Songs might also qualify. However, Barrett's collection was smaller, and although national in scope, did not attempt a comprehensive, county by county, coverage of the country English County Songs was probably conceived as a project before English Folk Songs was published, but Broadwood and Fuller Maitland were certainly familiar with Barrett's book by the time they actually came to put together their own collection.

(95) English County Songs, p. 97.

(96) English County Songs, p. hi.

(97) English County Songs, p. iv.

(98) English County Songs, pp. 106-07.

(99) English County Songs, pp. 102-05. It has also been used for Irish vernacular songs such as 'Star of the County Down'.

(100) English County Songs, p. 103.

(101) Songs of the Nativity; Being Christmas Carols, Ancient and Modern, ed. by William Henry Husk (London: John Camden Hotten, 1864; rev. edn, 1868), p. 94.

(102) The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, ed. by Francis James Child, 5 vols (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882-98; repr. New York: Dover, 1965), II, 10-12.

(103) English County Songs, pp. 108-11.

(104) English County Songs, pp. 112-15.

(105) English County Songs, pp. 116-21.

(106) [Thomas Hughes], The Scouring of the White Horse; or, The Long Vacation Ramble of a London Clerk (Cambridge and London: Macmillan, 1859), pp. 158-60.

(107) English County Songs, pp. 122-29.

(108) English County Songs, pp. 136-37

(109) English County Songs, pp. 140-43.

(110) English County Songs, pp. 132-35, 138-39-

(111) English County Songs, pp. 146-47.

(112) English County Songs, pp. 149-53.

(113) English County Songs, pp. 154-61.

(114) 'Flamboys' is probably an anglicization of 'flambeaux' (torches).

(115) The problem in interpreting the song, however, is not so much restoring a surface intelligibility to individual lines but rather in deciphering the underlying meaning of the whole. Broadwood was convinced that there was a key to the religious symbolism, if only it could be found.

(116) English County Songs, pp. 158-59.

(117) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB 3/71-144.

(118) English County Songs, pp. 162-63.

(119) English County Songs, pp. 166-69.

(120) English County Songs, pp. 164-65.

(121) English County Songs, pp. 176-77.

(122) English County Songs, pp. 170-75.

(123)Sabine Baring-Gould, Personal Copy manuscript, P 1, 101 (43). For this reference system for Baring-Gould's manuscripts, see Folk Music Journal, 9.3 (2008), 332.

(124) Popular Cheshire Melodies, ed. by Edward Jones (London: Jones, 1798).

(125) S. Baring Gould and H. Fleetwood Sheppard, Songs and Ballads of the West: A Collection Made from the Mouths of the People, 4 parts (London: Patey and Willis/Methuen; Patey and Willis, 1889-91 [subsequently issued as one volume, London: Methuen; Patey and Willis, 18921); S. Baring Gould and H. Fleetwood Sheppard, Songs and Ballads of the West: A Collection Made from the Mouths of the People, [2nd edn] (London: Methuen; Patey and Willis, 1891-95 [subsequently issued as one volume, 1895]).

(126) Traditional Tunes: A Collection of Ballad Airs, Chiefly Obtained in Yorkshire and the South of Scotland, together with their Appropriate Words from Broadsides and from Oral Tradition, ed. by Frank Kidson (Oxford: Charles Taphouse & Son, 1891; repr. East Ardsley: S.R. Publishers, 1970).

(127) English County Songs, p. v.

(128) English County Songs, p. v.

(129) See n. 94 above.

(130) The diaries periodically record the arrival in the mail of a small royalty cheque from the Leadenhall Press.

(131) Broadwood diaries, 24 January 1893. 'My Bonny Boy' was almost certainly 'My Bonnie, Bonnie Boy'.

(132) Broadwood diaries, 10, 22, 24, 25 May, 5 June 1891, 6, 8, 21 February 1893.

(133) Broadwood diaries, 16, 18, 27 February, 25 September, 28 December 1892.

(134) Broadwood diaries, 22 February 1893.

(135) Broadwood diaries, 10 April 1893.

(136) Broadwood diaries, 1, 6-7, 8 July 1893.

(137) VWML Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/3, list of forty-three items: 'songs noted from singing of H. Burstow, bellringer, born & lived all his life (68) at Horsham', 2 May 1893. This seems to have been Broadwood's master list of songs that she collected from Burstow, or at least those noted during her earliest sessions with him.

(138) Henry Burstow, Reminiscences of Horsham: Being Recollections of Henry Burstow, the Celebrated Bellringer & Songsinger (Horsham: Free Christian Book Society, 1911; repr. with a Foreword by A. E. Green and Tony Wales, Norwood, PA: Norwood Editions, 1975). On Burstow, see Andrew R. Turner, 'Burstow, Henry (1826-1916)', Oxford Dictionary of National Biography ([Oxford]: Oxford University Press, 2004) >< [accessed 6 July 2007].

(139) English Traditional Songs and Carols, ed. by Lucy Broadwood (London: Boosey, 1908), p. xi.

(140) In alphabetical order, those songs that Broadwood definitely collected from Burstow (and copies of which are extant) are: 'The Ages of Man', 'Americans that Stole my True Love', 'As I Was A-Walking', 'Belfast Mountains', 'Bitter and Cold Was the Night', 'Bold Collins', 'The Bold Pedlar and Robin Hood', 'Boney's Lamentation' (or 'Boney's Abdication'), 'Bristol Town', 'The Cobbler', 'Come All You Lads and Lasses Gay', 'Come forth noble masters ...' (untitled), 'Death and the Lady', "The Duke of Marlborough', 'Female Sailor, A True Song', 'Female Smuggler, or Highwayman', 'Four and Nine', 'Gallant Poachers', 'Georgie' ('Banstead Downs'), 'Gilderoy', 'Green Bushes', 'Hay Makers', 'Henry Martin' ('Salt Seas'), I Must Live All Alone', 'King Pharim', 'Madame, Do You Know my Trade Is War', 'The Merchant's Daughter' ('The Constant Farmer's Son'), 'Months of the Year', 'The Moon Shines Bright', 'My Friend and Pitcher', 'Plough Bob', 'Poor Fisherman's Boy', 'Rosetta and her Gay Ploughboy', "The Rover', "The Scarlet Flower', 'Stinson the Deserter', "The Three Butchers' ('Gibson, Wilson, and Johnson'), Through Moorfields', 'Travel the Country Round', 'Van Dieman's Land' ("The Gallant Poachers'), 'The Wealthy Farmer's Son', 'Yarmouth Is a Pretty Town', and 'You Combers All'. See VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/3-5, 7-23. The list of forty-three songs is not definitive and there may well have been more. Among these manuscript pages there are several lists of Burstow's songs, usually written on (empty) envelopes, some of which contain further song titles, but these other items may have been songs that Burstow refused to sing or that Broadwood decided she did not want, items that have somehow been lost, or duplicates under alternative titles. For a list of Burstow's entire repertoire, see < Henry_Burstow> [accessed 6 July 2007].

(141) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4 (1902), 170-71.

(142) Broadwood diaries, 20 May 1893.

(143) Broadwood diaries, 1 January 1894; also VWML Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/5.

(144) English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 28-29.

(145) English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 2-3.

(146) English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 16-17.

(147) Broadwood diaries, 4 September 1893-

(148) Broadwood diaries, 5 September 1893.

(149) Broadwood diaries, 7 September 1893; also VWML Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/25.I am very grateful to Martin Graebe for celling me about Broadwood and Baring-Gould's visit to Louisa and Elizabeth Hamley, who at the time were aged twenty and eighteen, respectively. These two informants are not named by Broadwood in either her diary entry or her field notes, although the two tunes that she noted from them are in VWML Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/25-However, the two songs are included in Sabine Baring-Gould's Personal Copy manuscript, P 1, 49 (422) ('Green Gravel') and P 2, 208 (224) ('Nothing Else to Do'), with the tunes in Broadwood's handwriting. Baring-Gould's annotation indicates that they were collected from 'Miss Hamley'.

(150) VWML Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/25. I would like to thank Martin Graebe for informing me that Jane Jeffrey lived in the hamlet of Dunterton, not in the neighbouring village of Milton Abbott as is recorded, erroneously, in Broadwood's diary.

(151) English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 54-55.

(152) Broadwood diaries, 21 September 1893; also VWML Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/24, 26. Mary Fletcher (nee Uglow) had been born in Cornwall. She was now a widow, aged sixty-nine, with four grown-up sons. She had fairly recently lost her husband John, and had then taken up residence with her brother, Wymond Uglow, and his family on a farm near the village.

(153) Broadwood diaries, 11 November 1893.

(154) Broadwood diaries, 15, 22 November 1893.

(155) Broadwood diaries, 22 November, 6 December 1893.

(156) VWML Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/6.

(157) Songs and Carols from a Manuscript in the British Museum of the Fifteenth Century, ed. by Thomas Wright (London: T. Richards for the Warton Club, 1856).

(158) Broadwood diaries, 7 December 1894; Popular British Ballads, Ancient and Modern, ed. by R. Brimley Johnson, 4 vols (London: Dent, 1894).

(159) Fanny Davies (1861-1934) was a student of Clara Schumann's who specialized in playing thpiano music of Schumann, Beethoven, and Brahms. She also played English music for virginals and harpsichord. She and Lucy Broadwood would become very close friends in the Edwardian era.

(160) ld Dolmetsch (1858-1940) was a musical craftsman who specialized in building replicas of old instruments; as a musician he accompanied Broadwood on the lute, but he also played other instruments and was a pioneer of the 'authentic' school of performing with period instruments.

(161) Joseph Joachim (1831-1907) was one of the finest violinists of his generation. A protege of Felix Mendelssohn, he was later a close friend of Johannes Brahms and did much to popularize Brahms's music in England, as a soloist, as the leader of a string quartet, and as a conductor.

(162) Harry Plunkett Greene (1865-1936) was a professional bass baritone. A pre-eminent interpreter of English art song, he popularized some of Lucy Broadwood's compositions and also several of her arrangements of folk songs, thereby enhancing the visibility and sales of English County Songs.

(163) James Campbell McInnes (1873-1945) was a professional baritone who achieved considerable success and popularity during the 1900s. A protege of Broadwood's, he regularly practised with her as his accompanist, and the two became very close friends. Despite the disparity in their ages, they may also have been lovers. After a failed marriage to Angela Mackail, McInnes later emigrated to Canada to become a professor of English at the University of Toronto.

(164) Broadwood diaries, 11 May 1894.

(165) Broadwood diaries, 2, 5, 6 August 1894.

(166) Broadwood diaries, 31 October, 9 November 1894, 1, 9 January 1895.

(167) Broadwood diaries, 10 November 1894.

(168) Broadwood diaries, 4 December 1894,10 January, 20 April 1895.

(169) Broadwood diaries, 17, 24, 25, 26 December 1894, 20 January 1895.

(170) Broadwood diaries, 13 November 1895-

(171) Broadwood diaries, 21, 28 May, 11, 18June, 2July 1895.

(172) Broadwood diaries, 30 November 1895.

(173)William Wardle was aged sixty and worked as the driver of a stationary engine (presumably one that drove the pit machinery). He and his wife had five sons. One of these, Thomas, aged twenty-four, was a coal miner, so it is just possible that he, rather than William, was Broadwood's informant.

(174) Hoseah Heywood was a coal miner from the nearby village of Worthington. He was aged thirty-one and lived with his wife Fanny and their young son and daughter. The Heywood and Wardle families lived next door to each other in Swannington, a village very close to Coalville.

(175) Broadwood diaries, 2 September 1895.

(176) WML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/38-41.

(177) Broadwood diaries, 21 September 1895.

(178) VWML, Broadwood MSS, LEB/2/36-37.

(179) Broadwood diaries, 3 October 1895.

(180) Mrs Carr, whose first name(s) I have yet to discover, was the wife of Herbert Carr, and had a strong interest in local folklore. The Carrs, who were members of the Broadwood family's social circle in London, appear to have acquired their cottage in Dunsfold as a country retreat. The fact that Mrs Carr, who evidently discovered the Dunsfold singers, asked Broadwood rather than Kate Lee to come and note tunes from them suggests that Kate had not begun collecting at this time. If she had not, it was probably the combination of Broadwood's example and her sister's interest in vernacular song that stimulated her to begin doing so in the late 1890s.

(181) Kate Lee was a professional singer, song collector (she discovered the Copper family), founder member of the Folk-Song Society, and its first honorary secretary. She and Lucy Broadwood became friends and collaborators, although there was also some rivalry between them. On Kate Lee, see Christopher J. Bearman, 'Kate Lee and the Foundation of the Folk-Song Society', Folk Musk Journal, 7.5 (1999), 627-43.

(182) Broadwood diaries, 4 September 1896.

(183) SHC, Broadwood Papers, 2185/LEB/4/65-73.

(184) George Baker, who was aged fifty-five, was born in Cranleigh, Surrey, a town about five miles north-east of Dunsfold. He had a wife named Anne, and was employed as a wheelwright.

(185) Regrettably I have no biographical information on James Bronham.

(186) Edward Cooper, who was born in the west Sussex village of Kirdford, was married with a wife named Mary and a young son called Philip. He was aged twenty-eight, and worked as an agricultural labourer and as a labourer in a brickyard. As he was clearly not an old man in 1896, it is possible that Broadwood's informant was not him but his father. However, Edward appears to have been the only man named Cooper living in Dunsfold at the time, unless his father was missed in the 1891 census and had died before the 1901 census. It is possible, of course, that Edward's father lived in another village nearby.

(187) George Ede, who was aged forty-nine or fifty, worked as an agricultural labourer. He and his wife Jane had three sons and four daughters.

(188) I have so far been unable to trace Mr Lough. He does not appear to have been living in Dunsfold in either 1891 or 1901. His name sounds Irish, which might suggest that he was not a permanent local resident, but this is mere speculation.

(189) George Rugman was a brickyard labourer, aged forty-three. He had married Mary Ann Cobbitt, who was now aged thirty-nine, in 1878, and they had a son William and a daughter Edith. Although now living in Dunsfold, they both came from Bramley, Surrey, a village just south of Guildford.

(190) Mr Sparks has so far eluded me. He does not appear to have been living in Dunsfold in either 1891 or 1901. He was probably from a neighbouring village.

(191) Thomas Whittington was an agricultural labourer, aged forty-nine. He and his wife Jane both came from Kirdford, Sussex. They had two sons and two daughters, of whom only the youngest (aged nine) had been born in Dunsfold. The Whittingtons had previously lived in Alfold, Surrey, a village a few miles to the south-east of Dunsfold. Broadwood, incidentally, consistently gives his name as Whitington, but the census records give Whittington and that seems to be the normal spelling.

(192) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 192; also English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 52-53.

(193) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 200-01.

(194) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 202-03.

(195) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 190-93; also English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 50-51,60-65.

(196) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 194-95.

(197) English Traditional Songs and Carols, p. 120.

(198) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 214-15.

(199) English Traditional Songs and Carols, p. 120.

(200) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 214-15.

(201) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 212-13.

(202) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 209.

(203) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 209.

(204) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 198-99.

(205) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 196-97; also English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 58-59.

(206) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 188-89.

(207) English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 72-73.

(208) English Traditional Songs and Carols, p. 121.

(209) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 206-07.

(210) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 204.

(211) Journal of the Folk-Song Society, 1.4, 205; also English Traditional Songs and Carols, pp. 108, 125.

(212) Broadwood diaries, 22 October 1896.

(213) Broadwood diaries, 19 January 1897-

(214) It had actually been collected in Cheshire by the Revd F. Partridge; see English County Songs, pp. 32-33.

(215) Broadwood diaries, 15, 19, 31 January 1897.

(216) Broadwood diaries, 2, 11 May 1897.

(217) Broadwood diaries, 8 December 1897, 15 January 1898.
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Author:Gregory, E. David
Publication:Folk Music Journal
Article Type:Biography
Geographic Code:4EUUK
Date:Jan 1, 2008
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