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Battle time: Gender, modernity, and confederate hospitals.

While Confederate men took to the battlefields to ensure their independence, southern women challenged societal norms and took to the hospitals to care for the wounded. Archetypal southern womanhood mandated modesty, domesticity, purity, delicacy, refinement, gentility, and subordination; being a nurse meant none or few of these things. (1) It meant working outside the home, making vital decisions, challenging male doctors, and "intimacy with male bodies." (2) As several historians have recently demonstrated, this dissonance between the professed ideal of southern womanhood and the graphic realities of nursing caused male surgeons and hospital staff to ostracize Confederate nurses. (3) The presence and perseverance of female nurses in Confederate hospitals signified a new independence which freed women from the patriarchal control of Old South gender relations and accelerated social change. As Mary Elizabeth Massey puts it: "the Civil War provided a springboard from which ... [women] leaped beyond the circums cribed 'woman's sphere' into the heretofore reserved for men." (4) More recent scholarship, however, has complicated these findings. While women certainly made gains during the Civil War, these gains were, according to Margaret Ripley Wolfe, Jean Friedman, Drew Gilpin Faust and George Rable, temporary. (5)

This article builds on and refines these recent findings by applying the historical study of time consciousness and multiple temporalities to the experiences of Confederate nurses. The article's principal points are these: first, it argues that some Civil War temporalities effectively degendered Civil War hospitals by making both Confederate nurses and male surgeons increasingly hostage to a new, entirely capricious temporality: battle time. Military time, generally, battle time specifically, complicated antebellum gendered temporalities and reconfigured them with a more antiseptic and ruthless time of large scale battle. Such temporal de-gendering, though, proved ephemeral. With southern defeat at Appomatox, southern white women's time, characterized by male-scheduled tasks largely prescribed by nature, religion, and the clock, returned. (6) Although nineteenth century Americans were attempting to build a modern, orderly society based in part on the clock, Civil War hospitals retarded such progress as clock time failed to impose order. (7) Instead a temporary resurgence of the task system emerged and, in many ways, proved to be more efficient and modern than clock time.

Secondly, this article argues that in Civil War hospitals, the link between gendered worlds broke and a new ruling time emerged. The exigencies of battle time eroded men's time and their customary authority over its allocation and replaced it with a standard temporality determined not so much by men or women but by the war machine. A single, ruling, and relatively egalitarian time which degendered hospitals by making men and women subject to the same temporal master temporarily superseded clock time. Although male surgeons and southern nurses continued to work within multiple times both became increasingly aware of and controlled by a new, entirely capricious time--battle time--a temporality independent of considerations of gender.

Finally, recent work on time consciousness is used to illustrate the nature of Confederate nurses' work and further our understanding of how the Civil War itself encouraged women to embrace an antebellum masculine time consciousness. In this reconfiguration, we see a temporary degendering of how men and women were supposed to use and apply time as well as an illustration of the emergence of a hegemonic or ruling time--the time of battle--in the context of a war that has recently been described as premodern. (8)

Southern nurses certainly carried out traditionally male prescribed female tasks during the War. They cleaned, tended, comforted, fed, and nurtured the wounded much as they had their own families and slaves in the antebellum era. Nursing "sick, wounded, and dying soldiers" has been seen as an affirmation and continuation of traditional sex roles. (9) Nursing, according to Jean Berlin, was not a "way to assert [feminine] power in the face of male supremacy; rather, it was an appropriate way for an obedient daughter of the patriarchy to serve her country" while still functioning within a domestic sphere controlled by men. (10) Other historians have suggested that the gendered relations of the plantation continued in the hospital's ward. (11) By examining social and labor relations within Civil War hospitals, Jane E. Schultz argues that the work of Civil War nurses was contingent on male authority. (12) Schultz suggests that men, doctors especially, regulated women's time and dictated nurses' actions by controll ing the clock and using it to schedule the work day. (13) Contrary to Schultz, this essay, detailing the working of multiple temporalities, argues that time was degendered in Confederate hospitals. While the Confederacy gave doctors legal authority to control nurses' actions, male surgeons failed to consistently regulate, coordinate, or dictate the rhythms and patterns of work. Father Time failed to materialize in Civil War hospitals largely because male time was continually usurped by other times. Instead, a workplace emerged regulated by a hierarchy of multiple times which permeated and ultimately controlled work, in the process degendering the workplace by conflating gender roles as defined by male surgeons and the clock. (14)

From Medieval Europe to industrializing Britain to the antebellum American north, people operated within multiple times. (15) Antebellum southerners also operated within a temporal web fashioned by religious times, seasonal rhythms, and, increasingly, clock time. (16) While nature dictated seasonal planting, religious times and the clock regulated the labor and some of the processes that undergirded the plantation system. Although slaves may have worked from sunrise to sunset, it was not only the sun's movements which governed their work. God's time mandated the Sabbath as a day of rest. (17) For the remaining six work days, both clock-regulated horns and bells supplemented natural time and indicated the passage of time. (18) Southern masters and overseers used timepieces to ensure that tasks were completed in a timely fashion and that slaves were not malingering. (19)

The multiple times of the plantation penetrated the household and left southern mistresses with little leisure. For many mistresses, time was tyrannical because masters principally governed it. Women were expected "to provide food, warmth, clothing, medical treatment, part of the discipline and most of the religion for their own families and [slaves] ... The conscientious mistress ... had no opportunity for laziness, little for rest." [20] South Carolinian Elizabeth Allster Pringle complained that it took all her mother's "precious time to direct and plan and carry out the work." [21] While masters scheduled mistresses' work, completion required a mastery of multiple times. Religion, for example, ordered the timing of daily tasks. During the antebellum era on the De Saussure plantation in South Carolina, daily domestic tasks were to be completed in the hours between sunrise and sunset prayers. (22) Nature altered the timing of prayers as the passing of the seasons adjusted the hours of sunrise and sunset. Sea sons also determined the timing and completion of annual tasks. (23) Each fall and spring, plantation mistresses found themselves "organizing the production of clothing and blankets for the white family and the slaves." (24) The demands of seasonal time also directed work within the household. Meal times, for example, were subject to multiple and interpenetrating times for they were dictated by the work day, itself influenced by natural time. Masters scheduled meals to coincide with breaks in the work day within a time dictated by nature and the clock. Lunch was held at noon in order to avoid the hottest part of the day, and "noon" itself varied throughout the year. (25)

Within the household, however, mistresses served as proxies for masters' temporal authority. While masters had the power to schedule the day, mistresses' ability to maintain punctuality and ensure time-discipline permitted the maintenance of the schedule. Mistresses often accomplished this by marrying domestic chores to both clock time and task orientation. Watches and clocks, for example, timed domestic tasks. An 1855 recipe required chicken fricassee to be boiled for 20 minutes while sweetbreads had to be boiled for 10 minutes then parboiled for three quarters of an hour. (26) The proper completion of such recipes, then, required a familiarity with and mastery of clock time. In the case of the Gilman plantation in South Carolina, such mastery was achieved by the mistress' personal timepiece. Every morning the plantation's mistress arrived with "her gold watch suspended from her belt, with its face outward." Her timepiece coordinated, regulated, and ordered the day's domestic tasks. Moreover, it determined p unishment for slaves who violated the temporal demands of their work. (27) Delia, a houseslave on the McGee plantation in Charlottesville, Virginia, failed to beat the biscuit batter for the required twenty minutes. Hard tea biscuits resulted as did Delia's beating at the hands of her mistress. William Henry Singleton's mistress similarly punished him for failing to return from his task on time. (28) While the clock and multiple times ordered the mistress's work, she in turn regulated the labor of slaves by her clock and time. The nature of elite white women's work demanded temporal precision and a mastery of multiple times and their application to labor and precision.

Antebellum men and women, then, recognized that they functioned within a temporal web fashioned by tasks, seasons, religion, and mechanical time. Moreover, their antebellum experiences in mastering time's complexities prepared southern men and women to successfully function within the multiple temporalities of Confederate hospitals. At the beginning of the Civil War, however, the Confederate States of America endeavored to mute these multiple and interpenetrating times in an attempt to create an orderly, precise, and modern war machine based on the clock. In terms of Civil War hospitals, this meant that nurses functioned within a temporal hierarchy established by men and nature but based on the clock. (29)

In Richmond, Virginia's Chimborazo Hospital, male administrators used the clock to regiment sleep patterns and meal times. Matron Phoebe Yates Pember and her staff were scheduled to rise each day at 5:00 a.m. for "[b]reakfast was at seven in the morning in summer and eight in winter." Dinner was "at two o'clock ... [and] Supper at six." (30) The clock similarly regulated Kate Cumming's life at Newsome Hospital in Chattanooga, Tennessee. Hospital administrators instructed Kate and her assistants to rise at 4:00 a.m. each day. (31) At Kent & Paine's Hospital in Richmond, Virginia, the hours "from seven to seven during the day" determined nurse Sara Rice Pryor's clock regulated work day. (32) The schedule at Fayetteville Hospital in North Carolina slated Annie Kyle to nurse from nine o'clock a.m. to one p.m. (33) For nurses in Chattanooga's Academy hospital, "a specific time [was] set aside for cleaning the wards. From 5:30-6:30 each morning, both shifts of nurses were to work together to clean everything." (34) The clock also regulated the 1863 schedule of Wayside Hospital in Charleston, South Carolina. Nurses were to have "the wards and patients ... cleaned and arranged by 7 a.m. Meals were served at 7:30 a.m., 1 p.m., and 6 p.m. By 8:30 a.m., all wards were to be in readiness for visits by the surgeons. (35) Hospital employees distributed medicine "at 10:00 a.m., 2:00 p.m., 6:00 p.m., and bedtime." (36) Believing that tea and coffee disrupted the body's natural rhythms and "produce[d] sleeplessness," doctors prohibited distribution after five o'clock in the evening. (37) Posted regulations at Lynchburg Hospital No. 3 and Montgomery's General and Ladies Hospitals, required all patients to "retire by nine o'clock, P.M. in winter, and by ten o'clock P.M., in summer." (38) Nurse Ada Bacot of Monticello Hospital in Charlottesville, Virginia, spoke for many when she claimed that "everything ... [was] done by clock work, each hour having its appointed duty." (39)

Despite Bacot's assertion, the clock was not hegemonic, even when applied by male surgeons and officers. Clock time could not be the absolute arbiter or ultimate authority in Confederate Civil War hospitals because other times and authorities often disrupted, displaced, co-opted, and contested it. Biological time, for example, superseded clock time as ailments, illnesses, and diseases functioned on schedules independent of the clock, even ones set by male surgeons. Civil War doctors and hospital administrators failed to map external clock time onto internal biological time. This failure forced hospitals to temporarily disregard clock regulated time in favor of task-oriented labor dictated by their patients' medical needs. (40)

The needs of the wounded, the newly wounded, and the ticks of the clock defined and routinely extended the clock defined working day of Confederate nurses and surgeons. Phoebe Yates Pember often went "from bed to bed till long past midnight" tending to her patients. Hundreds and men and their aliments governed her days. Each patient required "different drinks many times each day, ordered by numerous surgeons, prepared to suit different states of disease and palate." For Pember, "no hour [brought] the same orders" as patients' medical conditions continued to change and reorder her activities. (41)

The medical needs of her patients also ordered Ada Bacot's activities. When "most of the wounded were doing finely [sic]," she did not have to be at the hospital at her usual "7'oclock." When the biological demands of the wounded changed, however, so did Bacot's schedule. She often rose at 5:30 a.m. to fix "punch, poultices, and plates" until well into the night as the medical conditions and bodies of the wounded demanded. In some cases, it was midnight, "near one o'clock" or "two when [she] retired." Occasionally the demands of the wounded did not permit her to "rest from 1/2 3 until 7." (42) Dressing blisters and washing faces came first.

Kate Cumming often "sat up all night, bathing the men's wounds and giving them water." In the case of a Mr. Wasson, Cumming remained with him all night until "about 4 o'clock a.m." when "he insisted that [she] leave him" and rest a few hours. (43) Fannie Beers also rested "only an hour or two" before she "was once more on the way to the wards" of her Ringgold, Georgia hospital. On a number of occasions Beers ignored the clock and reassigned her duties to other nurses so she could sit and comfort a seriously ill patient. (44) Judith W. McGuire, a Richmond nurse, also abandoned her other responsibilities to spend "hour after hour" comforting a patient as did Annie E. Johnson of Danville, Virginia. (45) In 1862, Johnson "remained for hours by the bedside of a boy soldier" in the Hospital at Danville. (46) In Newsome Hospital in Chattanooga, Tennessee, the biological demands of nurse Thorton's patients regularly co-opted her time. She frequently stayed up to "12 o'clock cooking for the starving soldiers." (47) Th e clock also held little meaning for nurse Ella Newsom. She repeatedly ignored her scheduled work hours and often "labored from four o'clock in the morning until evening and often until twelve at night" caring for her patients at Kentucky's Bowling Green Hospital. (48) The demands of Annie Kyle's patients compelled her to work at Fayetteville Hospital, North Carolina from "morning til night dressing wounds, nursing the sick, smoothing and comforting the dying with Holy prayers." (49) The medical needs of four men recovering in her Richmond hospital monopolized Emily Mason's time. She spent hours running "from one to the other, trying to tear with [her] fingers the white, leathery substance which spread over the mouth, and even came out upon the lips." (50) Although Mason's efforts were in vain, her attempt illustrated that the biological demands of the wounded ordered and reordered work while usurping the power of clock time.

Hospital employees recognized that the demands of the freshly wounded frequently overwhelmed clock time and biological times. The arrival of large numbers of wounded impinged upon leisure time, conflated leisure and work, and ultimately superseded leisure. This blurring of work and leisure in Civil War hospitals suggests a temporary atavism to premodern life in the context of a war often paraded as modern. (51) Indeed, battle time once again supplanted multiple times. Battle time dictated leisure time as the ruthless nature of large scale combat frequently expanded surgeons and nurses' working hours.

In 1863 the exigencies of battle robbed Dr. William H. Robertson of his leisure time. In the aftermath of battle, Robertson spent "all hours of the day or night, to attend the bedsides of his patients." (52) In 1865, fighting near Richmond, Virginia forced Chimborazo's surgeons to "remain in the Hospital until further orders from 9 A.M to 1 1/2 PM and from 4 to 7 P.M." (53) When the battle extended beyond these set hours, the clock was abandoned and already expanded working hours were further expanded. Indeed, the biological demands of the injured overrode surgeons' leisure time and forced them to work. (54)

Battle time, however was nor gendered. Nurses' working hours were frequently extended to accommodate the needs of the injured. "Walking through the streets" of Richmond "after the duties of the hospital were over," Phoebe Yates Pember frequently found the "pavement around the railroad depot ... crowded with wounded men" fresh from battle. In task-oriented fashion, she went from "sufferer to sufferer, trying to alleviate ... the pain of the fresh wounds." (55) The needs of the wounded also co-opted S. E. D. Smith, Mrs. Benjamin Harris, and Sara Rice Pryor's leisure time. Clock time had limited meaning in such contexts. Despite being on clock defined leisure time, Smith "relaxed not an effort in behalf of the wounded, which were hourly arriving from the field of blood." (56) At Camp Winder and Kent & Paine Hospitals in Virginia, the needs of the newly wounded commonly disrupted the sleep of nurses Harris and Pryor. (57) Mrs. S. L. A. Bidd, matron of a hospital in Montgomery, Alabama, was equally hostage to task . "Often she would have to ignore her dinner hour" in order to tend to the wounded. (58)

For Annie Kyle and Ada Bacot, a demarcation between clock regulated leisure time and work time did not exist. (59) Following a skirmish between Lee's Army of Northern Virginia and Sherman's men, the needs of the newly wounded forced Kyle to abandon her clock demarcated leisure time. She tended the wounded from nine o'clock at night "until just before daylight." (60) Sunday, a day Bacot usually reserved for relaxation, became a day of war and work. Battles raged on and "a perfect stream" of sick and wounded soldiers arrived at Charlottesville, Virginia's Monticello hospital as a result. Kate Cumming sacrificed her Sundays to nurse the wounded. Louisa McCord sacrificed more than her Sundays. She gave up "her body and soul, her days and nights, to the wounded soldiers in her hospital. Every moment of her time [was] surrender[ed]" to the patients of the South Carolina College hospital. (61) Nurse Orra Langhore of Lynchburg, Virginia and Chimborazo's nurse Juliet Opie Hopkins "devoted most of [their] time to" hosp ital work. (62) For Sally Brockman Putnam, Columbia nurse Mrs. John Bryce, and Georgia's nurse Green, "the daily watch and the nightly vigil by the couch of the suffering became [their] constant employment." (63) Hospital work also impinged upon Susan Blackford and Sadie Curry's leisure time. So constrained was Blackford's time that she jettisoned her regular letter writing day in order to care for the newly arrived wounded. (64) The idea of a specific working hours held no meaning for Augusta nurse Sadie Curry, for like Ella Newsom, she took "no account of the lapse[s] of time." (65) Newsom and Curry "nursed both, night and day," in order to insure the well-being of their new patients. (66) For these women, the biological demands of the wounded blurred the distinctions between leisure time and work time.

In some cases, nurses' health problems subordinated the demands of the clock and the injured. Battle time commonly altered nurses' health by changing the intensity of work. (67) Large battles with massive causalities exacerbated the already grueling demands of nursing, pushed nurses' bodies beyond human limits, and brought the health needs of the nurses into conflict with the requirements of work as dictated by battle. As a result, "[n]urses worked long hours under sad and strenuous conditions" which wearied them and often resulted in debilitating and "contagious diseases." (68)

At Kate Cumming's Tennessee hospital, most of the female volunteers were ill as were "many of the nurses." Health concerns encouraged Mrs. Lyons, Cumming's colleague, to leave as "she was very sick; and one of the doctors informed her, if she did not leave immediately, she would certainly die." (69) Cumming feared a similar fate for herself as did Phoebe Yates Pember, Chimborazo's Juliet Opie Hopkins, and Spartanburg, South Carolina's nurse McAlpine. While Cumming continued nursing, Pember, Hopkins, and McAlpine did not. McAlpine's body simply "gave way under the seventies of the labor," and she retired from nursing. (70) Like McAlpine's, Pember's body demanded rest. The "strain had become too great and the constantly recurring agitation which had been exciting each day ... had broken [her] down completely." She visited the "surgeon-general with a request for a month's leave of absence [which] met with ready acquiescence." (71) Late in the summer of 1863, nursing fatigue forced Juliet Opie Hopkins to abandon her hospital work and retire. (72)

The contraints of their bodies and the temporally limitless nature of their work, similarly victimized nurses Susan Blackford and Ella Newsom. Having "been constantly engaged with a wounded soldier" in a Lynchburg hospital, Blackford was "broken down by [her] efforts and could not perform any other duties." (73) The arduous nature of Newsom's work forced her to take "a brief period of rest. (74) After having spent all night caring for a tuberculosis patient, Columbia nurse Bryce experienced nursing fatigue. Indeed, she "was prostrated for several days thereafter, the strain on mind and body, having been too great." (75) A Norfolk, Virginia nurse made the ultimate sacrifice. She "saved life at the sacrifice of her own." She died tending tuberculosis patients. (76) Battle time, then, complicated the desired order and regimentation imposed by the clock on Civil War hospitals and nurses. It reordered work and in doing so created new times in which the demands placed on nurses' bodies took precedence over the dema nds of the clock.

But battle time's influence was not gendered. The same battle-induced temporal dislocation and biological limitations which made "the nurses sick and broken down," also affected men. As Frank Hawthorn, surgeon in charge of Chattanooga's Foard Hospital, explained to Samuel Stout, "[t]he surgeons of whom there are only two are both tired & sick." Hawthorn himself was worn out from the rigorous physical demands of the wounded. (77) Like his nurses, Hawthorn's biological needs conflicted with the work dictated by the ruthless nature of battle time.

While the onset of battles were precisely coordinated to some extent, their outcomes were not. (76) For hospital staff, battles' outcomes created new times which overrode clock time and biological times. Battle time directed not only the arrival of new patients but also the mobilization and evacuation of Confederate Hospitals.

Despite the posted precision of hospital regimes, battle time subordinated all other times. The "pitiful sight of the wounded in ambulances, furniture wagons, carts, carriages, and every kind of vehicle that could be impressed" routinely greeted Phoebe Yates Pember. Although "no arrangements [were] made for their comfort," and the staff at Richmond's Chimborazo hospital was completely unprepared, they mobilized and cared for the newly wounded. (79) Male administrators issued nurses Emily Mason and S.E.D. Smith analogous orders with identical results. Following the battle of Fredericksburg, Mason's hospital was ordered to have ready eight hundred beds ... convalescents, and the old soldiers ... were sent to town hospitals, and we made ready for the night when come in the eight hundred ... They came so fast it was impossible to dress and examine them. So upon the floor of the receiving wards, the men were placed in tows on each side their ghastly burdens, covered with blood and dirt, stiff with mud and gravel f rom the little streams into which they often fell. (80)

The hospital simply could not tend to the scores of wounded.

Due to the unexpected end of a battle, matron S.L.A. Bidd was equally unable to care for the wounded suddenly thrust upon her unprepared Montgomery hospital. As a result, battle time supplanted all other activities as "piles of fresh straw were laid bedshape on the floors" to accommodate the wounded. (81) The capricious timing of battles' end(s) disrupted hospital clock time, subordinated biological time, and inscribed a temporal rhythm more reminiscent of the task than the clock onto a supposedly punctual and orderly hospital routine.

In Ada Bacot's Charlottesville hospital, battle time operated in an analogous manner. The battle's time-frame dictated the degree to which hospitals were prepared to receive the newly wounded. The needs of the men often taxed the ability of the hospital staff. In 1862, hospital administers ordered Bacot's hospital to "ready accommodations for ... eight hundred or a thousand men." (82) The clock regulated schedule was ignored and replaced with a more efficient task system which dominated the day. When the wounded arrived, the hospital was still in disarray but the men were tended to.

Similar confusion occurred following the battle of Murfreesboro in January, 1863. At Kate Cumming's Chattanooga, Tennessee hospital, a steady procession of bloody men continued until midnight. Their presence completely dominated the attention of the hospital staff.

Every corner of the hospital [was] filled with patients, and the attendants had to give up their beds for them. None but the slightly wounded.... [was] brought here, but they are bad enough. Many have to be carried from the ambulances, as they are unable to walk. We have sent off a great many to-day, to make room for others who will be in to-night. All that I or Mrs. Williamson have been able to do for them is to see that they get enough to eat ... Our cooks have been up for two or three nights in succession; the surgeons and nurses the same. (83)

All other hospital activities were disrupted and reordered by the arrival of the newly wounded. In this way, clock time and biological times lost their temporal authority. The biological demands of the hospital's patients became secondary to the biological demands of the newly wounded and in the process undermined what was supposed to be regular and clock driven, turning it into a system that was capricious, task oriented, although only marginally less efficient. Battle time, then, became the true arbiter not least because it dictated work and ordered time.

Battle time also directed the mobilization and evacuation of Confederate hospitals. With each Union victory, northern troops advanced deeper into southern territory, placing Confederate hospitals in jeopardy. The outcomes of battles forced southern medical facilities to move patients, equipment, and locales. This was certainly the case in Lynchburg, Virginia for "when the Federals were known to be approaching most of the surgeons, hospital staff, and patients were hastily removed" as battle time loomed large. (84)

As with nurses in Lynchburg, battle time frequently superseded the multiple times in which Kate Cumming functioned. Newsome hospital relocated at least four times "while Fannie Beers followed three hospitals through two states." (85) In the case of nurse Ella Newsom, "it was not [her] ... fate to remain long in one place in her unselfish devotion to the cause of the stricken soldiers. She was forced to move from one point to another with each retirement of the Confederate armies." (86) S. E. D. Smith endured a similar circumstance. An 1863 skirmish forced Smith's hospital to prepare "to leave at a moments warning." This order took precedence as Smith attempted to pull down and pack up hospital goods before the Yankees arrived. (87)

The advance of Union troops similarly determined the fortunes of Tunnel Hill Hospital, Georgia, and its head matron, Green. As Sherman and Hood's troops advanced, Green and her hospital retreated. (88) Battle time equally disrupted and reordered the hospitals of Richmond, Columbia, and Charleston. Striking at "the weakest point of the Confederate lines," Grant was able to occupy Richmond in April of 1865. (89) His victory forced the city's evacuation and the occupation of those hospitals which remained intact. Sherman's sacking and burning of Columbia in 1865 profoundly altered the city's temporal landscapes. Daily routines were disrupted, homes destroyed, timepieces stolen, and hospitals disbanded as every nurse, doctor, and patient "who could drag himself, away somewhere," did so to escape the Federal forces. (90) The effects of Charleston's surrender in 1865 were comparable. It dictated "a frenzied flight from the doomed city" with those "too ill to be moved ... left behind." (91) Battle time, then, contro lled and determined the activities of southern hospitals.

Clearly, Confederate nurses and hospital staffs recognized that they functioned in multiple times controlled by factors independent of considerations of gender. While southern women performed essentially feminine tasks, they did so outside of the patriarchal temporality of the Old South. Men were no longer the controlling force in southern nurses' lives. In hospitals, time was not gendered. With the quieting of battle and the conclusion of the Civil War, the degendering effects of battle time proved ephemeral. Confederate hospitals closed their doors and southern nurses returned to the multiple and gendered temporalities of the plantation. (92)

For plantation mistresses, the temporal world of the postbellum plantation changed little from the antebellum era. (93) Natural, religious, mechanical, and male times continued to regulate the rhythms of work and leisure. The multiple times of the male sphere still permeated the household and regulated work. In the postbellum era, however, time became increasing tyrannical for many former plantation mistresses. Emancipation changed the nature of plantation mistresses' work but not the plantation's schedule. Supervising her house slaves and ensuring the prompt and punctual completion of male scheduled domestic tasks comprised most of the antebellum plantation mistress's day. Following the Civil War, however, plantation mistresses' work became increasingly labor intensive as African-Americans temporarily removed their labor power from southern plantations. The withdrawal and gradual return of African-American labor required mistresses to complete, as well as supervise the completion of, domestic tasks. (94)

For many southern men, the real tragedy of the war was not the Confederacy's "thrashing" by the Yanks. The real tragedy lay in the fact that the Yankee s had transformed southern belles "into hewers of wood and drawers of water" exhausted from constant labor. (95) "Plantation mistresses had never led very leisurely lives, and after emancipation their days were often filled with heavy physical labor. Because house servants were usually the first to leave and the last to return," domestic laborers were difficult to acquire. (96) Floridian Susan Bradford Eppes woke up on January 1st, 1866 to find her family

the only occupants of Pine Hill plantation. It was a clean sweep, all were gone. Nobody to get breakfast; nobody to clean up the house; no maid to look after the wants of 'milady;' no butler to serve the meals; no carriage-driver if we should care to ride. Not a servant, not one and we unused to work. (97)

The exodus of most house slaves from plantations required white women to rise earlier, sit up later, and "work harder & faster" in order to complete their various tasks.

Simple tasks like "preparing a meal became certainly an arduous, sometimes a humorous, and occasionally a dangerous undertaking." (99) One former plantation mistress

had never gotten a meal in [her] life until the morning after the Yankees passed, when [she] woke to find not a single servant on the place. There was a lone cow left. [She] essayed to milk her, but retired in dire confusion. [She] couldn't get the milk [to] go in the pail to save [her] life! It squirted in [her] face and eyes and all over [her] hair ... and [she] retired. (100)

On March 29, 1865 Ella Gertrude Clayton Thomas encountered similar domestic troubles. She "went into the kitchen and made up the first cakes" she had ever tried to bake. She became entangled in the dough and was freed through the efforts of Tamah, a house servant. (101)

Charlestonian Emma Holmes attempted to roast fowl in August of 1865. She did not "know how to commence" and appealed to a house servant for help. Emma "didn't spoil the dinner" but did express her hatred: "1 don't like cooking or washing. Even the doing up of muslims is great annoyance to me, & I do miss ... having [things] all ready prepared to my hand. I generally rise at five or before" in order to ensure the completion of tasks. (102) Santee, South Carolinas Elizabeth Palmer Porcher shared Emma Holmes' disdain for cooking and housekeeping duties in general. She "wished we had no cooking to do" but realized "there would be the washing which" she despised even more. (103)

Mistresses' completion of such dreadful tasks occurred within a temporal web fashioned by men, nature, religion, and the clock. While masters continued to schedule women's work, mistresses were able to draw on their mastery of multiple times to ensure completion. Religion, for example, continued to order the timing of daily tasks. Men forbade mistresses to "wash, or iron, or bake, or do other work usually done on week days" on Sunday. Moreover, any necessary work had to be completed in the hours between church services. Natural time altered attendance at church services. If the weather made travel too difficult, mistresses abandoned church and used this free time to complete domestic tasks. (104)

In addition to working within parameters set by religion and nature, former plantation mistresses also worked, as they had in the antebellum and Civil War eras, within constraints set by the clock. For mistresses charged with preparing their own meals, recipes and their temporal authority became increasingly important. In order to ensure the successful completion of cake, for example, an 1871 recipe advised that "three-quarters of an hour will bake a one-pound sponge cake; one and a half hours for a pound cake" while "fruit cake required longer baking than any other; one-pound requires two hours; two-pounds four hours." (105)

For mistresses fortunate enough to have servants, the punctual and timely completion of domestic tasks often posed problems. Without the whip to instill time discipline, mistresses' increasingly appealed to the clock to ensure the prompt completion of domestic tasks. Such was the case in Georgia in 1865. A mistress ordered her cook "to have breakfast on the table at seven o'clock sharp." The next morning, "there was no breakfast, no cook, no lunch." The cook's violation of the clock's authority resulted in her unemployment. (106) The indolence of servants continued to be a problem in 1871 and one mistress offered this advice:

My greatest assistant in having work done orderly and in time has been the kitchen clock. Allot so much time for a specified work; take the trouble to overlook personally for a few days. When a servant finds out that you know how long it takes to accomplish certain work you will be astonished to find out how much more rapidly your domestic matters will be arranged ... The clock helps wonderfully in these arrangements, as you will soon find out. (107)

In the postbellum era, then, economic and not just physical coercion enforced the power of the clock.

Many former mistresses, however, performed household tasks rather than ordered them. Even with some assistance from servants, former mistresses found domestic work challenging, grueling, onerous, overwhelming, and time consuming. South Carolinian Grace Brown Elmore spoke for many former plantation mistresses when she said:

We have truly said good bye to being ladies of leisure, my time seems fully occupied and often I do not have time to sleep even. My hour for rising is 5 o'clock, at 6 I come down and see the bread made, then comes breakfast; after a multitude of small cares, together with much dirty work ... Can there be anything more dispiriting than my present mode of life, from five in the morning till 11 at night being incessantly called on to hear and rectify the needs of our establishment. And I have to bear it all alone. (108)

Susan Bradford Eppes echoed these sentiments in September of 1865 when she complained that her work on the Pine Hill Plantation in Florida was so time consuming that it robbed her of her leisure, unable even to find opportunity to write in her journal. Instead, sewing, making and remaking plans, the arrival and departure of visitors, and helping her mother with the housekeeping occupied Eppes' time. (109) "[W]ashing all the breakfast & dinner china, bowl's, kettles, pans, silver, etc... churning, washing stockings ... [and] a miscellaneous list of duties" filled Charlestonian Emma Holmes' days and left "no time for reading or exercise." (110) In 1867 Emma Butler Paisley's domestic work on the Tulip Plantation, Arkansas, left her "no time to sew ... or to visit." By 1871, little had changed for as Mattie Hughes explained she had "been at home about four weeks, and [had] been quit busy most of the time." (111) The strain of continuous work led Susan Bradford Eppes to declare that her every bone ached at the end of the day and West Virginian Frances Aglionby to muse that her "life [was] one of incessant toil." (112)

The temporal freedom that women experienced in Confederate hospitals proved to be transitory. In Confederate hospitals, southern hospital staffs turned to their antebellum experience in mastering time's complexities to ensure completion of their work. Confederate nurses and hospital staffs recognized that they functioned in multiple times regulated by an overarching temporality. All were controlled by a temporal hierarchy in which modern clock time was often supplanted by biological times and a more efficient, yet putatively premodern, task system in the context of a modern war. In turn, a single non-gendered time controlled these temporal pluralities. Battle time reconfigured the activities of southern nurses, surgeons, and hospitals. In the context of Confederate hospitals, battle rime's degendering nature caused a temporary revolution in gender relations. The exigencies of battle time stripped men of their traditional temporal authority over women and themselves. Battle time became the new temporal master for male surgeons and female nurses. With southern defeat at Appomattox and the conclusion of the Civil War, battle time's authority was silenced and southern nurses returned to the gendered worlds of the plantations.

Cheryl A. Wells, "Battle Time: Gender, Modernity, and Confederate Hospitals"

The presence and perseverance of female nurses in Confederate hospitals freed women from the patriarchal control of Old South gender relations and accelerated social change. This article applies the historical study of time consciousness and multiple temporalities to the experiences of Confederate nurses to illustrate the ephemeral nature of such changes. The article's principal points are these: first, it argues that some Civil War temporalities effectively degendered Civil War hospitals by making both Confederate nurses and male surgeons increasingly hostage to a new, entirely capricious temporality: battle time. Military time, generally, battle time specifically, complicated antebellum gendered temporalities and reconfigured them with a more antiseptic and ruthless time of large scale battle. Second, this article argues that in Civil War hospitals, battle time eroded men's time and their customary authority over its allocation and replaced it with a neutral and standard temporality. Finally, this article i llustrates the nature of Confederate nurses' work in order to illustrate how the Civil War encouraged women to embrace an antebellum masculine time consciousness and how the southern defeat at Appomatox resulted in a reemergence of southern white women's time.

ENDNOTES

A version of this paper was presented at the annual Women's Studies Conference at the University of South Carolina, February 23rd, 2001. Funding is gratefully acknowledged from Duke University, The Virginia Historical Society, and Kline Industries of Columbia, South Carolina. I am especially grateful for the insights and comments of Edward A. Janak Ill, Cameron Cobb, Adam Mack, and Brenda Schoolfield. I am particularly indebted to Mark Smith for his counsel and especially his time.

(1.) Victoria E. Bynum, Unruly Women: The Politics of Social & Sexual Control in the Old South (Chapel Hill, 1992), 4. For similar statements see Catherine Clinton, The Plantation Mistress: Woman's World in the Old South (New York, 1992), 16; Catherine Clinton, Tara Revisited: Women, War, & the Plantation Legend (New York, 1995), 41-42; Drew Gilpin Faust, The Creation of Confederate Nationalism: Ideology and Identity in the Civil War South (Baton Rouge, 1988), 51; Drew Gilpin Faust, Mothers of Invention: Women of the Slaveholding South in the American Civil War (Chapel Hill, 1996), 3-4, 7; Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill, 1989), 47, 109, 196-197; George Rable, Civil Wars: Women and the Crisis of Southern Nationalism (Urbana, 1989), 3-4; and Anne Firor Scott, The Southern Lady from Pedestal to Politics, 1830-1930 (Chicago, 1970), 4.

(2.) Faust, Mothers of Invention, 92.

(3.) Kate Cumming, The Journal of Kate Cumming: A Confederate Nurse, ed., Richard Harwell (Savannah, 1975), xi. On the ostracization of Confederate nurses see Drew Gilpin Faust, "Altars of Sacrifice: Confederate Women and the Narratives of War," Divided Houses: Gender and the Civil War, eds., Nina Silber and Catherine Clinton (New York, 1992), 186; Drew Gilpin Faust, Thavolia Glymph, George Rable, "A Woman's War: Southern Women," in Southern Women, the Civil War, and the Confederate Legacy, eds., Edward D.C. Campbell and Kym S. Rice Charlottesville, 1996), 195; Faust, Mothers of Invention, 93; Jean Friedman, Enclosed Garden: Women and Community in the Evangelical South, 1830-1900 (Chapel Hill, 1985), 194; Carol Cranmer Green, "Chimborazo Hospital: A Description and Evaluation of the Confederacy's Largest Hospital" (Ph.D. Texas Tech University, 1999), 130, 140; Mary Elizabeth Massey, The Bonnet Brigade: American Women and the Civil War (New York, 1966), 44-45; Barbara Melosh, The Physician's Hand: Work Culture , and Conflict in American Nursing (Cambridge, 1987); Sarah Morgan, The Civil War Diary of Sarah Morgan, ed., Charles East (New York, 1991), 123-124; Phoebe Yates Pember, A Southern Woman's Story: Life in Confederate Richmond, ed., Bell Irvin Wiley (Jackson, 1959), 146; Rable, Civil Wars, 121; Jane E. Schultz, "The Inhospitable Hospital: Gender and Professionalism in Civil War Medicine," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 17. No. 2 (1992): 371, 375; Francis Butler Simkins and James Welch Patton, The Women of the Confederacy (New York, 1936), 90; and Mary Roth Walsh, "Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply:" Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835-1975 (New Haven, 1977), xii, xviii, 246.

(4.) Massey, The Bonnet Brigade, 367.

(5.) In order Margaret Ripley Wolfe, Daughters of Canaan: A Saga of Southern Women (Lexington, 1995), 132; Friedman, Enclosed Garden, 104; Drew Gilpin Faust, "Ours as Well as that of the Men:' Women and Gender in the Civil War," in Writing the Civil War: the Quest to Understand, eds., James McPherson and William J Cooper Jr. (Columbia: 1998), 234; Rable, Civil Wars, 288.

(6.) Joan E. Cashin, "Women at War," Reviews in American History, 18 (1990):344.

(7.) On the nineteenth century American attempt to build a modern society based largely on the clock see Mark M. Smith, Mastered by the Clock: Time, Slavery, and Freedom in the American South (Chapel Hill, 1997), 16; E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present 38 (1967): 85; and Michael O'Malley, Keeping Watch: A History of American Time (Washington, 1992), 240-242.

(8.) For a discussion of the War's premodern nature see Archer Jones, Civil War Command and Strategy: The Process of Victory (New York, 1992), 240-242.

(9.) Rable, Civil Wars, 121.

(10.) Jean V. Berlin, "Introduction," Ada W. Bacot, A Confederate Nurse: The Diary of Ada W. Bacot, 1860-1863, ed., Jean V. Berlin (Columbia, 1993), 11-12.

(11.) Faust, Mothers of Invention, 92-93; Massey, The Bonnet Brigade, 45,64; Marli F. Weiner, Mistresses & Slaves: Plantation Women in South Carolina, 1830-1880 (Urbana, 1998), 2.

(12.) Schultz, "The Inhospitable Hospital," 369-70.

(13.) For a discussion of gendered control of time see Karen Davis, Women, Time, and the Weaving of the Strands of Everyday Life (Avebury, 1992), 35, 107; Tim Ingold, "Work, Time, and Industry," Time and Society 4 (1995): 13-35; Julia Kristeva, "Women's Time," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 7 No. 11(1981): 13-35; Nicky Le Feurve, "Leisure, Work, and Gender: A Sociological Study of Women's Time in France," Time and Society 2 No. 2 (1992): 151-177; and Ursual Pasero, "Social Time Patterns, Contingency and Gender Relations," Time and Society 3 No. 2 (1994): 179-191.

(14.) For a discussion of the workings of multiple times see Barbara Adam, Timewatch: The Social Analysis of Time (Cambridge, 1995), 8; Barbara Adam, "Within and Beyond the Time Economy of Employment Relations: Conceptual Issues Pertinent to Research on Time and Work," Social Science information 32 no.2 (1993): 163-184; and John Urry, "Time, Leisure, and Social Identity," Time and Society 3 No. 2 (1994): 147.

(15.) For statements on multiple times see Jacques Le Goff, Time, Work, and Culture in the Middle Ages (Chicago, 1980), 29-52; A. J. Gurevich, "Time as a Problem of Cultural History," eds., L. Gardet et al, Cultures and Time (1976): 229-245; Nigel Thrift, "Owners' Time and Own Time; The Making of a Capitalist Time Consciousness, 1330-1880," in ed., Alan Pred Space and Time in Geography: Essays Dedicated to Tosten Hagerstrand. Lund Studies in Geography, Series B. Human Geography, No. 48 (1981), 56-84; Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism," 59-97; O'Malley, Keeping Watch, 3; and Martin Bruegel, "'Time That Can Be Relied Upon:' The Evolution of Time Consciousness in the Mid-Hudson Valley, 1 790-1860," Journal of Social History 28(1995): 547-64.

(16.) Smith, Mastered by the Clock, 42.

(17.) On God's time as a regulatory force on southern plantations see James Battle Avirett, The Old Plantation: How We Lived in Great House and Cabin Before the War (Chicago, 1901), 33; Louis Hughes, Thirty Years a Slave: From Bondage to Freedom: The Institution of Slavery as seen on the Plantation and in the Home of the Planter: Autobiography of Louis Hughes (Milwaukee, 1897), 53; Michael L. Nicholls, "In the Light of Human Beings: Richard Eppes and His Island Plantation Code of Laws," The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 89 No. 1 (1981): 77; Wilmer H. Sheilds, Plantation Life Since: Dis Time (New Orleans, 1887), 14; Donald B. Touchstone, "Planters and Slave Religion in the Deep South" (Ph.D. Tulane University, 1973); and P.C. Weston, "Management of a Southern Plantation," De Bow's Review 22 (1857): 40.

(18.) On southern plantations and time discipline see Alan Brown and David Taylor, Eds., "Gabr'l Blow Sof':" Sumter County, Alabama, Slave Narratives (Livingston, 1997), 14,34, 48, 71, 101; Caroline Howard Oilman, Recollections of a Southern Matron (New York, 1838), 57; John Andrew Jackson, The Experience of a Slave in South Carolina (London, 1862), 14, 17; Nicholls, "In the Light of Human Beings: Richard Eppes and His Island Plantation Code of Laws," 77; Sheilds, Plantation Life Since: Dis Time, 8; William Kauffman Scarborough, The Overseer: Plantation Management in the Old South (Baton Rouge, 1966), 5; and Smith, Mastered by the Clock, 113, 136,140-143.

(19.) Plantation Journal, Barnwell District, SC. August 1843, South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina (hereafter SCL). For further examples of timepiece use on southern plantations see Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy; Late a Slave in the United Stares of America (London, 1843), 27; Allen Parker, Recollections of Slavery Times (Worcester, 1895), 64; and Smith, Mastered by the Clock, 120. For an example of timepieces and whips used to enforce punctuality on southern plantations see William Wells Brown, A Narrative of the Life of William Wells Brown, 18 15-1884 (London, 1389), 15; and Smith, Mastered by the Clock, 119.

(20.) Louisa Cheves Stoney, "Introduction," John B. Irving. A Day on Cooper River, ed., Louisa Cheves Stoney (Columbia, 1932), x. Along similar lines are Catherine Clinton, Tara Revisited, 42; N. B. De Saussure, Old Plantation Days Being Recollections of Southern Life Before the Civil War (New York, 1909), 27; Frances Fearn, Diary of a Refugee (New York, 1910), 27; Meta Morris Grimball, Journal of Meta Morris Grimball, South Carolina December 1860-February 1866, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library (Hereafter UNC), 5; Salley McCarty, Pleasant,Old Virginia Ways & Days (Menasha, 1916), 34; and Weiner, Mistresses & Slaves, 5.

(21.) Elizabeth Alister Pringle, Chicora Wood (New York, 1922), 62-63. Statements of a similar nature were made by Maria Byan, Tokens of Affection: The Letters of a Planter's Daughter in the Old South, ed., Carol Blesser (Athens, 1996), 11; Dolly Lunt Burge, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge, 1848-1879, ed., Christine Jacobsen Carter (Athens, 1997), 4; De Saussure, Old Plantation Days, 1; Ella Gertrude Clanton Thomas, The Secret Eye: The Journal of Ella Gertrude Clanton Thomas, ed., Virginia Burr (Chapel Hill, 1990), 121; and John Levi Underwood, The Women of the Confederacy, in Which is Presented the Heroism of the Women of the Confederacy with Accounts of their Trials during the War and the Period of Reconstruction, with their Ultimate Triumph over Adversity. Their Motives and their Achievements as told by Writers and Orators now Preserved in Permanent Form (New York, 1906), 36-37.

(22.) De Saussare, Plantation Days, 27-28. For similar statements see Brown, A Narrative of the Life of William Wells Brown, 36.

(23.) Rable, Civil Wars, 9. Also see Jonathan Wiener, Social Origins of the New South (Baton Rouge, 1978), 14.

(24.) Pringle, Chicora Wood, 32.

(25.) "Management of Negroes," De Bow's Review 10 (1851): 328. For statements of a similar nature see F. Foby, "Management of Servants," Southern Cultivator 11 (1853): 226-28; and Fearn, Diary of a Refugee, 84.

(26.) Anne Sinkler Wharton LeClercq, An Antebellum Plantation Household Including South Carolina Low Country Receipts & Remedies of Emily Wharton Sinkler (Columbia, 1996), 79, 80.

(27.) Gilman, Recollections of a Southern Matron, 25.

(28.) In order Hughes, Thirty Years a Slave, 71, 72; William Henry Singleton, Recollections of My Slavery Days, UNC, 3.

(29.) For statements illustrating male control of the clock and its use in establishing hospital schedules see the following A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies Series IV, Vol. III, S # 129; 1862 Regulations of Confederate Hospitals, SCL; The General Military Hospital for the North Carolina Troops in Petersburg Virginia (Raleigh, 1861), 3, 5, 8; and Patton, The Women of the Confederacy, 87.

(30.) Pember, A Southern Woman's Story, 33, 34.

(31.) Glenna R. Schroeder-Lein, Confederate Hospitals on the Move: Samuel H. Stout and the Army of Tennessee (Columbia, 1994), 75.

(32.) Sara Rice Pryor, "The Hospital Was Filled to Overflowing," ed., Katharine M. Jones, Ladies of Richmond Confederate Capital (Indianapolis, 1962), 130.

(33.) Lucy London Anderson, North Carolina Women of the Confederacy (Fayetreville, 1926), 40.

(34.) Schroeder-Lein, Confederate Hospitals on the Move, 110.

(35.) "Order Book and Letter Book," Wayside Hospital, Charleston 1862-1863, 27 July 1863 and 9 May 1864, SCL.

(36.) "Time Table of the Hours at Which Medicines are to be given--For the Guidance of Nurses, Matrons, & Wardmasters," Chimborazo Records, Vol. 18 quoted in Carol Carnmer Green, "Chimborazo Hospital," 174.

(37.) Mary Madeline Rogge, "Development of a Taxonomy of Nursing Interventions: An Analysis of Nursing in the American Civil War" (Ph.D. University of Texas at Austin, 1985), 174, 84.

(38.) In order Hospital Regulations General Hospital No. 3. Lynchburg, July 1, 1863, Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Virginia; John W.A. Standford, The Code of the City of Montgomery During the Civil War (Montgomery, 1861), 52.

(39.) Bacot, A Confederate Nurse, Jan 31, 1862, 77. For statements of a similar nature see S.E.D. Smith, The Soldier's Friend Being A Narrative of Grandma Smith's Four Years Experience and Observation, As Matron, In the Hospitals of the South During the Late Disastrous Conflict in America (Memphis, 1867), 119.

(40.) For a discussion on the conflict between clock time and biological time see Paul Bellaby, "Broken Rhythms and Unmet Deadlines: Workers and Managers' Time Perspectives," ed., Ronald Frankenberg, Time, Health, and Medicine (London, 1992), 108.

(41.) Pember, A Southern Woman's Story, 55, 77-78.

(42.) Bacot, A Confederate Nurse, Sept 13th, 1862, 147; June 20th, 1862, 127, April 13th, 1862, 104; April 23rd, 1862, 108; March 29th, 97; May 7th, 1862, 114; April 13th, 1862, 104.

(43.) Cumming, The Journal of Kate Cumming, April 12th, 1862, 15; April 17th, 1862, 21.

(44.) Fannie A. Beers, Memories: A Recollection of Personal Experiences During Four Years of War (Philadelphia, 1889), 84.

(45.) Judith McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee: During the War By A Lady of Virginia (Lincoln, 1995), January 8th, 1863, 179.

(46.) Annie E. Johnson, "Hospitals at Danville," ed., Charleston News & Courier, Our Women in the War: The Lives They Lived: The Deaths They Died (Charleston, 1885), 222.

(47.) Cumming, The Journal of Kate Gumming, June 1st, 1862, 44.

(48.) J. Fraise Richard, The Florence Nightingale of the Southern Army (New York, 1914), 18, 39. For statements of an analogous nature see the following Matthew Page Andrews, Ed. The Women of the South in War Times (Baltimore, 1920), 133; Austin, History of Nursing Source, 425; and Patton, The Women of the Confederacy, 86.

(49.) Anderson, North Carolina Women of the Confederacy, 40.

(50.) Emily Mason, "Memoirs of a Hospital Matron," Atlantic Monthly (1902): 314. The disease to which Mason refers is most likely diphtheria. A respiratory infection, diphtheria often results in the formation of a white membrane over the mouth which can suffocate the patient if not removed.

(51.) For a discussion of the War's modern nature see Raimondo Luraghi, "The Civil War and the Modernization of American Society: Social Structure and Industrial Revolution in the Old South Before and During the War," Civil War History 18 (1972): 243.

(52.) S.E.D. Smith, The Soldier's Friend, 118.

(53.) Order, S. B. Habersham, 2 April 1865, Chimborazo Records, Vol. 408, 36, quoted in Carol Cranmer Green, "Chimborazo Hospital," 291.

(54.) McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, January 8th, 1863, 179.

(55.) Pember, A Southern Woman's Story, 54, 103.

(56.) S. E. D. Smith, The Soldier's Friend, 55.

(57.) In order Mrs. Burton Harris, Recollections Grave and Gay (New York, 1911), 185; Pryor, "The Hospital was Filled to Overflowing," 132.

(58.) S.L.A. Bidd, "Montgomery," ed., Charleston Courier News, Our Women in the War, 260.

(59.) Bacot, A Confederate Nurse, April 13th, 1862, 104.

(60.) Anderson, North Carolina Women of the Confederacy, 41.

(61.) Mary Chestnut, A Diary from Dixie (New York, 1929), 319; For statements of a similar nature see Jessie Frazer, "Louisa McCord" (MA thesis, University of South Carolina, 1920), 15; and Patton, The Women of the Confederacy, 88.

(62.) In order Orra Langhore, "Hospital Memoirs," ed., Charleston Courier News, Our Women in the War, 248; W.J. Donald, "Alabama Confederate Hospitals: Part II," The Alabama Review 26 (1963): 75.

(63.) In order Sallie Brock Putnam, Richmond During the War: Four Years of Personal Observation (Lincoln, 1996), 65; Bryce, Reminiscences of the Hospital of Columbia, South Carolina, 7,16-17, 22; B.W. Green, "Hospital Work of Judge James Green and Wife," Confederate Women of Arkansas in the Civil War, 1861-1865 (Little Rock, 1907), 99.

(64.) Susan L. Blackford, Memoirs of Life In & Out of the Army of Virginia (Lincoln, 1998), 259.

(65.) Richard, The Florence Nightingale of the Southern Army, 89.

(66.) John Levi Underwood, The Women of the Confederacy, 115.

(67.) For a discussion on the impact of intense and varying levels of work on health see Chris Nyland, Reduced Worktime and the Management of Production (Cambridge, 1988), 59.

(68.) In order Massey, Bonnet Brigades, 56; Rable, Civil Wars, 165.

(69.) In order Cumming, The Journal of Kate Cumming, May 11th, 1862, 35, April 18th, 1862, 12.

(70.) "The Hospitals," eds., Mrs. James Conner et al., South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, Vol. 2 (Columbia, 1907), 101.

(71.) Pember, A Southern Woman's Story, 110.

(72.) Edwin G. Bridges, "Juliet Opie Hopkins and Alabama's Civil War Hospitals in Richmond, Virginia," Alabama Review 53 No.2 (2000): 69.

(73.) Blackford, Memoirs of Life In & Out of the Army of Virginia, 261.

(74.) Richard, The Florence Nightingale of the Southern Army, 81.

(75.) Mrs. Campbell Bryce, Reminisces of the Hospital of Columbia, South Carolina (Philadelphia, 1897), 23.

(76.) Bridges, "Juliet Opie Hopkins and Alabama's Civil War Hospitals in Richmond, Virginia," 69.

(77.) Schroeder-Lein, Confederate Hospitals on the Move, 64.

(78.) Civil War commanders often used the clock to co-ordinate forces and order attacks. For a discussion of troop co-ordination during the Battle of Bull Run see Edmund C. Stedman, The Battle of Bull Run (New York, 1861), 12.

(79.) Pember, A Southern Woman's Story, 54.

(80.) Mason, "Memoires of a Hospital Matron," 316.

(81.) Bidd, "Montgomery," 260.

(82.) Bacot, A Confederate Nurse, March 31st, 1862, 99-100.

(83.) Cumming, The Journal of Kate Cumming, January 3rd, 1863, 84.

(84.) Langhore, "Hospital Memoirs," 248.

(85.) Massey, Bonnet Brigades, 56.

(86.) Andrews, The Women of the South in War Times, 137.

(87.) S. E. D. Smith, The Soldier's Friend, 85.

(88.) Green, "Hospital Work of Judge James Green and Wife," 99.

(89.) Pember, A Southern Woman's Story, 129.

(90.) Catherine Prioleau Ravenel, "Personal Recollections and Experiences During the Burning of Columbia, S.C., by Sherman's Army, February 17,1865," ed., Mrs. James Conner, South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, 148. For a similar statement see Charleston Courier, Feb. 11, 1865.

(91.) Tom Downey, "A Call To Duty: Confederate Hospitals in South Carolina" (MA thesis, University of South Carolina, 1992), 52.

(92.) For a discussion of nurses' return to plantation life see Friedman, The Enclosed Garden, 105; and Rable, Civil Wars, 128.

(93.) For African-Americans, the temporal world of the plantation changed radically. In the postbellum era, African-Americans owned their rime and labor and used their sense of clock time, inculcated under slavery, to negotiate with former masters over the terms, hours, and payments for their labor. For such a discussion, see Smith, Mastered by the Clock, 154-176; and Julie Saville, The Work of Reconstruction: From Slave to Wage Laborer in South Carolina, 1860-1870 (Cambridge, 1995), 110-121, 130-135.

(94.) For a discussion of the withdrawal of African-American labor from postbellum plantations see Orville V. Burton, Ungrateful Servants: Edgefield's Black Reconstruction: Part I of the Total History of Reconstruction of Edgefield Country, South Carolina (Ph.D. Princeton University, 1976), 347; Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work & the Family from Slavery to Present (New York, 1988), 53, 58; Peter Kolchin, First Freedom: The Responses of Alabama's Blacks to Emancipation & Reconstruction (Westport, 1972), 4, 6, 62; and Leslie A. Schwalm, A Hard Fight for We: Women's Transition from Slavery to Freedom in South Carolina (Chicago, 1997), 208-211.

(95.) Myrta Lockett Avary, Dixie After the War: An Exposition of Social Conditions Existing in the South, During the Twelve Years Succeeding the Fall of Richmond (New York, 1906), 189. Also, Susan Bradford Eppes, Through Some Eventful Years (Tallahassee, 1926), April 22nd, 1866, 325.

(96.) James L. Roark, Masters Without Slaves: Southern Planters in the Civil War and Reconstruction (New York, 1977), 149.

(97.) Eppes, Through Some Eventful Years, January 1st 1866, 309.

(98.) Lillian Mayne, "A Word for Farmers' Wives," The Southern Planter & Farmer Vol. 6 No. 11 (November, 1873): 560.

(99.) Rable, Civil Wars, 255-56. Also Emma Holmes, The Diary of Miss Emma Holmes, 1861-1866, ed., John F. Marszalek (Baton Rouge, 1979), February 7,1866, 484.

(100.) Avary, Dixie After the War, 189.

(101.) Thomas, The Secret Eye, March 29, 1865, 258.

(102.) Holmes, The Diary of Emma Holmes, August 15, 1865, 467.

(103.) Ibid.

(104.) "Sunday Dinners," The Southern Planter & Farmer Vol. 7 No. 3 (March 1874): 146. For an example of natural time subverting God's time see Burge, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge, January 28, 1865, 178. For accounts of postbellum church services see Burge, The Diary of Dolly Lunt Burge, May 7,1865,172, May 28, 1865,174, and January 6,1866, 176; Eppes, Through Some Eventful Times, 356; Holmes, The Diary of Emma Holmes, October 21, 1865, 476 and November 16, 1865, 481; Robert Manson Myers, Ed., The Children of Pride: A True Story of Georgia and the Civil War (New Haven, 1972), Miss. Mary Jones to Mrs. Mary S. Mallard, Tuesday, November 7th, 1865, 1304; and Thomas, The Secret Eye, Sunday March 7,1869,309; June 20,1869,319. Most nineteenth century southern newspapers published a schedule for church services in their Saturday editions. For the timing of southern church services during reconstruction see, for example, Charleston Daily Courier, October 9,1870 and November 19th, 1870; and The Charleston News & Cour ier, January 3,1874 and January 10, 1874.

(105.) Theresa C. Brown, Modern Domestic Cookery: Being a Collection of Receipts Suitable for all Classes of Housewives; Together with Many Valuable Household Hints (Charleston, 1871), 179.

(106.) Eppes, Through Some Eventful Years, 302.

(107.) Mrs. A.M. "Household," The Southern Planter & Farmer Vol. 5 (February 1871): 93. See also Smith, Mastered by the Clock, 162-163.

(108.) Grace Brown Elmore, A Heritage of Woe: The Civil War Diary of Grace Brown Elmore, 1861-1868, ed., Marli Weiner (Athens, 1997), July 13th, 1865, 125; July 14th, 1865, 126-27.

(109.) In order Eppes, Through Some Eventful Years, September 25, 1865,335; Holmes, The Diary of Emma Holmes, January 1866,492; Eppes, Through Some Eventful Years, September 25, 1865, 335.

(110.) Holmes, The Diary of Emma Holmes, August 25, 1865, 469.

(111.) In order Elizabeth Huckaby and Ethel Simpson, Eds., Tulip Evermore: Emma Butler and William Paisley, Their Lives in Letters (Fayetteville, 1985), Emma Butler Paisley to William Paisley, Nov. 15th, 1867, 99; Mattie Hughes to Emma Butler Paisley, June 1, 1871, 211. Also Myers, Children of Pride, Miss. Mary Jones to Mrs. Mary S. Mallard, November 13th, 1865, 1305; and Thomas, The Secret Eye, Wednesday, December 14, 1870, 351.

(112.) In order Eppes, Through Some Eventful Years, 349; Frances Aglionby to her sister, May 22, 1865, Frances Yates Aglionby Papers, Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina. See also Holmes, The Diary of Emma Homes, August 25, 1865, 469-470; Rable, Civil Wars, 255-56; and Roark, Master's Without Slaves, 149.
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