Authorship, patronage, and literary gifts: The Books Froissart Brought to England in 1395.
One of the best-known references to medieval book circulation is Froissart's description in his Chronicles of his presentation of a volume of his poems to Richard II in 1395:
et voult veoir le roy le livre que je luy avoie apporte. Si le vey en sa chambre, car tout pourveu je l'avoie, et luy mis sur son lit. Il l'ouvry et regarda ens, et lui pleut tres-grandement et bien plaire luy devoit, car il estoit enlumine, escript et historie et couvert de vermeil velours a dix clous attachies d'argent dores et roses d'or ou milieu, a deux grans frumaus dores et richement ouvres ou milieu de roses d'or. Adont me demanda le roy de quoy il traittoit. Je luy dis "D'amours." De ceste reponse fut-il tous resjouys, et regarda dedens le livre en plusieurs lieux et y lisy, car moult bien parloit et lisoit le franchois, et puis le fist prendre par ung sien chevallier qui se nommoit messire Richard Credon et porter en sa chambre de retraite, et me fist de plus en plus bonne chiere et bon recueilotte a merveilles. and the king wished to see the book that I had brought him. So he saw it in his chamber, for I had prepared it for him and laid it on his bed. He opened it and looked inside and it pleased him greatly, and well it should, for it was illuminated, written, and historiated, and covered with crimson velvet, with ten buttons fastened on to it made of gilded silver and roses of gold in the middle, with two great gilded clasps, and richly decorated in the middle with roses of gold. Then the king asked me what the book was about and I replied "Love." The king was well pleased with this response and looked into the book in several places and read there, for he could read and speak French very well. Then he gave it to one of his cham- ber knights, named Sir Richard Credon, to bear it into his retiring chamber (inner chamber), and he received me ever more warmly and made me very welcome. (1)
The scene has often been used as evidence of medieval reading practice. Roger Chartier, for example, finds that:
by showing the monarch dipping into the book he has received and indicating his intention to pursue his reading in the private space of his chambre de retraite [Froissart's] testimony confirms what pictorial representations show and forewords "to the reader" had to say about the gains that individual, silent, and purely visual reading had made among the princes and great personages after the mid fourteenth century. (2)
Chartier is only one of many who have seized on this episode. Others have drawn almost exactly the opposite conclusion, taking Froissart's reference to Richard's ability to speak French to imply that he read aloud. (3) Still others turn to the episode for evidence of the status of the court poet or of the condition of French in England by the late fourteenth century. (4)
Not everyone who knows the story, however, is aware that the actual book that Froissart presented--or at least a very similar one created at the same time--may survive. (5) There is a late-fourteenth-century collection of Froissart's poetry, BnF fr. MS 831, which in many ways seems to fit Froissart's description. As its initial rubric notes, it is a collection of love poems:
Vous deves sgavoir que dedens ce livre sont contenu pluisour dittie et traitie amourous et de moralite, les quels sire Jehans Froissars, prestres, en ce temps tresoriers et canonnes de Cymai, et de la nation de la conte de Haynnau et de la ville de Valenchienes, a fais, dittes et ordonnes a l'ayde de Dieu et d'Amours, et a la contemplacion et plaisance de pluisours haus et nobles signours et de pluisours nobles et vaillans dames. You should know that within this volume are contained many amorous and moral poems and treatises, which Sir Jean Froissart, priest, at this time, treasurer and canon of Chimay, born in the county of Hainault, in the city of Valenciennes, made, put into verse, and ordered with the help of God and of Love, for the contemplation and pleasure of many high and noble lords and many noble and worthy ladies. (fol. 1, Figg's transcription)
The colophon indicates that MS 831 was completed on May 12, 1394. Within its pages is contained almost all of Froissart's surviving poetry, with the exception of his long romance Meliador and a few shorter poems. The missing short poems are found in a very similar volume, BnF fr. MS 830, which was copied the previous year, possibly by the same workshop. (6)
There are two major differences between the two manuscripts. The first is that of language: MS 830 is in francien, the language of Paris, the Ile-de- France, and the French court, while MS 831 is in a literary standardized picard, the major northern dialect of medieval French and the language of the county of Hainault and of Valenciennes, the city where Froissart was born. The second major difference is in the contents. Among its many ballades, MS 831 includes one not in MS 830, a poem describing how the legendary English King Brut (or Bructus, as Froissart calls him) and his descendants ruled Albion. On the other hand, MS 831 omits four works found in MS 830: L'Orloge amoureus, Le dit dou bleu chevalier, Le debat du cheval et dou levrier, and Le dit dou florin. As with the inclusion of the poem on the lineage of Brut, these omissions would make good sense if Froissart intended the manuscript for an English readership. As Sylvia Huot argues, "the texts omitted from this collection include precisely those that might be politically offensive to the English king during this delicate moment in history--that is, those expressing pro-French sentiment, flattering the accomplishments of the French court, or alluding to Froissart's relations with Richard II's political adversaries." (7)
The omission of these items also has the effect of suppressing many of the biographical details found in the material in MS 830. Through these omissions, Kristen Figg argues, Froissart depicts himself in MS 831 as "a pure poet, rather than the half-poet, half-participant in history that he had really become." (8) In comparison, the author and compiler of MS 830 is not just a "literary disciple of the God of love" but "a man who has also analyzed the workings of an amazing new clock in Paris, toured Scotland with Edward Despenser, and had his purse stolen in Avignon, where he was trying to help negotiate a noble marriage and work out the details of a new benefice with the pope." (9) It seems clear that in leaving out the poems containing these particular autobiographical details, Froissart had prepared the slightly later manuscript, MS 831, for an English audience, one that still associated him primarily with his role as Queen Philippa's court poet in the 1360s.
None of this necessarily suggests that MS 831 was prepared for King Richard, only that it was prepared for an English readership, but since Froissart only refers to bringing one book of poetry to England and only mentions making one presentation during his visit, the possibility that MS 831 is the very volume that he presented to the king must be considered. That possibility is strengthened by the inscription in a roughly contemporaneous hand on the opening flyleaf: "Se livre est a Richart le gentil fauls conte de Warrewyck" (see figure 1). The meaning of the unusual word fauls is one we shall need to consider further, but otherwise the inscription is straightforward enough and can only refer to Richard Beauchamp, who became earl of Warwick in 1401. As Figg observes:
Froissart was generally eager to record his close connections with important people, so it seems likely that he would have mentioned any other person for whom he went to the trouble of preparing a book on this occasion, especially since he makes a point, in his account of the trip, of how few of his old friends are still to be found in England. Richard Beauchamp's father ... is never mentioned by Froissart as a personal acquaintance and was, in fact, in political disfavor by the mid 1390s, so he was almost certainly not the intended recipient of the book, as Kervyn de Lettenhove erroneously surmised. Richard Beauchamp himself, on the other hand, was a godson of King Richard as well as being a favorite of Henry IV, who knighted the young man as part of his coronation celebration; thus one might imagine the book coming to Beauchamp either directly from King Richard or as a later gift from the new king.... With its emphasis on love, the book would indeed have made a suitable and fairly impressive (though not overly luxurious) gift for a young man who was fluent in French and interested in the pursuit of nobility. This dating of his ownership would confirm that the book was in fact given to him in England rather than acquired on his later travels. (10)
The possibility that MS 831 is the very manuscript of the 1395 presentation has found cautious acceptance. (11) But the relatively humble appearance of MS 831 has always been something of a sticking point. Furthermore, since Froissart ordered at least two similar volumes copied close upon each other, MSS 830 and 831, he might well have ordered more. Hence, in their recent anthology, Figg and R. Barton Palmer suggest that MS 831 "is probably not the manuscript offered by Froissart to King Richard II in 1395." (12) It might be instead a humbler version, produced at the roughly the same time and following the same general layout. In that case, however, we would need to explain how the manuscript came to belong to Richard Beauchamp.
The matter is complicated by the presence of several other entries on the flyleaves, which allude to Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, his wife, Jacqueline of Bavaria, and a certain "Warigny" (see figure 2). The notes on the front flyleaf were first transcribed by Paulin Paris in his study of the French manuscripts at the Bibliotheque Nationale. (13) Informal in their language and written with no great care, these jottings, with their numerous references to what was apparently a familiar inner circle of acquaintances (several of whom have yet to be identified), are not immediately understandable or even easily transcribed. It is not even clear whether the lines are entirely in French or also contain a few words of English, Dutch, or German. Paris's transcription is incomplete, while Kervyn de Lettenhove, in the introduction to his edition of the Chronicles, offers only snippets, thereby wrongly giving the impression that these lines follow one another, and omits the troubling word fauls (or feals in Paris's transcription) in the Warwick ex libris. (14) Even Ruth Putnam, who found the notes fascinating for the light they shed on the marital difficulties of her heroine, Jacqueline of Bavaria, only transcribed two thirds of them. (15)
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
The notes occur on the opening and closing flyleaves. They appear to be the work of at least three hands. On the opening flyleaf appear the following lines:
[Flyleaf before fol. 1]
Se livre est a Richard le gentil fauls conte de Warrewyck [last three words possibly added later]
C'est bien raison A Jaque de Baviere
R Raison pour qoy ce qe je voys as freres
Plus leide n'y a Jaque de Bauviere
Plus belle n'y a qe my Waryny
Etc. Biem promettre et rien doner fait la fole recomforter A Dornyc
The initial ex libris is in one hand; the remaining lines in a second. (16) The lines are well spaced and fall into three groups, with a larger gap between lines one and two, then lines two, three, and four forming a loose group, and then another larger gap between lines four and five. "Dornyc" may refer to a medieval Low Countries family, Van Doorninck, that had long served Jacqueline of Bavaria. (17)
On the last flyleaf, after folio 201 (fig. 2), the second hand continues, with at least two lines being entered by a third hand:
Nota. Bien promettre et rien doner fait la fole recomforter A Liskyn [following word added above the line] az Dornyc
Sans plus la laide Jaque A Gloucestre
Nulle si belle A Warigny [ following phrase partially erased] La meins agede [reading uncertain] A Jaque
[written by a different, possibly sixteenth-century hand] Crainte en espoir Soigner
Sanz plus vous belle Gloucestre C'est bien raison A Jaque A peyne endure
the wilde Warrewik vib
[last three words uncertain]
En Dieu en est A Sottes, Vuuersteiden Hemstede
Altzijt [next word above the line] az eyn verdons. Sanz departir Warigny [with superscript i m]
[written by a different, possibly sixteenth-century hand] Bien et heuresement Benigne [followed by what looks like a signature] Warigny
Nulle si belle que Warigny si dit le duc fors la duchesse
[S.sup.ai] Ly M : non pas : y [S.sup.ton] Ly M : non pas : y
K.U.R.A.B. & ten [written by a different, possibly sixteenth-century hand]
[drawing of heart with two smaller hearts inside] Loy : ay : sans : aultere : Jaques
Much about these notes remains cryptic, but the references to the beautiful Warigny, the ugly Jacqueline, and her husband Gloucester are suggestive. (18) Kervyn de Lettenhove imagines some kind of love triangle between the three, and this possibility was pursued by Putnam, the scholar so far most intrigued by the notes. She refers to Froissart's presentation of 1395, noting in particular his description of the expensive binding of the presentation volume, and suggests that perhaps "a replica was made for the then Earl of Warwick and bound less sumptuously." (19) She then provides a transcription of about three quarters of the lines, reading what appears to us (and appeared to Paris) to be an "A" as "dit" (that is, as a "d" with an abbreviation mark). She transcribes the second line "C'est bien raison dit Jacque de Baviere," and the lines on the last flyleaf "Sans plus la laide Jacque dit Gloucestre" and "Nulle si belle dit Warigny," thus furthering the sense that this is a lovers' dialogue of some kind. For Putnam, however, this dialogue has been placed in the mouths of Gloucester and Warigny by gossiping courtiers. She concludes:
This year 1426, when Richard de Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, was acting as regent in France during Bedford's brief absence, fits these phrases fairly well. Just then Jacqueline's fortunes were at a low ebb, and a group of young English people might easily have dared to amuse themselves by making invidious comparisons between her and Madame de Warigny. The first did not need to be ugly nor the second beautiful to cause the fickle fancy of Humphrey to swerve from one to the other so as to cause comment. The phrases might also have been written in England a few years earlier, and the volume might have been left in Paris in 1439, when its owner, the Earl of Warwick, died there as regent. However they came there, the words have outlived more serious testimony, and the flavour of court gossip is preserved on the fly-leaves. (20)
Apart from the statement that Warwick died in Paris, Putnam's interpretation is not implausible; Humphrey was to desert Jacqueline in 1426 and return to England, and he was notorious for his numerous love affairs. (21) Warigny was the name of a lady in Jacqueline of Bavaria's household whom Kervyn de Lettenhove identifies as Joan, daughter of Haze, an illegitimate son of Louis of Male, count of Flanders, and the wife of Henri de Warigny, squire in the household of Jacqueline of Bavaria. (22)
Putnam does not specify who these "young English people" copying verses into the earl of Warwick's book might have been. Presumably she had in mind not the earl himself, who by this point was in his mid-forties, but members of his household. But there is a further complication. David Rundle has recently noticed that the lines referring to Jacqueline of Bavaria and Humphrey are written in what looks very much like Humphrey's own hand. (23) The hand of the flyleaf has the same distinctive "A" composed of three loops and the same tendency to loop its descenders back around and over the letter, especially noticeable in its "y"s. (24) If Rundle is right, then the manuscript must have belonged to both Richard Beauchamp and Humphrey and we must determine who owned it first and how it came to be transferred from one to the other. (25) We must also consider what Humphrey's personal jottings might suggest about his use of the manuscript.
Rundle's discovery complicates matters but it does not directly challenge the possibility that MS 831 is either the very manuscript Froissart offered to Richard II or a less sumptuous version prepared at the same time. But if it was not in fact the very manuscript presented to the king, for whom was it first intended? Not for Thomas Beauchamp; he was seriously at odds with the king well before 1395, and Froissart had no particular connection to him. Not, presumably, for Richard Beauchamp, who in 1395 was only thirteen years old and probably utterly unknown to Froissart. There is, however, another possibility. When he visited England in 1395, Froissart spent some time with an earlier duke of Gloucester, Thomas of Woodstock, the youngest son of King Edward III and a great book collector. (26) Froissart does not mention this visit in his account of his last journey, but he does refer to it in Book IV, when he discusses the Anglo-French peace talks at Leulinghen. There, in an aside, he tells the reader that Thomas of Woodstock, who was one of the chief English negotiators, later personally told him the details "in his castle of Plaiscy" (modern Pleshey in Essex):
Et vint, ce me semble, ung escuier d'honneur nomme Robert l'Ermite, et estoit du conseil de la chambre du roy de France, devers le duc de Glocestre, je ne sgay se il y fut envoye ou se il y vint de luy-meismes; mais il dist ainsi au duc de Glocestre (car le dit duc me compta depuis toutes ces paroles en son chastel de Plaiscy). (27) And a squire of honor, named Robert l'Hermite, who was a member of the King of France's chamber council, came, so I was informed, before the Duke of Gloucester--I don't know whether he had been sent or came of his own accord; but this is what he told the Duke of Gloucester (for later, in his castle at Pleshey, this duke reported to me everything that had been said).
Kervyn de Lettenhove--in our view rightly--assumes that this visit to Pleshey took place in 1395, after Froissart offered the manuscript to Richard II. (28)
Although in Book IV of his Chronicles Froissart is at times quite scathing about Thomas of Woodstock, this obviously did not impede his visit to the duke. (29) It seems likely that on this occasion, Froissart offered the duke a manuscript of his poetry similar to the one he had just given Richard II. (30) A list of the contents of the book collection at Pleshey Castle, drawn up in 1397 when Richard seized Woodstock's estates, mentions "Item, I large livre de tretes amoireux et moralitees et de carolles fraunceis bien esluminees coverees de blu velvet ove bosses et claspes de cupre endorrees & enamaillees," which it values at six shillings and eight pence. (31) This title more or less matches the description in the Chronicles of the manuscript offered to Richard II, but more tellingly, it matches perfectly the incipit of MS 831 itself, which says the book contains "pluisour dittie et traitie amourous et de moralite." (32) The one significant difference is that the Pleshey entry also mentions carols. (33)
One final aspect of MS 831 is worth mentioning: the presence of the Temple d'honneur, which is now widely accepted to have been written to celebrate the marriage of Thomas's parents-in-law, Humphrey de Bohun and Joan Arundel in 1363. (34) The presence of this poem does not by itself prove that MS 831 was destined for Thomas of Woodstock. Given the close interconnections of the English aristocracy, there would have been a number of other possible patrons with a connection to either the Bohun or the Arundel families. (35) But since the dominant tendency in MS 831 is to omit occasional poems, the presence of the Temple d'honneur is an anomaly that needs explanation, and the poem does not seem to have any direct connection to the king. The presence of such a piece suggests that when he ordered the manuscript copied, Froissart did indeed have in mind some specific English patron other than the king, Woodstock being a strong candidate, and that the presentation to this second patron was from the beginning part of Froissart's plan for his voyage to England, even though he makes so little of it in the Chronicles. There would be nothing inherently implausible in Froissart's having planned to visit Woodstock at Pleshey. The size of Woodstock's library suggests that he was a serious bibliophile, and it was Froissart's business to know of such interests. (36)
What does require some explanation is how the book might have come from Thomas of Woodstock to Richard Beauchamp and whether it could have done so via King Richard. Woodstock and the king, although uncle and nephew, were not the best of friends. Their hostility reached a climax in 1397, when Thomas was arrested and brought to a prison in Calais, where he died soon afterwards under suspicious circumstances, possibly murdered. Richard immediately seized Woodstock's property, and it is at that point that he might have acquired a second copy of Froissart's collected poems. (The enmity between Woodstock and Richard must almost exclude the possibility that the king had loaned or given Woodstock the 1395 presentation copy and that it was simply coming back into royal possession.) The enmity would also explain why Froissart makes so little of his visit to Pleshey and says nothing at all about bringing a book for Woodstock. Ordinarily, Froissart would have mentioned his presentation of an additional book to an important person--but in the case of Woodstock, this might have been imprudent. Froissart was politically and professionally savvy enough to have wanted to have things both ways--to visit Woodstock (especially in conjunction with his gathering of information for the Chronicles) and give him a gift, but not to offend Richard.
If we are to identify the "large livre de tretes amoireux et moralities et de carolles fraunceis" seized by King Richard with MS 831, however, we must ask how it might then have come into the hands of Richard Beauchamp. Is it plausible to begin with to imagine the king passing this manuscript on to Beauchamp after he had taken it from Woodstock? The relation between the king and Beauchamp must have been highly ambivalent. When the king had Thomas Woodstock arrested, he also arrested several other of the leading Lords Appellant, including the earl of Arundel and Richard Beauchamp's father, Thomas Beauchamp, earl of Warwick. To the king's delight, Warwick groveled for mercy. According to Adam Usk, "Like a wretched old woman, he made a confession of all, wailing, and weeping, and whining." (37) His life was spared but his estates confiscated and he was sentenced to life imprisonment. (38) Many of the confiscated goods of Woodstock and of Thomas Beauchamp were given to the King's favorites. (39)
Beauchamp's son, however, who was only fifteen at the time, appears to have remained in favor. It seems possible that some time between seizing Woodstock's estates in 1397 and his own arrest by Bolingbroke in 1399, the king might have decided to make a peace offering to the young Richard, who was, after all, his own godson. A collection of love poetry would have been a most acceptable gift, especially if the king himself already owned a more ornate version of the same book. There would even have been a certain appropriate symbolism in such a gift. In the wake of his triumph of 1397, when he crushed the three greatest of the Lords Appellant and reestablished his authority, Richard pursued a policy of peace, seeking to reestablish unity in his land. (40) Just as Froissart may have intended his choice of material in MS 831 as a subtle compliment to King Richard's pacifism or a tribute to the marriage negotiations designed to make peace between England and France, Richard might have chosen this particular volume as a sign of his willingness to make peace with his enemy's son. Alternatively, the book might have come into the hands of Henry IV when he seized power in 1399. Henry knighted Richard on the eve of his coronation, and parliament restored his father to the title earl of Warwick three days later. (41) Since the young Richard Beauchamp remained on good terms with both kings, it seems that either of them could have given him the book.
If Richard gave BnF fr. MS 831 to Richard Beauchamp before 1399 or Henry gave it to him in 1400, the gift, whether as a peace offering or as a sign of continuing favor, would mark the revival of the family's fortunes after Thomas's recent disgrace. Coming at this vital juncture, the giving of the gift would have been a significant symbolic act--and indeed, books often did carry considerable symbolic weight. We are better informed about the traditions involved in the first formal presentation of a book, from author to patron, but it seems the subsequent transferal of a book could also on occasion be a ritual moment. Books were exchanged on major feast days, especially New Year's, or at moments of high solemnity and served to emphasize the importance of the occasion. (42) The only difficulty concerns the meaning of fauls in the inscription "Se livre est a Richart le gentil fauls conte de Warrewyck." Figg has suggested elsewhere that the puzzling word fauls in the inscription might be read as a version of fau/feu, fated or destined. (43) Since his father did not die until July 8, 1401, this reading would date Richard Beauchamp's possession of the manuscript prior to 1401, fitting nicely with the two possibilities for a relatively early transfer of the book outlined above. Richard Beauchamp's situation from 1397 until 1401 was an anomalous one. With his father elderly and either disgraced or in disrepute, Richard was more than just the next in line for the earldom; he was the de facto head of the family, the earl-to-be, and the unusual situation may have prompted the unusual term. (44)
On linguistic grounds, it seems perhaps more likely that fauls is a version of the word feals or loyal, as Paris believed, although either way the matter is complicated by the misspelling. This second reading, however, would mean that unless he waited a year or two before signing his name in his book or unless the ex libris was entered by a secretary at some later date, Richard Beauchamp could not have received the manuscript from King Richard at all nor even have received it from Henry until at least a year after the coronation. The argument for provenance does not change--it still seems entirely possible that Richard Beauchamp could have received a book that was once part of Thomas of Woodstock's expropriated collection--but if he received it after 1401, the moment of transfer would be significantly less dramatic, the book's symbolic prestige less critical.
We have, then, a number of possible explanations of how MS 831, assuming it was Thomas of Woodstock's, might have come into the possession of Richard Beauchamp. But how did the book come into the possession of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester? Humphrey was a small child in 1397, so could not have acquired a manuscript directly from the estate of Woodstock, but he could easily have acquired it from his older contemporary Richard Beauchamp. The two men met each other on numerous occasions. Both were at the siege of Rouen in 1417. Humphrey, who had been besieging Cherbourg, did not arrive until November 25, but since Rouen did not finally capitulate until January 19, he and Richard spent nearly two months in close proximity and despite the continual and increasingly desperate sallies of the garrison, they had a good deal of time on their hands. (45) They would have been together again in 1421, first at the coronation of Queen Catherine, which Gloucester organized, and again later that year, during Henry's third campaign in France, at the siege of Dreux, which lasted a month. From 1422 to 1437, Humphrey and Richard would have met regularly as members of the royal council governing during Henry VI's minority, with Humphrey acting as regent for England, his elder brother, John duke of Bedford, acting as regent for France, and Beauchamp serving as royal tutor. At several points, Richard might have felt the advantages of flattering Humphrey, and giving him a book would have been a good way to do so.
Such gifts were not uncommon. As Kenneth Vickers notes, Humphrey's bibliophilia was "a veritable passion, ministered by all who desired to be his friends." (46) The duke of Bedford, for one, "manifested tactful feeling for his brother's tastes and had sent him a beautifully adorned volume from the famous royal library of France," now Bibliotheque de Ste. Genevieve, MS 777. (47) Others did likewise. Richard Beauchamp himself gave Humphrey a French translation of the Decameron, Bibliotheque nationale de France, MS fr. 12,421. (48) There is, on the other hand, no indication of Humphrey ever giving away works from his collection during his lifetime. (49)
There are other possibilities, but they seem less likely. MS 831 might have been brought to England by Jacqueline of Bavaria in 1420. Jacqueline certainly had some interest in books and more specifically in French lyric poetry. An inventory of the possessions she left behind when she escaped from Ghent in 1425, where she was ordered to stay by Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy, mentions "ung livre de chancons," as well as a psalter in French, another unspecified book in French, two Books of Hours and two missals. (50) Alternatively, MS 831 might have been brought to England by Humphrey when he left her behind in Hainault in 1425. Humphrey could then have given the book to Richard, which would also fit with the reading of fauls earl of Warwick to mean the loyal and not the destined earl. But it would seem cavalier for a man to write lines about his mistress in a book and then pass it on to a friend.
On balance, it appears that a line of transmission from Froissart to Thomas of Woodstock, from Woodstock's confiscated estate to King Richard, from Richard to Henry IV (or, if one is prepared to accept fauls as "destined," possibly directly from King Richard to his godson Richard Beauchamp), and finally from Beauchamp to Duke Humphrey as a gift is the likeliest possibility. As we shall argue below, such a reconstruction, while it is inevitably tentative, has a number of implications for the broader history of late medieval textual reception.
II Froissart and the Scriveners of Valenciennes
As Jennifer Anderson and Elizabeth Sauer have recently noted, book history has often been divided into the study of material objects and the study of cultural systems, but "physical evidence cannot be so easily separated from its social circumstances and implications; and from its outset early modern book history has treated books not only as bibliographical artefacts but also as part of social history." (51) The intrinsic factors cannot be understood without reference to the extrinsic. (52) Froissart himself juxtaposes the two at the beginning of his account of the voyage of 1395, when he describes how he first secured letters of introduction from a number of aristocratic patrons and then ordered a luxury presentation volume of his collected poems:
Ces quatres [trois?] seigneurs dessus nommes ausquels j'en parlay [Duke Albert of Bavaria, count of Hainault and Holland; his son, Count William of Ostrevant; Duchess Jeanne of Brabant and Luxemburg; and, confusingly, the lord of Coucy] et le seigneur de Gommegnies et madame de Brabant, le me conseillierent grandement et bien et me donnerent toutes lettres pour adreschier au roy et a ses oncles, reserve le sire de Coucy; car, pour ce qu'il estoit francois, il n'y osa escripre fors tant seulement a sa fille que pour lors on appelloit la duchesse d'Irlande. Et avoie de pourveance fait escripre, grosser et enluminer et fait recueillier tous les traitties amoureux et de moralite que ou terme de XXXIIII ans je avoie par la grace de Dieu et d'amours fais et compiles, laquelle chose escueilloit et resveilloit grandement mon desir pour aler en Angleterre et veoir le roy Richard d'Angleterre qui fils avoit este au noble et puissant prince de Galles et d'Acquitaine; car veu ne l'avoie depuis que il fut tenu sur les fons en l'eglise cathedral de la cite de Bourdeaulx. These four [three?] lords named above to whom I had spoken [Duke Albert of Bavaria, count of Hainault and Holland; his son, Count William of Ostrevant; Duchess Jeanne of Brabant and Luxemburg; and the lord of Coucy] and the lord of Gommegnies and the duchess of Brabant, all gave me extensive and good counsel and letters to the king and his uncles. The lord of Coucy, however, did not, because he was French, and so only dared write to his daughter, who was then called the duchess of Ireland. I had ordered in advance all the works on love and morality that I had written, by the grace of God, during the last thirty-four years to be copied, engrossed, illuminated, and collected. This greatly excited and reawakened my desire to go to England and to see King Richard of England, son of the most noble Prince of Wales and Aquitaine, whom I had not seen since he was held at the baptismal font in the cathedral of Bordeaux. (53)
Froissart's detailed account in his Chronicles of the patrons whose support he enlisted for this voyage to England is no casual flourish. It invokes an elaborate network of patronage and commerce through which Froissart made his living, while the claim that Enguerrand de Coucy could not support that voyage too directly for fear of offending the French king implies that the trip was of some political significance. The investment of money and time in the projected voyage must have been considerable. All these lords would need to be cultivated assiduously in order to secure the letters of introduction, which in the event were to prove scarcely sufficient. Presentation manuscripts were expensive. A single copy such as MS 831 must have cost a great deal more than the six shillings and eight pence assigned as the value of the Pleshey collection. Furthermore, numerous details of the manuscript--not just its contents but its ordinatio, rubrication, and program of illumination--had to be carefully controlled. Froissart's foresight or pourveance must have extended to his booksellers as well as to his patrons, although we only catch glimpses of these connections. In 1381 he sent to the Parisian illuminator Guillaume le Bailly a copy of his Chronicles, which he hoped to present to the young Richard, although the manuscript was seized on the order of Louis I, duke of Anjou. (54) MSS 830 and 831 must have been the product of a northern workshop, one where the scribes would have been as comfortable in picard as in francien. That workshop was in all likelihood to be found in Froissart's native city of Valenciennes.
Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, who has most recently studied the production of illuminated manuscripts in Valenciennes during the fourteenth century, argues convincingly that MS 831 is indeed the work of local craftsmen on the basis of other identifiable work by the same miniature painter. (55) He points out that the artist responsible for the frontispiece miniature of MS 831 (see figure 3) also executed the illustration in Valenciennes, BM, MS 768-770, a copy of the Annales Hannonie by Jacques de Guise, an opinion which Maurits Smeyers shares. (56) Jacques de Guise was a Hainaulter and worked at his history of the county of Hainault in the convent of the Recollets at Valenciennes, where he died in 1399 before he could complete his work. The three volumes now in the municipal library are often considered to be the autograph copy of his work and may have been the copy intended for the count of Hainault.
If the latter hypothesis is correct, then Froissart chose as the illustrator of one of the presentation copies of his poetry anthology an artist who also worked on books to be offered to his count. This, then, would show that he gave due consideration to the selection of an appropriate artist for the illustration of his manuscript. There are further indications that Froissart indeed planned this aspect of the execution of MS 831 very carefully and that he selected an artist whose work was likely to appeal to the English aristocratic patrons he had in mind. Vanwijnsberghe suggests that the same artist responsible for MS 831 also collaborated in the execution of the single (frontispiece) miniature in a contemporary copy of Chandos Herald's Life of the Black Prince (University of London Library, ULI MS 1). The text in this manuscript was copied by an English scribe, but the loose miniature was pasted in at a later stage in the production process. It is possible that the artist worked in England at the time, but given that the loose miniature was pasted in, it seems more likely that it was imported from the Continent. We do not know who the intended patron or earliest owners of the London manuscript were, but Chandos Herald, who was alive around 1385 and who may have been involved in the production of the manuscript around 1390, was a fellow Hainaulter. Even if Chandos Herald was not involved, it is still telling that the person in charge of the production of the London manuscript thought highly enough of the craftsmanship of the miniature painter to overcome the difficulties of obtaining the services of a Hainaulter artisan in the production of an English manuscript. (57)
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
In Froissart's case, the list of patrons and the detailed reference to book production may be linked even more closely. The hypothesis advanced above is that Froissart commissioned at least three manuscripts around the time of his trip to England: MS 830, prepared for some French patron; MS 831, prepared for Thomas of Woodstock; and the lost volume prepared for Richard. It might even be possible that Froissart commissioned a manuscript for every patron on this list. There are several reasons to wonder whether MS 830 might not have been copied for Enguerrand de Coucy, a patron who was particularly important for Froissart since it was to him that Froissart owed the papal grant of the expectancy of an appointment as canon in Lille. (58)
Combining the account of the 1395 presentation in the Chronicles with the physical evidence of the two manuscripts and with such biographical information as is available about the various people whose names appear on the flyleaves, we can begin to reconstruct a socioeconomic network of the kind that allowed for wide circulation of books before the development of print. This account shows Froissart fashioning his career as a court poet through the carefully calculated presentation of carefully designed volumes. It provides illustrations of the degrees of indirect support that patrons in the late Middle Ages might lend to an author. It suggests something of the cultural capital that might accrue to book ownership and of the role of the book as a gift and of the gift as an investment. In pursuing such matters, we are attempting to trace lines of social filiation that would, ultimately and if only the surviving archives were detailed enough, be empirically verifiable. In the spirit of forensic accounting, we have tried to follow the money and establish the facts. Our point of departure has been the account of the presentation of 1395, which we read as a relatively straightforward reporting (albeit one with its discreet silences) of an event that actually occurred.
III The Poetics of the Mirror
There are aspects of Froissart's account of his preparations for the voyage, however, that call into question whether the passage in the Chronicles can be taken as straightforward reporting. One might expect that the desire to go to England would have led Froissart to make his preparations and commission his presentation copies, but in fact he says exactly the reverse: it is the preparation of his copies that "excited and reawakened" (escueilloit et resveilloit) his desire to go to England. This desire is in turn associated with a desire to recapture his youth, and the sense of lost youth becomes a recurring theme in the latter sections of the Chronicles. As he encounters a younger generation that does not recognize him, Froissart is made painfully aware of the passage of time. He has trouble getting an audience, and when he finally succeeds, one gets the impression that, in Michel Zink's telling phrase, the king "recoit ce vieux monsieur poliment mais sans interet particulier." (59) As Peter Ainsworth maintains:
The last journey of 1395 is ... a late reworking of the theme of uncertain transmission. The burden is the writer's growing awareness of the passing of an ideology, namely of the victorious, vigorous chivalry of Edward III and the Black Prince--which does not appear to have been transmitted to Richard himself. (60)
For Ainsworth, even the account of Richard's reception of the gift and the move into the inner chamber is one of "recessional withdrawal." (61) The voyage to England, therefore, can be conceived of as an exercise in marketing and reinforcing patronage networks, or in biographical terms as one that Froissart took to recover his lost sense of youth by revisiting old haunts, or in literary terms as one that Froissart took to provide an elegiac note to the closing chapters of his Chronicles.
If we accept this third line of reading, then the passage in the Chronicles begins to take on one of the qualities of Froissart's poetry: it is elaborately self-reflexive. This aspect of his art has been much explored by critics. Sylvia Huot, for example, in her influential study From Song to Book, argues that the recurring images of ink, pen, parchment, and paper in Froissart's poetry are highly symbolic, part of the work's mise en abyme or endless mirroring. Her reading of the Espinette amoureuse offers a good example:
The story of Papirus and Ydoree communicating with each other by means of magic mirrors crafted by Papirus, is the lyrical writer's fantasy of communication over distance through art.... Froissart makes it more explicit that this communication takes place through technical expertise, capitalizing on the association of "mirror" or "speculum" and book. The very name "Papirus" evoking "papyrus" or "papier," associates this story with the process of writing: we recall indeed, that the protagonist of the Espinette had earlier attempted to secure his lady's favor by sending her a "ballade written on paper" (v. 1278). The name "Ydoree" is placed in rhyme position with doree (golden), a quality of the story.... These associations suggest that the relationship of Papirus and Ydoree may be not only that of lover and beloved but also that of story, an imaginative construct, an "ydee doree" (golden idea), and the paper on which it is written. To mediate between author and reader is also to mediate between the imaginative and material worlds--to make a book. The myths employed to inform the successful love relationship--Apollo and Daphne, Papirus and Ydoree--are myths of writing and textual reification. Froissart develops the self-reflexive quality of lyrical poetry, and the equation of poetry and love, into a rarified poetics of the self as writer. (62)
Thus an apparently straightforward love story becomes an allegory of the poet's own act of writing, and the contents of MS 831 tell the story of their own creation.
As Laurence de Looze points out, such a self-referential poetics threatens "any attempt to control the relationship between an event and its re-creation or its reception in and through literature." (63) Alarmingly, such principles can be found not just in Froissart's poetry but also in his Chronicles, whose various scenes of reading or book presentation may equally be literary fictions. Froissart's account of his nocturnal readings of his Meliador to Gaston Phebus, count of Foix, is the salient instance. It is one of the best-known descriptions of a court poet's public reading, yet it is one that is heavily shaped by literary needs. Not only do the dates for the journey to the count's court in the Bearn not work, but the whole story, in which Froissart arrives at the inn of the moon to read at midnight to a lord named after the sun, is too symbolically wrought to be a reliable report, too good to be true. (64) George Diller concludes: "In their aggregate, the dissonant elements that compose the Meliador episode suggest that Froissart may have largely fabricated the passages in which he describes reading his romance before Gaston and his court." (65)
Some would go a step further. Crucial to our approach to MS 831 has been a willingness to draw upon particular aspects of the book's makeup, notably the selection of material, to try to construct plausible hypotheses about how the book itself circulated. Was it presented to Richard or to Woodstock? Is the presence of the Temple d'honneur evidence for connecting it to Woodstock? When and on what occasion did it come into the hands of Richard Beauchamp? But is the effort to ferret out the social circulation of Froissart's poetry, to identify its patrons, piece out its flatteries, and pin down its occasions, fundamentally misguided? One poem that has attracted extensive speculation is Le bleu chevalier, which tells of a grieving knight who intersperses his laments with chansons and virelais. This mysterious knight has been identified with Louis d'Anjou, one of the French hostages sent to England after the treaty of Bretigny in 1360, and with Froissart's great patron Wenceslas of Luxembourg and Brabant. (66) Given that Enguerrand de Coucy, another French hostage in London, was also one of Froissart's major patrons, one could wonder whether he might have served as inspiration for the Blue Knight. The Coucy coat of arms, with its barry of vair and gules, does contain a significant amount of blue. Rupert Pickens argues, on the contrary, that in Le bleu chevalier:
the heraldic details are a siren's song that has lured readers into a preoccupation with historical referentiality; this siren's song has haunted much commentary on [the poem] by instilling a desire to discover the "real" historical identity of the Blue Knight and the nature of his relationship with the "real" Froissart. (67)
Reading the poem as an example of what de Looze has dubbed "pseudo-autobiography," Pickens maintains that the work is one of "narcissistic mirror-play." (68) Froissart's complex intertextual collage, slipping the composition of one of his own works into another, might be taken as a lesson in the impossibilities of establishing firm historical reference.
But the critics should not necessarily have the last word. True, empiricist reconstructions of reading practice are based, inevitably, on a decontextualized and naively literalistic reading of literary evidence as reporting. But the close reading of literary texts entails assumptions about the original material condition of these texts and how they were once read, assumptions that can only be confirmed, modified, or rejected by empiricist reconstruction. (69) In Huot's reading of the Espinette, for example, the meaning of the poem as a reflection on the act of writing is significantly affected by its position in the manuscript. Similarly, for de Looze:
this incessant bookmaking and rewriting that is at the center, physically and thematically, of the Prison amoureuse is ... the center of the center, a book encased in the shell of a framing lai which is enclosed in the Prison amoureuse book which in turn is enclosed in the manuscript collection. (70)
So far, it might seem, Huot and de Looze approach MS 831 with relative historical neutrality. Their reading depends on the order of the contents of the specific manuscript but not on whether the manuscript was the one Froissart presented to Richard or on how Richard himself normally read his books. It does, however, also presuppose a sophisticated interpreter who was in a position to read and reread the manuscript in its entirety. As one critic acknowledges explicitly in the context of a study of the referential poetics of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, "the mandated act of rereading implies the presence of the book and the aesthetics of literacy assume the familiar availability of the stable text for patient renegotiation." (71) This stable text, however, is no mere abstraction: the specific physical features of a particular manuscript and the cultural habits that gave these features meaning would all affect the way the poems were read. When de Looze writes that the "poetics of the mirror thus amounts to a fascination with the parchment on which the story is written," it is time to turn back to the precise physical details of the ink and parchment of MS 831. (72)
Admittedly, the move from literary criticism to paleography is tricky. Figg has characterized the writing in both MSS 830 and 831 as "conservative," finding it "reminiscent of the middle of the fourteenth century rather than the end--and indeed, almost identical in style to manuscripts of Guillaume de Machaut, in whose literary footsteps Froissart followed." (73) Taylor, extrapolating from this, has suggested elsewhere that such a hand might enhance the aura of nostalgia that surrounds the entire voyage of 1395, with its sense that Froissart was aging, King Richard losing vigor, and chivalry itself no longer what it had been. (74) It is tempting to consider the conservative look of the manuscript certainly as an attempt to preserve a past that Froissart must have known was slipping away.
The apparent conservatism of the hand may be deceptive, however. Arguably, the manuscript looks conservative because it was produced in a competent but provincial style, which was not as fast to adopt the latest fashion from the capital, and also because the manuscripts that have sometimes been used for comparison, such as those of Christine de Pizan, are only roughly contemporaneous. Large-format manuscripts written in a cursive hand with lots of miniatures probably became the norm only at the beginning of the fifteenth century, not yet at the end of the fourteenth century, when cursive hands were being used mostly for cheaper products. Christine de Pizan may have been one of the front-runners in the development of this more prestigious use of cursive hands. Perhaps the littera textualis of MS 831 might better be considered traditional, an appropriate choice for a relatively expensive commission. A dignified hand supplemented by the rather ambiguous miniature (and a lack of other expensive decoration) would leave open to Froissart the possibility of presenting such a manuscript to any aristocratic recipient he found himself able to visit. Even if he did initially have these manuscripts prepared with specific patrons in mind, as we have suggested, keeping some flexibility would have been a sensible precaution. In this case, then, it seems that the book as a material object only partially sustains the elevated vision of textual reception offered by the poems themselves.
We return, finally, to the notes left by Richard Beauchamp and Humphrey. What can they tell us about how they or their friends read or otherwise made use of MS 831? Did they read it at all? This is a recurring question, for in the absence of detailed personal glosses, which are all too rare in vernacular texts, there is always a suspicion that the elegant volumes in a patron's library were more admired than read. A well-known instance is the books of Richard II. The list of Richard's books discovered in a memoranda roll in the early 1930s, containing numerous French romances and poetry, was taken by Edith Rickert to confirm the view of Richard as "a fantastic, romantic dreamer, with no power to come to grips with life." (75) Forty years later, Richard F. Green demonstrated that in fact Richard had inherited these books from his grandfather and almost immediately pawned them. Green's conclusion, that "the lists in the Memoranda Roll tell us little if anything about Richard's personal tastes in literature," sounds a general warning. (76) In some cases, and with book owners who led unusually public or well-documented lives, it may be possible to draw connections between biography and reading practice. Richard Beauchamp, for example, rose to the position of royal tutor because of his successful self-presentation as a perfect knight, "a master of signification, adept at the languages of lineage, romance, and courtoisie." (77) The Beauchamp Pageants, an illustrated history of Richard's life, probably commissioned by his daughter Ann some time after the battle of Bosworth, places this encomium in the mouth of the Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund, who said to King Henry V:
that no prince cristyn for wisdom, nortur & manhode hadde such a nother knyght as he hadde of therle of warrewyk, addyng thereto that if al curtesye were lost, yet myght hit be funde ageyn in hym; and so ever after, by the Emperours auctorite, was called the fadre of Curteisy. (78)
As Yin Liu notes, Beauchamp's self-presentation as a chivalric exemplar drew heavily on the conventions of romance; he "invited others to read his actions as literary structures." (79) Beauchamp's career is thus consonant with MS 831, as Beauchamp must have been fully aware. That still does not tell us that he read it closely, but it does suggest that at the very least he made use of its contents.
If the evidence for Beauchamp's reading comes indirectly from his literary self-fashioning, the evidence for Humphrey's reading is far more direct: it comes from his flatterers and from Humphrey's own letters. Thus he writes to the Italian humanist Pier Candido Decembrio acknowledging the receipt of his translation of the first five books of Plato's Republic:
We have read and re-read these books, and with such pleasure that we have determined that they shall never leave our side, whether we be at home or on military service, for if your translation cannot be compared to the divine Plato, nevertheless, it is hardly inferior. (80)
While there is considerable self-idealization in this picture, the implied claim--that Humphrey belonged to a community of scholars by reason of his committed and critical readership--is one that can be confirmed by other evidence. (81) What is more questionable is whether his commitment to serious reading extended to contemporary poetry. The peripheral jottings in MS 831 are ambiguous. They do seem to hint at a world in which courtly flirtation was structured around literary conventions and involved amateur composition of verse and song, a world in which courtiers were brought together (both metaphorically and literally) around a book. (82) On the other hand, this courtly game-playing falls far below the sort of refined attention and complex textual play that Froissart would have wished. If we accept that the recurring hand on the flyleaves is indeed that of Humphrey, then there is a painful disjunction between the poet's vision of his ideal reader and the sordid vicissitudes of his carefully designed book. The great collector of humanist manuscripts, the benefactor of the University of Oxford whose name lives on in one of the great centers of manuscript research, Duke Humfrey's wing of the Old Bodleian, appears here as a sophomoric cad as he scribbles down this unfortunate slight to his wife in his compendium of amour courtois.
MS 831 offers a particularly sharp contrast between the dense and at least partially documented social nexus in which Froissart's poetry circulated and a complex self-referential poetics that seems to render any external reference problematic. This conjuncture raises fascinating methodological problems. Arguably, a manuscript is a fundamentally different thing depending on the disciplinary or cultural perspective you bring to bear on it. Perhaps this position seems too aggressively postmodern in its denial of the possibility of a single objective description of a manuscript; what is clear enough, however, is that MS 831 means very different things in different disciplines or scholarly groups. If it is either the book Froissart presented to Thomas of Woodstock or the book he presented to Richard, then MS 831 is part of English cultural history while also being part of French (or Picard) literature; it is both a literary text and a physical object; it is first a definitive compilation of a late-fourteenth- century author, then the possession of a dashing English aristocrat who made his name a generation later, and finally the possession of a major humanist patron. In each stage of its transmission, it presents itself differently to a different group of scholars, each of which approaches this single object with its own professional discourse and standards of proof.
Godfried Croenen, University of Liverpool
Kristen M. Figg, Kent State University, Salem
Andrew Taylor, University of Ottawa
This paper originated in a session on "The Fascination of the Parchment and the Poetics of the Mirror" at the conference "Recovering Reading" at Queen's University, Belfast, in April 2004. We would like to thank our hosts on that occasion, Stephen Kelly and John Thompson, who provided us with the occasion to explore possible points of contact between empiricist manuscript studies and poststructuralist literary criticism, and would also like to thank the funding bodies that made it possible. Godfried Croenen's research for this paper was funded by a Small Research Grant from the British Academy, and Andrew Taylor's by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. We would also like to thank Professor David Trotter, Dr. Antheun Janse, Dr. David Rundle, Dr. Stella Panayotova, and Dr. Ian Doyle for their advice and assistance and Professor Christopher Allmand, who commented on an earlier draft of the paper.
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(1.) Baron [Joseph Marie Bruno Constantin] Kervyn de Lettenhove, Guvres de Froissart. Chroniques, 26 vols. (Brussels: V. Devaux, 1867-1877), 15: 167; our translation.
(2.) Roger Chartier, Forms and Meanings: Texts, Performances, and Audiences from Codex to Computer, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane et al. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), 39-40.
(3.) Joyce Coleman, Public Reading and the Reading Public in Late Medieval England and France (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 132; Erik Inglis, "A Book in the Hand: Some Late Medieval Accounts of Manuscript Presentations," Journal of the Early Book Society 5 (2002): 57-97 (64); Andrew Taylor, "'Moult bien parloit et lisoit le franchois' or Did Richard II Read with a Picard Accent?" in The Vulgar Tongue: Medieval and Postmedieval Vernacularity, ed. Fiona Somerset and Nicholas Watson (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 138.
(4.) Derek Pearsall, Old English and Middle English Poetry (London; Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1977), 190.
(5.) Nigel Saul, Richard II (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997),13 and 361, mentions the presentation scene but does not identify the manuscript. Patricia Eberle, "Richard II and the Literary Arts," in Richard II: The Art of Kingship, ed. Anthony Goodman and James Gillespie (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 248- 249, explicitly states that "the manuscript is not extant" but refers to the suggestion made by Elizabeth Salter that the manuscript at Pleshey "sounds similar to the volume Froissart presented to Richard." Erik Inglis, "Book in the Hand," 63-64, discusses the presentation at some length but adds: "I do not know if this volume has survived" (76 n. 29).
(6.) Kristen M. Figg, "The Narrative of Selection in Jean Froissart's Collected Poems: Omissions and Additions in BN MSS fr. 830 and 831," Journal of the Early Book Society 5 (2002): 37-55 (40).
(7.) Sylvia Huot, From Song to Book: The Poetics of Writing Old French Lyric and Lyrical Narrative Poetry. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), 241.
(8.) Figg, "Narrative of Selection," 41.
(9.) Ibid., 42-43.
(10.) Ibid., 47 nn. 8-9.
(11.) A. Scheler seemed less convinced by the hypothesis but saw it certainly as a possibility that fr. 831 might have been the manuscript offered to Richard II. Peter F. Dembowski, Jean Froissart. Le paradis d'amour. L'orloge amoureus. Edition avec notes, introduction et glossaire (Geneva: Droz, 1986), 8, also sees this as a possibility and concludes, "je crois que A [MS 831] a ete execute expres pour un 'client' anglais, en toute probabilite Richard II." Anthime Fourrier, Jean Froissart. L'espinette amoureuse, 2nd ed. (Paris: Klincksieck, 1972), 11 n. 1, mentions the Beauchamp ex libris in some detail and refers passingly to the others: "Sur les gardes premiere et derniere on dechiffre (parfois assez malaisement) un certain nombre d'inscriptions accompagnees de noms propres: nous nous reservons d'en faire le sujet d'une etude que nous publierons a part." This promised essay has never been published. Later editors of the poetry have all relied on Fourrier's description of the MS but have been silent about the other notes.
(12.) Kristen M. Figg and R. Barton Palmer, eds. Jean Froissart: An Anthology of Narrative and Lyric Poetry (New York and London: Routledge, 2001), ix.
(13.) Paulin Paris, Les manuscrits frangois de la Bibliotheque du Roi, leur histoire et celle des textes allemands, anglois, hollandois, italiens, espagnols de la mime collection, 7 vols. (Paris: Techener, 1836-1848), 6: 383-384: "Or, c'est dans cette annee 1394 que Froissart retourna en Angleterre, et tout doit nous porter a croire qu'il y transporta ce volume qui porte sur les gardes des preuves evidentes de l'ancienne possession des Anglois [sic]. Ainsi d'abord sur la premiere garde: 'Se livre est a Richart le gentil feals, conte de Warrewick.--C'est bien Saison [sic], Jacque de Baviere.--Plus leide n'y a. Jaque de Bauviere.--Plus belle ny a que my, Wagny [sic].--Beau promettre et rien donner fact la fole reconforter. Tornich.' Sur la derniere garde: 'Sans plus la laide, Jaque a Gloucester. Nulle si belle. A. Warigny.--Crainte en espoir. Goigner.--Sans plus vous, belle Gloucester,' etc. etc."
(14.) Ibid., 1.1: 389. Susan H. Cavanaugh, "A Study of Books Privately Owned in England: 1300-1450," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1980, 1.79-80, simply repeats Paris's transcription.
(15.) Ruth Putnam, A Mediaeval Princess, being a true record of the changing fortunes which brought divers titles to Jacqueline, Countess of Holland, together with an account of her conflict with Philip, Duke of Burgundy, \40\-\436 (New York and London: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1904), 305-306.
(16.) It has been suggested that the Beauchamp ex libris might be in John Shirley's hand. See Margaret Connolly, John Shirley: Book Production and the Noble Household in Fifteenth-Century England (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1998), 115.
(17.) This is a family from the duchy of Guelders (around Nijmegen). A certain "Borre van Doorninck" received in 1444 a horse as payment from the executors of Jacqueline of Bavaria for an outstanding debt resulting from his service to Jacqueline over the course of several years. Borre's sister Alice (possibly Liskyn in our notes) was married to Floris van Kijfhoek, one of Jacqueline's closest advisors. A well-known nineteenth-century Dutch antiquary and genealogist, P. N. van Doorninck, seemed to have had wind about the inscriptions in MS 831 but mistakenly thought they were to be found in a manuscript of Froissart's chronicles, now in Toulouse (Bibl. Municipale, MS 511). In 1892 he wrote to the librarian at Toulouse asking for a transcript. We give the text of his letter below. Oddly enough, he quotes the saying attributed to Dornic, but in a (mock?) medieval Dutch. Inquiries about this made among colleagues in Holland have not resulted in the identification of his source.
Bennebroek pres de Haarlem
le 26 octobre 1892
Monsieur le Directeur
Je vous prie de me donner une petite information.
Dans la bibliotheque publique a Toulouse doit se trouver un manuscrit de Froissard donne par lui-meme pendant un sejour en Angleterre a la reine Philipinne.
Ce manuscrit a ete dans la possession du Duc de Glocester, 3e epoux de la Comtesse de Hollande Jacqueline de Baviere.
Une [sic] de mes ancetres attache a [sic] la cour de la comtesse a ecrit sur une des premieres pages le dicton suivant en Hollandais:
Veel beloven en weinig gegeven
doet de gekken in vreugde leven.
Borre v. Doornic.
Vous m'obligerez infiniment en m'envoyant une copie ou calque de ces mots.
Agreez l'assurance de ma consideration tres distinguee,
P. N. de Doorninck
(Toulouse, Bibliotheque Municipale, ms 511 [letter pasted onto second flyleaf])
(18.) The reference to the "wilde Warrewik," a reading suggested by Ian Doyle in private conversation with Godfried Croenen, is also intriguing, as it might be taken to indicate that even at this early stage the manuscript was known to Richard Beauchamp, earl of Warwick.
(19.) Putnam, Mediaeval Princess, 308.
(20.) Ibid., 308-309.
(21.) Warwick actually died in Rouen, Paris having been lost to the French since 1436.
(22.) The current name is Wargnies. Wargnies-le-Grand and Wargnies-le-Petit are near Le Quesnoy, to the south of Valenciennes. H. S. Bennett, Six Medieval Men and Women (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1955), 13, writes about Gloucester after leaving his wife in Hainault in 1425: "Although he wrote from Calais he would soon be back, he had, in fact, turned his affections elsewhere. 'Dame Jacque la desiree,' as she was sometimes called, had in her train a certain Madame de Warigny, and it looks as if she entertained Gloucester for part of his sojourn in Hainault," but his only source for the story appears to be Putnam's account, which in turn is based on the notes in MS fr. 831.
(23.) David Rundle, e-mail correspondence with Godfried Croenen, August to November, 2004 and September 2007.
(24.) Examples of Humphrey's hand can be seen in Alfonso Sammut, Unfredo, duca di Gloucester e gli umanisti italiani (Padua, Italy: Editrice Antenore, 1980), pl. II; Albinia de la Mare and Stanley Gillam, Duke Humfrey's Library and the Divinity School 1488-1988: An Exhibition at the Bodleian Library, June-August 1988 (Oxford: Bodleian Library, 1988), frontispiece; B. L. Ullman, "Manuscripts of Duke Humphrey of Gloucester," in Studies in the Italian Renaissance, 2nd ed., ed. B. L. Ulman (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1973), pl. 11. Relatively little is known about the vernacular manuscripts owned by Humphrey duke of Gloucester. The surviving booklists, all edited by Sammut, refer only to his donations of Latin manuscripts to the University of Oxford. The only vernacular manuscripts known to have belonged to Humphrey are those that carry his ex libris. For Humphrey's French books, see Sammut, Unfredo, duca di Gloucester, 98-132, nos. 5-6, 14-16, 32-37; de la Mare and Gillam, Duke Humfrey's Library; and most recently David G. Rundle, "Two Unnoticed Manuscripts from the Collection of Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester," Bodleian Library Record 16 (1998): 211-224, 299-313, and Alessandra Petrina, Cultural Politics in Fifteenth-Century England: The Case of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2004), 153-258.
(25.) The names at the end of some of the entries when they are introduced by "A" might possibly be those of addressees, as the manuscript was being passed around among a group of five or six (Gloucester, Jacqueline de Baviere, Wargnies, Van Doorninck, Sottes =? the joker, Heemstede, Liskyn =? diminutive form of Lisa [Elisabeth or Alice], possibly the same as Van Doorninck). Rather than each phrase being the statement made by the person whose name is mentioned at the end, it could be that one person made the statement, expecting a reaction from whoever is named next. That might explain why a capital letter is used for "A." Thus "C'est bien raison A Jaque de Baviere" would mean "This is true/reasonable indeed. To Jacqueline de Baviere." An extra difficulty is, of course, that many of the entries are written by the same (Gloucester's?) hand, so one would have to imagine Gloucester writing down the statements made by different people in some kind of courtly verbal tournament. The meaning of the abbreviated phrases and mottoes is, of course, even more difficult to ascertain.
(26.) Anthony Goodman, The Loyal Conspiracy: The Lords Appellant under Richard II (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1971), 79-81, 84. Goodman devotes a whole chapter to "The Character of Thomas of Woodstock," in which he also analyzes the library. He suggests that some of the manuscripts may have been inherited from Woodstock's wife's family. Lucy Freeman Sandler, The Lichtenthal Psalter and the Manuscript Patronage of the Bohun Family (London and Turnhout, Belgium: Harvey Miller, 2004), 17, who has most recently studied the Bohun manuscripts, is of the opinion that most of the books mentioned in the inventory "had probably been at Pleshey for some time, comprising a library available to various members of the Bohun household." This may help to explain why Humphrey's widow, Joan de Bohun, was able to give away some manuscripts in her will. See Nicholas Harris Nicolas, Testamenta vetusta: Being illustrations from wills, of manners, customs, etc. as well as of the descents and possessions of many distinguished families from the reign of Henry the Second to the accession of Queen Elizabeth. 2 vols. (London: Nichols and Son, 1826), xxix-xxx, 148-149. Goodman does not comment on the book which we tentatively identify as the collection of Froissart's poetry. M. V. Clarke, "Forfeitures and Treason in 1388," in Fourteenth-Century Studies, ed. M. V. Clarke (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1937), 115-45, briefly discusses the libraries of Guy de Beauchamp and Thomas of Woodstock, stating that "both, especially Gloucester [i.e., Thomas of Woodstock], probably received many books as presents" (122).
(27.) Kervyn de Lettenhove, Guvres de Froissart, 15: 120, emphasis added.
(28.) Ibid., 1.1.386.
(29.) Ibid., 16: 1-28 and 71-76.
(30.) Elizabeth Salter has probably been closest to identifying the Pleshey manuscript as Froissart's MS. She writes in "Chaucer and Internationalism," in English and International: Studies in the Literature, Arts and Patronage of Medieval England, ed. Derek Pearsall and Nicolette Zeeman (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 239-44, "The collection of books confiscated from Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, in 1397, usually characterized by literary historians as highly orthodox in its predilection for romances, may contain, under deceptively general titles, verse of the Conde-Machaut-Froissart kind: 'j large livre de Tretes amoireux et moralitez et de carolles frannceis bien esluminez.' This is not unlike the description given by Froissart of the handsome volume of poems which he presented to Richard II in July 1394 [sic]: 'tous les traites amoureux et de moralite que ... je avoie par la grasce de Dieu et d'Amour fais et compiles'" (244). Ardis Butterfield, "French Culture and the Ricardian Court," in Essays on Ricardian Literature in Honour of J. A. Burrow, ed. A. J. Minnis, Charlotte C. Morse, and Thorlac Turville-Petre (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 82-120, strangely enough, does not refer to Froissart's gift to Richard II in 1395. In a footnote referring to Salter's essay, she focuses exclusively on the possibility that the Pleshey MS contained Machaut poetry (91 n. 18).
(31.) Viscount Dillon and W[illiam]. H. St. John Hope, "Inventory of the Goods and Chattels Belonging to Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, and Seized in his Castle at Pleshy, co. Essex, 21 Richard II (1397), with Their Values, as Shown in the Escheator's Accounts," Archaeological Journal 54 (1897): 275-303 (303), abbreviations resolved; cf. William St. John Hope and Cuthbert Atchley, "An Inventory of Pleshy College, 1527," Transactions of the Saint Paul's Ecclesiological Society 8 (1917-1920): 160-172. See also Jean-Philippe Genet, "Les princes anglais et l'histoire a la fin du Moyen Age," in Les princes et l'histoire du XlVe au XVllle siecle. Actes du colloque organise par l'Universite de Versailles-Saint- Quentin et l'Institut Historique Allemand, Paris/Versailles, 13-16 mars 1996, ed. Chantal Grell, Werner Paravicini, and Jiirgen Voss (Bonn, Germany: Bouvier Verlag, 1998), 270, discussing the Woodstock collection. Thomas's son and heir was kept imprisoned after 1397. Part of the Pleshey Castle library went to Pleshey College, a foundation of the duke; another part must have passed to the duke's widow, who bequeathed some of these books to her children; cf. Genet, "Les princes anglais," 267 n. 18. The book of love poetry does not reappear in the booklist of the Pleshey College Library nor in the will of Thomas of Woodstock's widow. See Nicolas, Testamenta vetusta, 146-149. The duke's armor was sent to the Tower of London in 1399. See Dillon and St. John Hope, "Inventory," 287.
(32.) Although the title seems very general and--one could assume--may refer to some other compilation, we have not been able to find anything which comes close, having checked the inventories of the French royal library, of the duke of Berry's library (Leopold Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V. 2 vols. [Paris: H. Champion, 1907]; Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque imperiale/nationale. Etude sur la formation de ce depot comprenant les elements dune histoire de la calligraphie, de la miniature, de la reliure, et du commerce des livres a Paris avant l'invention de l'imprimerie. 3 vols. [Paris: Imprimerie imperiale/Imprimerie nationale, 1868-1881]), of the library of the dukes of Burgundy (Georges Doutrepont, La litterature frangaise a la cour des ducs de Bourgogne [Paris: Champion, 1909]; Patrick M. de Winter, La bibliotheque de Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne (1364-1404): Etude sur les manuscrits a peinture d'une collection princiere a l'epoque du "style gothique international" [Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1985]), the various smaller French libraries studied by Delisle (Le cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque imperiale), and of the English libraries whose booklists have so far been edited by the British Academy.
(33.) One might of course interpret the whole phrase "tretes amoireux et moralitees et de carolles fraunceis" as the opening rubric. Alternatively, and this would be the interpretation that fits best in our hypothesis, one could interpret only the beginning of this as a copy of the opening rubric, with carolles fraunceis being a more general description added by the compiler to indicate that the MS contained poetry and songs rather than prose treatises. Froissart does not use the term caroller in the Paradis, but he does use it several times in the Espinette and even more in the Joli buisson. In each case the context seems to suggest actual dancing. The same usage, which links caroller to feasting and dancing, seems to have been part of Froissart's vocabulary and is found regularly in his Chronicles. See George T. Diller, ed., Froissart. Chroniques. Livre I. Le manuscrit d'Amiens. Bibliotheque municipale n 486, 5 vols. (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991-1998), 1: 88 and 3: 290; George T. Diller, ed., Froissart. Chroniques. Derniere redaction du premier livre. Edition du manuscrit de Rome Reg. lat. 869 (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1972), 95; Simeon Luce, et al., eds., Chroniques de J. Froissart, 15 vols. (Paris: Societe de l'histoire de France, 1869-1888), 1: 76, 6 : 96, 7: 64, 9: 136, 11: 196, 13: 161, 14: 133; Peter Ainsworth and Alberto Varvaro, eds., Jean Froissart, Chroniques, Livre III (du Voyage en Bearn a la campagne de Gascogne) et Livre IV (annees 1389-1400) (Paris: Livre de Poche, 2004), 375. 34. Anthime Fourrier, ed., Jean Froissart, Dits et debats (Geneva: Droz, 1979), 29-37.
(35.) These would include John of Gaunt's son, Henry of Derby (father of Humphrey, duke of Gloucester), who, through his father's machinations, married the other daughter, Mary, thus gaining the other half the Bohun inheritance (Kervyn de Lettenhove, Guvres de Froissart 1:623-624; and Saul, Richard II, 140 n. 21). The Bohun family was associated with a group of six illuminated manuscripts, five of which are discussed by M. R. James and E. G. Millar and a sixth, London, British Library MS Egerton 3277, by Carol Meale, "The Miracles of Our Lady: Context and Interpretation," in Studies in the Vernon Manuscript, ed. Derek Pearsall (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer; Rochester, NY: Boydell & Brewer, 1990), 115-136 (127). See also Lucy Freeman Sandler, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles, vol. 5, 1285-1385 (London: Harvey Miller, 1986), 2: 151-154, 157-159, 161-163; nos. 135, 13, and 140; and, most recently, Sandler, The Lichtenthal Psalter, 11-28 and appendix 1, 163-165, identifying no less than eleven manuscripts.
(36.) In this regard, it is worth noting that Thomas of Woodstock apparently received a manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques de France from the Duke of Burgundy during the peace talks at Leulinghen. This manuscript is mentioned in the will of Thomas's wife as "a chronicle of France in French, with two clasps of silver enamelled with the arms of the Duke of Bourgoyne." See Nicolas, Testamenta vetusta, 148. John of Gaunt, in his will of February 3, 1397, mentions "the piece of arras which the Duke of Bourgoyne gave me when I was at Calais." See ibid., 141. Presumably the presents must have been given and received on the same occasion. The Duke of Burgundy received a copy of this text (belles croniques de france) from Gilles Mallet, the keeper of the royal library, on New Year's Day 1396. See Jan Hirschbiegel, Etrennes: Untersuchungen zum hofisch Geschenkverkehr im spatmittelalterlichen Frankreich der Zeit Konig Karls VI (1380-1422) (Munich, Germany: Oldenbourg, 2003), 106.
(37.) Edward Maunde Thompson, ed., Chronicon de Adae de Usk (London: H. Frowde, 1904), 161.
(38.) Saul, Richard II, 366, 378.
(39.) Gervase Mathew, The Court of Richard II (London: Murray, 1968), 164.
(40.) Saul Richard II, 387.
(41.) E. F. Jacob, The Fifteenth Century, 1399-1485 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), 20.
(42.) Brigitte Buettner "Profane Illuminations, Secular Illusions: Manuscripts in Late Medieval Courtly Society," Art Bulletin 74 (1992): 75-90; and Buettner, "Past Presents: New Year's Gifts at the Valois Courts, ca. 1400," Art Bulletin 83 (2001): 598-625; C. Chattaway, "Looking a Medieval Gift Horse in the Mouth: The Role of the Giving of Gift Objects in the Definition and Maintenance of the Power Networks of Philip the Bold," Bijdragen en mededelingen betreffende de geschiedenis der Nederlanden 114 (1999): 1-15; Natalie Davis, "Beyond the Market: Books as Gifts in Sixteenth-Century France," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 33 (1983): 69-88; Hirschbiegel, Etrennes, esp. 100-110.
(43.) Figg, "Narrative of Selection," 47 n. 9.
(44.) It is possible to read fauls as an alternative spelling for feauls (loyal); cf. Paulin Paris, Les manuscrits frangois de la Bibliotheque du roi, leur histoire et celle des textes allemands, anglois, hollandois, italiens, espagnols de la mime collection, 7 vols. (Paris: Techener, 1836-1848), 6: 384. We have not been able to locate this form in the Anglo-Norman dictionary or elsewhere, but Frederic Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue frangaise et de tous ses dialectes, 10 vols. (Paris: F. Vieweg, 1880), 3: 735, mentions these alternative spellings for fealte: faute, fautei, fauteit, and faulteit. David Trotter has suggested that while the exact form has not been attested and the construction is a little odd (since an et might be expected between the adjectives), "loyal" (feal) seems the more likely reading (e-mail correspondence with Godfried Croenen, November 2, 2004).
(45.) For a general account of the siege, see Kenneth H. Vickers, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester: A Biography (London: A. Constable, 1907), 70-74.
(46.) Ibid., 418.
(47.) Ibid., 417. The inscription of the volume tells us, "Cest livre fut envoye des parties de France et donne par Mons. le regent le royaume, duc de Bedfort, a Mons. le duc de Gloucestre, son beau-frere, l'an mil quatre cens vingt sept." See C. Kohler, Catalogue des manuscripts de la bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve, 2 vols. (Paris: Plon, 1893), 1: 376; and Jenny Stratford, The Bedford Inventories: The Worldly Goods of John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France (1389-1435) (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1993), 96.
(48.) Vickers, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 417; Petrina, Cultural Politics, 188.
(49.) On the acquisition of books by Duke Humphrey and the dispersal of his collections after his death, see, most recently, David G. Rundle, "Habits of Manuscript-Collecting: The Dispersals of the Library of Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester," in Lost Libraries: The Destruction of Great Book Collections since Antiquity, ed. James Raven (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), 106-124.
(50.) M. Boone, "Jaqueline of Bavaria in September 1425, a Lonely Princess in Ghent?" The Ricardian. Journal of the Richard III Society 13 (2003): 75-85 (84 n. 42).
(51.) Jennifer Anderson and Elizabeth Sauer, eds. Books and Readers in Early Modern England: Material Studies (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), 1.
(52.) Ibid., 5.
(53.) Kervyn de Lettenhove, Guvres de Froissart, 15: 141-142. Froissart's text here seems slightly confused, since he includes the lord of Coucy as one of the four lords to whom he had talked about his plans, but then specifically rules him out when he lists the ones who had given him letters of credence. The confusion may be the result of scribal intervention. Both Denis Sauvage and J. Alexandre Buchon have the reading "trois" instead of "quatre" in their editions. See Denis Sauvage, ed. Histoire et chronique de messire Jehan Froissart, 4 vols. (Lyon: De Tournes 1559-61), 4: 190; and Jean Alexandre C. Buchon, ed., Les Chroniques de Sire Jean Froissart, 3 vols. (Paris: A Desrez, 1835-1836), 3: 198. Kervyn de Lettenhove choose the so-called Breslau MS as his base manuscript, but the readings in this witness are often idiosyncratic, and its scribe, David Aubert, was clearly in the business of "improving" his text. See Alberto Varvaro, "Problemes philologiques du Livre IV des Chroniques de Jean Froissart," in Patrons, Authors and Workshops: Books and Book Production in Paris around 1400, ed. Godfried Croenen and Peter Ainsworth (Leuven, Belgium; Dudley, Mass.: Peeters, 2006), 275-276.
(54.) Godfried Croenen, Mary Rouse, and Richard Rouse. "Pierre de Liffol and the Manuscripts of Froissart's Chronicles," Viator 33 (2002): 261-283, esp. 275- 277; and Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Illiterati et Uxorati: Manuscripts and Their Makers, Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris, 1200-1500, 2 vols. (London: Harvey Miller, 2000), 2:39.
(55.) Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, "La miniature a Valenciennes: Etat des sources et apercu chronologique de la production (fin XIVe-1480)," in Valenciennes aux XlVe et XVe siecles: Art et histoire. Recueil d'etudes, ed. Ludovic Nys, and Alain Salamagne (Valenciennes, France: Presses Universitaires de Valenciennes, 1996), 181-200 (194-198).
(56.) Maurits Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures from the Eighth to the Mid-Sixteenth Century: The Medieval World on Parchment (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1999), 222-223. A complete description of Valenciennes MSS 768-770 by Marie-Pierre Dion with black-and-white reproductions of all the miniatures can be found in Pierre Cockshaw and Christiane Van den Bergen-Pantens, eds. Les Chroniques de Hainaut ou les ambitions d'un prince bourguignon (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2000), 240-241. Two of the miniatures (pls. 3 and 4) offer a striking resemblance to the miniature in MS 831. The complete opening page is also reproduced in Scriptorium, 57 (2003) 2: pl. 17.
(57.) There are further relations to be explored between the artistic style found in MS 831, the Annales Hannonie manuscript at Valenciennes, and the London copy of the Life of the Black Prince, on the one hand, and a group of manuscripts produced in a related style in the Low Countries but destined for the English market, on the other hand. These may give us further clues to understand better the wider context in which the exchange of manuscripts across the Channel took place. A group of illuminated manuscripts, labeled the Pink Canopies Group by Smeyers, displays the same architectural framing using similar shades of pink to the miniature in MS 831. This group includes at least three Books of Hours illuminated in the southern Low Countries but destined for the English market, as witnessed by the liturgy and the calendar, which contain typical English saints, and the early history of the manuscripts, which were in England as early as the first half of the fifteenth century. The three Books of Hours in question are Cambridge University Library, MS Ii.6.2; London, BL, MS Sloane 2683; and a manuscript now in private hands, Sotheby's sale March 2-9, 1937, lot 834. Color reproductions of full pages or openings of these miniatures can be found in Smeyers, Flemish Miniatures, 203; Eamon Duffy, Marking the Hours: English People and their Prayers, 1240-1570 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 26- 27, 82, 164; and M. Smeyers et al., eds., Naer natueren ghelijke: Vlaamse miniaturen voor Van Eyck (ca. 1350-ca. 1429) (Leuven, Belgium: Davidsfonds, 1993), 90, 109. In all cases the miniatures seem to have been executed on separate pages (singletons) and could thus easily have been transported and inserted into the manuscripts, which may have been copied and assembled elsewhere. While there are stylistic differences in the miniatures (rather than the frames) between the Pink Canopies Group and the Valenciennes manuscripts, it could still be argued that the Pink Canopies Group should be linked to the Valenciennes book trade, rather than to Bruges, as Smeyers does. The Bruges connection has been claimed on the basis of stylistic and iconographic connections between the Pink Canopies Group and the work of the slightly later so-called Ushaw Master, whose eponymous work is a Sarum Book of Hours copied by Jan Heineman in Bruges in 1409, according to the colophon. See Nicholas Rogers, "Oxford, University College MS. 5: A Flemish Book of Hours for a Dominican Nun," in Flanders in a European Perspective: Manuscript Illumination around 1400 in Flanders and Abroad. Proceedings of the International Colloquium Leuven, 7-10 September 1993, ed. Maurits Smeyers, and Bert Cardon (Leuven, Belgium: Uitgeverij Peeters, 1995), 219-235 (224-225). Valid as these art-historical arguments may be, they are not conclusive, and it is possible that the Pink Canopies Group, whose production is earlier and should be dated to the final decade of the fourteenth century, could have been native to Hainault rather than to neighboring Flanders. If this alternative location for the Pink Canopies style is plausible, then this would add weight to our view that the artist of MS 831 was also selected on the basis of his appeal to the English patron.
(58.) See Godfried Croenen, "Froissart et ses mecenes: Quelques problemes biographiques," in Froissart dans sa forge: Colloque reuni a Paris, du 4 au 6 novembre 2004, par M. Michel Zink, professeur au College de France, membre de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, ed. Odile Bombarde (Paris: Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 2006), 9-32.
(59.) Michel Zink, Froissart et le temps (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1998), 13.
(60.) Peter F. Ainsworth, Jean Froissart and the Fabric of History: Truth, Myth, and Fiction in the Chroniques (Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 24.
(61.) Ibid., 23.
(62.) Huot, From Song to Book, 310. On the symbolic significance of the book in Froissart's poetics, see also Jacqueline Cerquiglini-Toulet, La couleur de la melancolie: La frequentation des livres au XlVe siecle, 1300-1415 (Paris: Hatier, 1993); and Cerquiglini-Toulet, "Demembrement et devoration: Une structure de l'imaginaire poetique de Jean Froissart," in Froissart dans sa forge. Colloque reuni a Paris, du 4 au 6 novembre 2004, par M. Michel Zink, professeur au College de France, membre de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, ed. Odile Bombarde (Paris: Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 2006), 91-103.
(63.) Laurence de Looze, Pseudo-Autobiography in the Fourteenth Century: Juan Ruiz, Guillaume de Machaut, Jean Froissart, and Geoffrey Chaucer (Gainesville, University Press of Florida, 1997), 114.
(64.) George T. Diller, "Froissart's 1389 Travel to Bearn: A Voyage Narration to the Center of the Chroniques," in Froissart across the Genres, ed. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998), 56-57.
(65.) Ibid., 57.
(66.) Normand R. Cartier, "Le bleu chevalier," Romania 87 (1966): 289-314; James I. Wimsatt, "The Dit dou Bleu Chevalier: Froissart's Imitation of Chaucer." Mediaeval Studies 34 (1972): 388-400.
(67.) Rupert T. Pickens, "History and Narration in Froissart's Dits: The Case of the Bleu chevalier," in Froissart across the Genres, ed. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998), 120.
(68.) Ibid., 146.
(69.) Thus Pickens, "History and Narration," 146, concedes that "some works require digging into the seemingly extraliterary areas of fourteenth-century culture in order to bring fully to light the cultural literacy in terms of which the works must be read."
(70.) De Looze, Pseudo-Autobiography, 126.
(71.) Dolores W. Frese, An Ars Legendi for Chaucer's Canterbury Tales: Re-Constructive Reading (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1991), 116.
(72.) De Looze, Pseudo-Autobiography, 110.
(73.) Figg, "Narrative of Selection," 40.
(74.) Taylor, "Moult bien parloit," 140-141.
(75.) Edith Rickert, "King Richard II's Books," The Library, 4th ser., 13 (1933): 144-147 (147).
(76.) Richard Firth Green, "King Richard II's Books Revisited," The Library, 5th ser., 31 (1976): 235-239 (238).
(77.) Yin Liu, "Richard Beauchamp and the Uses of Romance," Medium Aevum 74 (2005), 271-287 (280).
(78.) Viscount Dillon and W[illiam]. H. St. John Hope, Pageant of the Birth, Life, and Death of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, K. G., 1389-1439 (London: Longmans Green, 1914), xxxv.
(79.) Liu, "Richard Beauchamp," 275.
(80.) Vickers, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 361.
(81.) Susanne Saygin, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (1390-1447) and the Italian Humanists (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2002); J. B. Trapp, "The Humanist Book," in The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, vol. III, 1400-1557, ed. Lotte Hellinga and J. B. Trapp (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 293-95.
(82.) Such literary flirtation is described by Richard Firth Green in Poets and Princepleasers: Literature and the English Court in the Late Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), ch. 4; and Green, "Le roi qui ne ment and Aristocratic Courtship," in Courtly Literature: Culture and Context, ed. Keith Busby and Erik Kooper (Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1990), 211-225.
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|Author:||Croenen, Godfried; Figg, Kristen M.; Taylor, Andrew|
|Publication:||The Journal of the Early Book Society for the Study of Manuscripts and Printing History|
|Article Type:||Critical essay|
|Date:||Jan 1, 2008|
|Next Article:||The narrative functions of John Rastell's printing: The Pastyme of People and Early Tudor "Genealogical" Issues.|