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Anglo-American War reporting 1749-63: the press and a research strategy.

On 30 April 1748, the Treaty of Aix la Chappelle ended the War of the Austrian Succession and its American counterpart, King George's War. Clearly the treaty had left vital issues unsettled, and planning for renewed conflict continued despite the official cessation of hostilities. (1) Covert military activities persisted almost without interruption in North America, leading by 1754 to a renewal of the Seven Years War, which ended with the Peace of Paris in 1763. (2)

In Britain and North America, military topics were a key feature of public debate and media coverage throughout this period, whether in newspaper, periodical, or pamphlet form. Though, as yet, professional war correspondents did not exist, news being primarily conveyed by civilian writers and, occasionally, actual battle participants, the "culture of print" became a major vehicle for public information, comment, and discussion on issues of military/strategic importance in both Britain and overseas. Similarly, it engendered discussion, if not controversy, within parliament--adding depth to political debates in London-and on more than one occasion, demonstrably influenced ministerial decisions on vital affairs of state. (3) The aim of this essay is to reincorporate the military dimension of press debate for the Seven Years War period, to suggest some possibly useful sources for this debate, and to highlight a few of the more important, related themes that would repay investigation by scholars.

In his 1987 review of Jeremy Black's The English Press in the Eighteenth Century, Jeremy Popkin noted the relative paucity of studies on the media within the eighteenth-century Anglophone world generally. (4) For the period following the fall of Walpole, in particular, there were few press studies beyond Black's revisionist narrative, Brewer's earlier Party Ideology with its innovative sections on Georgian printed polemics, a collection of critical essays, and R. Rea's and G. A. Cranfield's descriptive surveys, both, however, outdated in terms of interpretation and primary sources consulted. (5)

More specific to the mid-century are Manfred Schlenke's comprehensive study of the printed debates concerning British continental strategy and wartime alliance with Prussia; Marie Peter's Pitt and Popularity, with a solid discussion of Pitt the Elder's use of the press during his two administrations; several theses on the press and imperial concerns; and the insightful work by Bob Harris on the London Evening Post, one of the major metropolitan newspapers of the day. (6)

Obviously, the HanoVerian press has become an increasingly central topic of historical enquiry, especially over the last two decades--employed as a primary source on topics ranging from parliamentary debates, economics, political discourse, social dynamics, and literacy rates to reformist agendas, democratization, as well as women's issues. (7) Important themes in imperial history have also recently been addressed within the context of parliament and the press by P. Lawson, H. V. Bowen, and J. P. Greene, while foreign and domestic policy has been consolidated chiefly through the work of Black. (8) Less studied, by contrast, has been the role of the press in shaping public and ministerial perceptions of military developments during the Seven Years War, and the significance of these perceptions for policy formulation. Thus widening the parameters, if not subtexts, of public writing during the war years would not only add precision to the conceptual framework from which Anglo-Colonial grand strategy emerged; it would also highlight the complex relationship between political decisions and the role played by ideas in determining certain choices of action and legitimating the ones chosen. (9)

By far the best coverage of the eighteenth-century press has centered on broadsheets and pamphlets, those instruments of public debate whose modern counterparts include the editorial page and the blog. (10) Like these modern devices, the pamphlets, magazines, newspapers, and other periodical publications of the Hanoverian era tended to reflect journalism with an agenda: not merely the recounting of facts but the casting of those facts into an argument for the promotion of a particular policy or personality. These arguments, in turn, tended to be mediated by the rhetorical idiosyncrasies of individual polemicists and their patronage affiliation, and hence obligations, at any given moment. The result was often haphazard selectivity or partisan bias in terms of themes stressed, campaigns chronicled, and commanders profiled. Moreover, much of the eighteenth-century war news (as with foreign intelligence) presented media purveyors with a considerable problem. (11) In gathering foreign information, papers gradually developed an international communications network, whereby countless people were involved in collecting and passing on intelligence, "with virtually nobody in the network attached to it by anything more than the most casual kind of arrangement." (12) In other words, the system was cumbrous and complex, loosely-knit, and frequently undependable--resting as it did on derivative impersonal, if not questionable, sources. This reflected an essentially constant news-gathering system which remained unchanged until the 1830s with the advent of speedier transport links. Still, since attempts at critically evaluating news were usually, made, the eighteenth-century English press, in whatever format, was generally considered a reputable source of information, eagerly pursued by king, nobleman, and commoners alike, especially during the Seven Years War, "the great running story of the colonial era." (13)

During the Seven Years War, three of the major broadsheets in London were the Test, Contest, and Monitor. The first argued largely in favour of the Fox-Cumberland faction, and the latter two were generally sympathetic to the circle of William Pitt the Elder. (14) These papers were especially active during the crisis of party between March 1754 and June 1757, when both Fox and Pitt scrambled for power in the aftermath of Henry Pelham's death. (15) Such was their rivalry, and the rivalry of factions after the accession of George III in 1760, that excerpts from these broadsheets regularly made their way into the gazettes. (16) Though concerned primarily with domestic issues, the above essay journals also presented foreign and war news--some adapted from continental (mainly Dutch and French publications or the government-sponsored Gazetteer). Other items were obtained from actual participants in campaigns or direct observers, functioning as forerunners of what were later to become war correspondents. (17) Matters discussed included the loss of Minorca (1756), Admiral Byng's subsequent trial, the unsuccessful Rochefort expedition, the military exploits of Frederick the Great, whose 1757 victory over the French at Rossbach and the Austrians at Leuthen made him a national hero, as well as key events in the New World. Prussia's success especially, by favorably influencing parliamentary opinion, promoted the Pitt ministry's controversial policy of continental intervention, until then a highly contentious issue, and helped turn the political liability of European involvement into a positive strategic asset. (18) Throughout this process the press via its varied sources supplied both substance and interpretative commentary to the arena of parliamentary debate.

Although many of these sources remain obscure, one promising avenue of identification, requiring further research, is the role of diplomats and consular agents abroad in providing intelligence on happenings in Europe. Given the geographical extension of the British diplomatic network throughout this period and the fact that British diplomatists were expected to provide their superiors with confidential data not obtainable from the printed Gazettes, it is not unlikely that some might have been tempted to supplement their generally meager incomes by privately disclosing notable items to enterprising publishers always anxious to improve the channels for receiving the latest foreign news. (19) Here the papers of Andrew Mitchell, British envoy to Prussia (1756-71) and companion to King Frederick on major campaigns; Robert Keith, minister in Vienna (1748-57) and St. Petersburg (1758-62); Hanbury Williams, envoy in Russia (1755-7); and Edward Weston, who, as undersecretary of state, pamphleteer, and editor of the London Gazette uniquely straddled the world of journalism and diplomacy, would likely prove useful. (20)

Somewhat different in nature were the pamphlets of the day, some of them numbering more than a hundred pages. Many argued for lines of policy that were thought to be for the public benefit, often employing reasoned argumentation rather than the florid prose of the broadsheets. For their more reasoned approach, however, pamphlets were no less popular, and certainly played an even greater role in influencing policy, for many were reviewed in monthly or weekly periodicals, with wide circulation in the capital as well as the provinces.

One typical pamphlet from this period was Archibald Kennedy's observation in 1750 on the importance of Britain's colonies in North America. (21) Therein, he argued to Henry Pelham and the administration in London that British North America would benefit from free trade and from its ability to contribute materials and manpower to the Royal Navy. Conversely, the pamphlet was among the first to note the economic background to what would become the American War of Independence, citing grievances by the colonists regarding the imbalance of their trade, particularly as opposed to the West Indies and their neighbors and competitors in Canada.

Much more influential was Israel Mauduit's Considerations on the Present German War, published in 1760, at the height of the Seven Years War. Born in 1708, Mauduit began his career as a dissenting minister and woolen trader in the city of London, subsequently becoming agent for Massachusetts in England in addition to preaching in Protestant chapels and writing political pamphlets. Although involved in the earlier press controversy surrounding the loss of Minorca, it was the Considerations that established his reputation as a leading polemicist. Selling over 5,000 copies in five editions within a few months, the pamphlet was a compelling attack on Pitt's continental policy, and on the large army commitment and resultant expenditures this required. (22) Mauduit's work ignited a frenetic press debate on Britain's proper strategy in her conflict with France which continued throughout the remainder of the war, turned many former supporters against the German War, and substantially influenced the increasingly isolationist policies of Lord Bute and other top ministers. (23) Although rebuttals appeared immediately, attempting to offset the decisive impact Mauduit's polemic had made, none quite succeeded either in substance or style. (24) Indeed, Mauduit--in part through further anti-German tracts--appears to have increased his influence on public opinion in general as the war progressed, both in London and nationally. (25) Of course, Mauduit could not claim to have firsthand frontline experience, but the effect, in varied quarters, of Mauduit's broadside against unfettered expansionism has been established, and it would be valuable to trace the genesis of his key operative assumptions, as well as that of his critics. A first step would be to identify the relevant, available archival sources. Material in English public archives on this topic is interspersed among the Hardwicke MSS, the Liverpool MSS, the Grenville (Dropmore) Papers, and the Egmont MSS, all located in the British Library. (26) Further documents can be found among the private correspondence of ministers with press connections, such as Lord Bute, the Duke of Bedford, and Lord Barrington. (27) In the United States, clues to Mauduit's colonial/maritime perspective, so vividly developed in his pamphlet, may emerge from the Hutchison-Oliver family papers and the manuscripts of James Otis, both on deposit at the Massachusetts Historical Society in Boston. These sources, and possibly others, need to be carefully analyzed and integrated before the press debate over strategic priorities, which mirrored wider discussions of the war, can be properly understood.

For those of the reading public interested in unbiased and reasonably current news there was no substitute for the gazette. Several gazettes in both London and the colonies noted on their front covers that they contained "the freshest advices" from both domestic and foreign sources. Their contents were not only a source of information and discussion for the common public, but also the highest echelons of diplomacy and government. Despite the considerable Prussian intelligence apparatus, Frederick the Great and his envoys used gazettes as a barometer of relations with their neighbours. (28) In May 1756, the King of Prussia received advance intelligence from the gazettes about the first Austro-French Treaty of Versailles and, in July, he again used the gazettes as grounds for suspecting the British ministers of lingering Austrophilia. (29) Later in the war Frederick's envoys in London sent a special copy of the London Gazette announcing the capture of Montreal and the successful culmination of Britain's campaigns in Canada. (30) They employed the same source to report on Bedford's unsuccessful motion for the withdrawal of British forces in Germany (5 February 1762) and were involved with journalists for this paper in their clandestine attempts to unseat

Bute during the summer of 1762 in retaliation for his alleged abandonment of Prussia. (31)

Likewise, added to their own spies and intercepted letters, ministers in Britain depended on gazettes for intelligence from abroad. (32) At the nadir of British relations with Austria in 1757, British envoy Robert Keith mostly sent home the Vienna Gazette--a supplement to advices already being received and printed in London. (33) Later that year, Britain's Northern Secretary used gazettes to keep track of the campaign in Hanover, and privately complained to a subordinate that he had no other source of intelligence. (34)

The gazettes were also employed in propaganda clashes abroad, for example in neutral Venice. There, in November 1756, British envoy James Murray commented on the local authorities' eagerness to receive news from Bohemia,
 ... which we seldom have any true account of, but what comes from
 the London Gazette, and from papers that the King of Prussia causes
 to be frequently laid before the college; the Ministers of Vienna
 endeavoring by all arts imaginable to conceal the true state of
 their affairs: to which purpose M. Kaunitz writes every Post to
 Count Rosenberg, which letter is read before three or four
 newsmongers, who immediately fly all over town to disperse it, and
 is as immediately contradicted as the Post arrives from Holland, so
 that the news from Vienna is at present very little credited here.

Furthermore, in 1758 the British envoy at The Hague noted the French gazettes' account of their victory at Ticonderoga but seeming ignorance of the defeat at Louisboug. (36) It was not the bombast, nor even so much the bias of the gazettes that made them such potent propaganda weapons, but their reputation for conveying accurate, reliable news from places abroad.

Sometimes the gazettes were mistaken. Earlier in 1757, the London Chronicle printed a then-current rumor that 38,000 Prussians were in full march towards Riga. (37) A year later, the South Carolina Gazette reported British envoy Robert Keith's first audience with the Czarina as taking place on 15 March, while the envoy himself reported his welcoming audience five days before. (38) These inaccuracies were ultimately trivial, but show nonetheless that the information gathered by the gazettes was not necessarily perfect.

If the advices printed in the gazettes were fairly accurate, some of the supposed first-hand accounts were rather less so. Although Washington's journal of the 1754 campaign seems a fairly faithful reproduction of events, despite errors in translation, his account of the Battle at Fort Necessity in the Virginia Gazette contains several blatant inconsistencies. (39) Much more accurate was the Providence Gazette's account of the Newfoundland expedition in 1762. (40)

In the same edition of the Providence Gazette, readers were treated to an extensive survey of military activities in Europe, one of many examples of how the gazettes could offer relatively accurate reporting all over the Atlantic world. (41) Much the same applied to the Pennsylvania Gazette--a publication reputed for its preoccupation with European (and to a lesser extent Caribbean and Canadian) affairs. (42) Thus, almost as soon as it was known in Europe, readers in Philadelphia were aware that Austria's Empress-Queen, Maria Theresa, had opened a new military academy at Wiener Neustadt. (43) Meanwhile, the Maryland Gazette informed its subscribers of activities in the French port of La Rochelle. (44)

Early in 1758, it was not only Frederick in Silesia but the well-to-do in Charleston, North Carolina, as well, who knew about the Swedish problems with starvation and desertion in the besieged port of Stralsund. (45) Perhaps most significant of all, however, were reports in the London Chronicle of an emerging French strategy to use Quiberon Bay as an assembly point for troops and ships--information which helped Admiral Hawke, in November 1759, to achieve the most decisive naval victory of the Seven Years War. (46) A further crucial service performed by the gazettes, particularly in the colonies, was to make public announcements. Thus, it was from the gazettes that Marylanders learned on 15 November 1753 of the important letter from Britain, dated 28 August, that effectively opened the Seven Years War in North America. (47) Some four-and-a-half years later, it was by the same means that South Carolinians learned how the Northern colonies were playing their part against the French. (48) Colonial gazettes--often relying on selected first-hand accounts--also influenced Anglo-American perceptions of the French and their native allies--views that evolved over the course of the war, from initially grave concerns about Franco-Indian successes to relief and recovered confidence once Britain proved successful on the continent and the high seas. (49) Here, still awaiting further analysis--though a beginning has been made--is the question of how colonial newspapers actually acquired their information and the reliability of these sources. (50) Another nebulous sphere is how cultural differences between British and Americans--soldiers, officers and settlers--not to mention their respective geographic locales, influenced their sometimes divergent attitudes towards the French-Indian alliance and its wartime implications. (51) More adequate coverage is also needed of how commercial interests in both Britain and America were galvanized by the conflict with France and how the press--given the links between foreign trade and war--responded to their need for up-to-date information affecting the mercantile community at large. One promising lead could be the private correspondence of prominent merchants, captains, and ship owners on both sides of the Atlantic reflecting currents of immediate priorities and concern. (52) Similarity the papers of William Beckford, prominent Pitt supporter, leading East Indies trader, and sponsor of the Monitor, published from 1755, would likely provide clues to the interconnection between economic commitments, editorial perspectives, and political agendas in a wartime setting. (53)

Closely integrated into the intellectual life of Augustan England, their contents a huge storehouse of materials on a rich diversity of themes, were the literary magazines--many short-lived, but some still attracting admiration for their journalistic and editorial qualities. Those that survived appealed to the public's craving for political and military news, making the war a key subject for these periodicals which, in lively prose, chronicled the incidents and issues apt to command popular attention. (54) Like pamphlets, literary magazines reflected and shaped the opinions of Britain's (as well as America's) reading public, and, like many pamphleteers, writers of magazine essays often maintained authorial anonymity--raising the problem of attribution in addition to that of identifying the sources drawn upon by journalists, especially when commenting upon current events, whether domestic, foreign, or military. (55) Some progress in this direction has been made, as in the now dated work by B. C. Nangle on The Monthly Review, but many contributors of other leading journals, including The Court Magazine, The Imperial Magazine, The Literary Magazine, and The London Magazine--all publications providing military and foreign news still await precise identification. (56) Even the writers of The Critical Review, whose first editor, Tobias Smollett, featured incisive sections on military developments abroad and overseas (some of which he produced himself), remain largely unknown as do those of the Monthly Review, edited for over fifty years by Ralph Griffiths, whose contacts in the literary and political world were legion. (57) Since there is an ongoing debate about the correlation between press activity, parliamentary politics, and public opinion, further research on the above topics might cast new light, for instance, on rising aversion to the continental war displayed in the Commons by the fall of 1761--an aversion fuelled, at least in part, by news stories of corruption within the German Commissariat, shortages of vital supplies, and shocking if frequently exaggerated, yet widely publicized, accounts by officers on leave of appalling hardships suffered by the British forces serving in Germany. (58) Although inclusion of this material was often motivated by nonpolitical criteria, for example, the desire to boost sales, its publication appears to have struck a wide resonance and helped create a political response, in some measure inimical to Pitt's interventionist continental war policy during the years 1760-61. As such, war reporting constitutes an integral part of that "content analysis"--literary, linguistic, and stylistic--which enhances our understanding of the press as a means of political communication and its place in the ministerial and public debates at this time, not to mention its putative impact on policy formulation. War reporting does this in combination with other specific press ingredients set within shifting political contexts, thus providing a guide to the operative assumptions of those engaged in political debate and a bridge between "public opinion" (however defined) and official policymaking. (59)

(1) Compare Representation and address to the Govemor, Island of Barbados, 7 Feb. 1748; Clements Library (William Mildmay Papers) vol. 1 (unfoliated) Newcastle to Hardwicke, 25 Aug. 1749. BL Add MSS. 35410, ff 128-30; Halifax to Newcastle, 12 Apr. 1749. Ibid., 32732, ff 450-451; K.W. Schweizer, War, Politics and Diplomacy (Lanham, Maryland, 2001) pp. 1-3.

(2) For the most recent thematic account, incorporating North American and European dimensions see: M. Schumann and K.W. Schweizer, The Seven Years War: A Trans Atlantic History (London, 2008).

(3) Compare K.W. Schweizer, Statesmen. Diplomats and the Press: Essays on 18th Century Britain (Lewiston, New York, 2003), pp. 165-67; idem, (ed.) Parliament and the Press 1689-1939 (Edinburgh, 2006); J. Black, "Parliament and Foreign Policy, 1739-1763" Parliament, Estates and Representation, XII (1992), pp. 121-42. A. Gee, "English Provincial Newspapers and the Politics of the Seven Years War," (MA Thesis, University of Canterbury, 1985); J.J. Mathews, "The Genesis of Newspaper War Reporting," Journalism Quarterly (winter, 1952) pp. 3-17.

(4) J. Popkin, Eighteenth Century Studies, 21 (winter, 1987) pp. 265-68.

(5) M. Harris and A. Lee (eds.), The Press in English Society from the 17th to the 19th Century (Cranbury, 1986); J. Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular Politics at the Accession of George 111 (Cambridge, 1976); R. Rea, The English Press in Politics. 1760-1774 (Lincoln, Nebraska, 1963); G.A. Cranfield, The Development of the Provincial Newspaper 1700-1760 (Oxford, 1962). Even older monographs badly in need of modern replacements include: L. Hanson, Government and the Press 1695-1763 (Oxford, 1936); S. Morison, The English Newspaper (London, 1932); A.S. Collins, Authorship in the Days of Johnson (London, 1927); G. Nobbe, The North Briton: A Study in Political Propaganda, (New York, 1939); W. Graham, English Literary Periodicals (New York, 1930).

(6) Compare M. Schlenke, England und das friderizianische Preussen, 1740-1763 (Freiburg, 1963); M. Peters, Pitt and Popularity (Oxford, 1980); A. Gee, "English Provincial Newspapers," passim; P.J. Thomas, "Imperial issues in the British Press 1760-1782," (D. Phil. Diss., Oxford, 1982); G Boyce, J. Curran, P. Wingate (eds.), Newspaper History from the 17th Century to the Present Day (London, 1978); K.W. Schweizer and J. Black (eds.), Politics and the Press in Hanoverian Britain (Lewiston, New York, 1989); B. Harris, "The London Evening Post and Mid Eighteenth Century British Politics," English Historical Review, 110 (Nov. 1995) pp. 132-56; idem., Politics and the Rise of the Press (London, 1996); M. Peters, "Historians and the 18th Century English Press" New Zealand Journal of History and Politics, IV (1987), pp. 37-51.

(7) See H. Barker and S. Burrows, Press, Politics and the Public Sphere in Europe and North America, 1760-1820 (Cambridge, 2002); J. Sommerville, The News Revolution in England: Cultural Dynamics of Daily Information (Oxford, 1996); N. Rogers, Crowds, Culture and Politics in Georgian Britain (Oxford, 1998); J. Black, The English Press 1621-1861 (Stroud, United Kingdom, 2001). On women's issues see K. Schweizer and J. Black, Politics and the Press in Hanoverian Britain, p. 119. Compare E. Charles and H. Barker (eds.), Gender in Eighteenth Century England: Roles, Representation and Responsibility (London, 1997).

(8) On imperial history see S. Taylor, R. Connors and C. Jones (eds.), Hanoverian Britain and Empire: Essays in Memory of Philip Lawson (Woodbridge, 1998) pp. xiii-xxiv; P. Lawson, The Imperial Challenge: Quebec and Britain in the Age of the American Revolution (Kingston, 1994); idem. (ed.), Parliament and the Atlantic Empire (Edinburgh, 1995); idem., "The Irishman's Prize, Views of Canada from the British Press, 1760-1775," Historical Journal, XXVIII, (1985), pp. 57596; H.V. Bowen, Revenue and Reform, The Indian Problem in British Politics 1757-1773 (Cambridge, 1991); idem., Elites, Enterprise and the Making of the British Overseas Empire, 16881775 (Basingstoke, 1996); J.P. Greene, Peripheries and Center: Constitutional Development in the Extended Politics of the British Empire and United States, 1607-1788 (New York, 1987).

Black's works are too numerous to list here. For introductory perspectives see: J. Black, "Parliament, the Press and Foreign Policy," in K. Schweizer, Parliament and the Press, pp. 9-16; J. Black, A System of Ambition: British Foreign Policy 1660-1793 (London, 1993); idem. (ed.), British Politics and Society from Walpole to Pitt (London, 1990).

(9) As illustrated for an earlier period by Robert McJimsey, "Shaping the Revolution in Foreign Policy: Parliament and the Press, 1689-1730," in Schweizer, Parliament and the Press, pp. 18-31.

(10) J. Black, The English Press 1621-1861, passim; idem, "Press and Politics--the Age of Walpole," Durham University Journal, 77 (1984), pp. 87-93; M. Harris and A. Lee (eds.), The Press in English Society, pp. 19-25.

(11) D. Wharmann, "Virtual Representation: Parliamentary Reporting and Language of Class in the 1790's," Past and Present, no. 136 (1992), p. 83-113; M. Harris, "The Management of the London Newspaper Press," Publishing History, IV (1978), pp. 95-112.

(12) Mathews, "The Genesis of War Reporting," p. 7.

(13) F.L. Mott, American Journalism A History: 1690-1960 (New York, 1962), p. 52. Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular Politics; J. Black, The English Press 1621-1861, ch. III; pp. 78-84; A. Gee, passim.

(14) Peters, Pitt and Popularity, passim; idem., "The Monitor 1755-1765: A Political Essay Paper and Popular London Opinion," (PhD. University of Canterbury, 1974); K.W. Schweizer, William Pitt, Earl of Chatham 1708-1778, (Westport, Connecticut, 1993), pp. 67-70; R.D. Spector, English Literary Periodicals and the Climate of Opinion During the Seven Years War (The Hague, 1966), pp. 18-19, 36-40, 68-73, 95-107.

(15) J.C.D. Clark, Dynamics of Change: The Crisis of the 1750"s and English Party Systems (Cambridge, 1982).

(16) Letter from Solomon Humblebee to the Test, 28 Dec. 1756, London Chronicle, vol. I (8 Jan. 1757) p. 26a. Extract from the Monitor, 10 Aug. 1762 in Providence Gazette, vol. I (13 Nov. 1762) pp. 1a-1b.

(17) Mathews, "The Genesis of War Reporting," passim; Test, no. 3. (27 Nov. 1756), pp. 10-13; no. 16 (26 Feb. 1757), p. 86. Monitor, I (10 Jan. 1756), pp. 200-201. For an earlier period see: J. Black, "The United Provinces and the British Press, 1725-1737: Newspaper Abuse and Public Complaints," Quarendo, 17 (1987), pp. 134-37.

(18) M. Schlenke, England und as Friderizianische Preussen (Munich, 1963) passim; Spector, English Literary Periodicals, pp. 18-38; 40-47; 111-15; K.W. Schweizer, War, Politics and Diplomacy, pp. 44-45; pp. 47-48; Gentleman's Magazine, 27 (Nov. 1757) pp. 522ff. George, Prince of Wales to Bute, Nov. 1757. Bute MSS/Mt. Stuart 8/75.

(19) D. B. Horn, The British Diplomatic Service 1689-1789 (Oxford, 1961), p. 281. We know with certainty that opposition MP's often received papers relating to foreign negotiations, for partisan purposes from envoys with anti-ministerial sympathies, ibid., pp. 195-196.

(20) Compare, P. Doran, Andrew Mitchell and Anglo-Prussian Diplomatic Relations During the Seven Years War (London, 1986), pp. 187-211, 278-295. For Mitchell's correspondence see: BL Add. MSS 6804-6870; 11260-11262.

In addition to Keith's official correspondence in the National Archives, Kew and the British Library, further largely neglected documents may be found in the National Library of Scotland [ACC. 9769-72/1/1-32].

Concerning Hanbury Williams, see Central Library, Newport, South Wales (M411-012).

For the papers of Edward Weston see BL Add MSS 57305-57308; 57927-57928; 58213; and ten volumes in the Lewis Walpole Library, Farmington, CT; a smaller collection is still privately owned by Dr. John Weston--Underwood, Mill St. House, Iden Green, Kent, England. For an index to these see: K. W. Schweizer, "A Handlist to the Additional Weston Papers," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 51 (1978), pp. 99-102; compare idem, "Edward Weston: The Papers of an 18th Century Under Secretary in the Lewis Walpole Library," Yale University Library Gazette, 71 (Oct. 1996), pp. 43-48; idem., "Edward Weston (1703-1770)," Dictionary of National Biography, (Oxford, 2004), vol. 58, pp. 285-286. The manuscripts of John Almon, bookseller and publisher (BL Add MSS 20733) and at Duke University Library have also not been examined adequately in this regard.

(21) A. Kennedy, Observations on the Importance of the Northern Colonies under Proper Regulations (New York, 1750).

(22) For the loss of Minocrca see I. Mauduit, A Letter to the Right Hon. Lord being an Enquiry into the Merits of his Defence of Minorca, (London, 1756). Concerning attacks on Pitt see J. Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular Politics at the Accession of George III (Cambridge, 1976), pp. 145-46; Strahan Ledgers, BL Add MSS 48000, ff 129-32.

(23) K. W. Schweizer, "Foreign Policy and the 18th Century English Press: The Case of Israel Mauduit's Considerations on the Present German War," Publishing History, 39 (1996), pp. 45-53; idem., "A Note on Israel Mauduit's Considerations on the Present German War," Notes and Queries, 225 (1980), pp. 45-46.

(24) M. Peters, Pitt and Popularity, pp. 184-85.

(25) Further Considerations on the Present German War (London, 1761); Occasional Thoughts on the Present German War (London, 1761). H. Walpole, Memoirs of the Reign of George Ill (London, 1894), I, p. 33; Symmer to Mitchell, 30 Jan. 1761; Feb. 1761. BL Add MS S. 6839, ff 2089.

(26) For the Hardwicke papers see Add MSS 35910; for Liverpool see Add MSS 38204-38221; 38470; for Grenville (Dropmore) papers see Add MSS 57808-57832; for Egmont see Add MSS 46920-7213.

(27) See Mt. Stuart Isle of Bute; Woburn Abbey, Bedfordshire; and East Suffolk County Record Office, Ipswich, respectively.

(28) Geheimes Staats-Archiv (GSTA) Berlin, Series 63.

(29) Frederick to Knyphausen, ibid., Rep 11. 89. 197. f6. The treaty itself was concluded on 1 May; the communication systems of the day were not capable of having brought the news to Berlin in only three days, so the gazettes must have gotten wind earlier from leaks or unofficial sources. Frederick to Michell, 3 July 1756. Ibid., Rep 96.32J-K. f 142.

(30) London Gazette Extraordinary, 6 Oct. 1760; ibid., Rep 96.33 D. ff 56-59.

(31) For Bedford's motion see Knyphausen to Frederick II. 9 Feb. 1762, ibid., Rep 96.33, F. ff 5253; and for attempts to unseat Bute see K.W. Schweizer, War, Politics and Diplomacy, pp. 172-73. R. Lodge, Great Britain and Prussia in the 18th Century, (London, 1923), pp. 134-36. Grenville to Mitchell, 29 Jun. 1762 (secret). NA. S.P. 90/80. Knyphausen to Frederick, 25 Jun., 16 Jul. 1762. GSTA. Rep 96.33. F. ff 202-3, 226-27.

(32) NA. S.P. 81/127-143; Ibid., 107/63-91.

(33) NA. SP. 80/198; compare Letter from Dresden, 19 Dec. 1756; London Chronicle, vol. 1, nr. 3. (6 Jan. 1757), p. 17a.

(34) Holdernesse to Mitchell, 16 Sept. 1757 (most private) BL. Eg. MSS 3460, f269.

(35) Murray to Fox, 19 Nov. 1756. N.A. SP 99/66.

(36) Yorke to Holdernesse, 5 Sept. 1758, ibid., 84/482.

(37) London Chronicle, vol. 1, nr. 9 (20 Jan. 1757), p. 69b.

(38) Keith to Holdernesse, 10 Mar. 1758 NA. SP 91/66.

(39) D.H. Kent (ed.), Contrecoeur's Copy of George Washington's Journal for 1754 (Pennsylvania Historical Society, 1952), and for Washington's account of the Battle of Fort Necessity see "Williamsburg, 19 Jul. 1754," Virginia Gazette, nr. 1848 (19 Jul. 1754) pp. 2b-3a.

(40) Providence Gazette, vol. 1, nr. 1 (20 Oct. 1762) pp. 2c-3b.

(41) Foreign affairs, Providence Gazette; 1 (1755), pp. 2a-2b; The Maryland Gazette, (Annapolis) 21 Mar. 1755.

(42) R.L. Menit, "The Colonists Discover America, Attention Patterns in the Colonial Press, 1735-1755," William and Mary Quarterly, 21 (1964), pp. 270-87.

(43) Letter from Vienna, 25 Dec. 1751 (OS), Pennsylvania Gazette, nr. 1216 (2 Apr. 1752), p. 1c.

(44) London, 11 Aug. 1752, Maryland Gazette, nr. 398 (21 Dec. 1752), p. 2a.

(45) South Carolina Gazette (14 Jul. 1758), p. 1b.

(46) Brest, 5 Jan. 1757, London Chronicle, vol. 1, nr. 14 (1 Feb. 1757), p. 112b; "London News," Ibid., vol. 6, nr. 444, (1 Nov. 1759), pp. 417c-418a; compare with R.F. Mackay, Admiral Hawke, (Oxford, 1965), pp. 239-54.

(47) Circular letter to the colonial governors, 28 Aug. 1753, NA. CO. 5/6 ff 92-93; Annapolis, 5 Nov. 1753, Maryland Gazette, nr. 445, (15 Nov. 1753), pp. 2a-2b.

(48) South Carolina Gazette, volume unknown, (16 Jun. 1758?), p. 1b.

(49) For Anglo-American perceptions of the French and their allies see Pennsylvania Gazette, (Philadelphia) 2 May 1754; New York Mercury, 13 May 1754; London Magazine, Mar. 1755, p. 121; May 1755, p. 235-236. For a brief and generally superficial overview of this topic see: C. Kostov, Terror and Fear: British and American Perceptions of the French Indian Alliances during the Seven Years War, (Baltimore, 2005). Concerning British successes see ibid., chapter III, A. Starkey, European and Native American Warfare 1675-1815 (Norman, Oklahoma, 1998).

(50) Sidney Kobre, Foundations of American Journalism (Westport, Connecticut, 1958), compare M. and E. Emery, The Press and America: An Interpretive History of the Mass Media (Needham Heights, Massachusetts, 1996).

(51) For promising directions see: F. Anderson, "A People's Army: Massachusetts Soldiers and Society in the Seven Years War," Histoire Sociale (May 1986), pp. 205-10; S. Conway, "From fellow nationals to foreigners: British perceptions of the Americans, 1739-1783," William and Mary Quarterly, 59 (Jan. 2002), pp. 65-100.

(52) A point already emphasized by Jeremy Black and earlier C. Carlson, compare Black, The English Press 1621-1861, pp. 69-70; C.L. Carlson, The First Magazine: A History of the Gentleman's Magazine, (Providence, 1938), pp. 107-8. For an authoritative guide to North American sources (though not exclusively with a mercantile orientation) see: L.H. Gipson, A Guide to Manuscripts Relating to the History of the British Empire 1748-1776, (New York, 1970). The impact of trading concerns on Anglo-American political opinion and high-level decision making is illustrated in: C.H. Lincoln (ed.), Correspondence of William Shirley. 1731-1760, (New York, 1973 reprint). See also Shirley letters in the Nova Scotia Public Record Office (Halifax, Canada), nr. 220; the Huntington Library (London Collection), San Marino, California and the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts, 5 vols. It should be noted that the Companies Index of the National Register of Archives (London) summarizes the records of business firms noted in reports filed in the NRA or otherwise mentioned in printed sources. Compare L.M. Richmond and A. Turton, The Business Archives Council's Directory of Corporate Archives (London, 1987); J. Armstrong and S. Jones, Business Documents, Their Origin, Sources and Uses in Historical Research (1987), Royal Historical Manuscript Commission. Guide to the Collections Described in the Reports and Calendar Series', 1870-1980 (London, 1982).

(53) Beckford's papers may be consulted in the Guildhall Library, London.

(54) Spector, "English Literary Periodicals," p. 14.

(55) A. Sullivan, (ed.), British Literary Magazines 1698-1788, (Westport, Connecticut, 1983), pp. vii-xii.

(56) B.C. Nangle, The Monthly Review, Indexes of Contributors and Articles (Oxford, 1934). See also Sullivan, British Literary Magazines; compare K.W. Schweizer, "The Court Magazine," ibid., pp. 52-57; idem, "The Imperial Magazine," ibid., pp. 167-68.

(57) For information on Tobias Smollett, editor of The Critical Review see ibid., pp. 72-77. Compare L.M. Knapp, Tobias Smollett, Doctor of Men and Letters (Princeton, 1949); C.E. Jones, "Contributors to the Critical Review 1756-1785," Modern Language Notes 61 (1946), pp. 433-41; idem., "The Critical Review's First Thirty Years (1756-1785), Notes and Queries, nr. 3 (1956) pp. 78-80. For information on Ralph Griffiths, editor of the Monthly Review see L.M. Knapp, "Ralph Griffiths, Author and Publisher, 1746-1750," Library, 20 (1939), pp. 205-13; Sullivan, British Literary Magazines, pp. 231-35. During the years he was sole editor, Griffiths recorded after each article in his own file of the Review, the initial letters or an abbreviation of a contributor's name but these are still objects of contention and require further analysis. His file is preserved in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.

(58) For corruption within the German Commissariat see Newcastle to Granby, 3 Nov. 1761. BL Add MSS. 32930, ff 290-92; Newcastle to Prince Ferdinand, 4 Sept., 10 Nov. 1761. NST.A. (Hanover), Hann. 9e. 1086, ff 112-13, 117-21; Newcastle to Bute, 8 Nov. 1761. Bute MSS, Mr. Stuart. For hardships suffered by the British forces see London Magazine, XXX (Nov. 1761) pp. 575-77; Court Magazine, nr. 2 (Oct. 1761) pp. 70-72; nr. 3 (Nov. 1761), pp. 111-12. W.E. Manners, Marquis of Granby (London, 1899) p. 180 if; Gen. Townshend to Bute, 17 Sept. 1761. Bute MSS/Mt. Stuart.

(59) Compare K.W. Schweizer, Parliament and the Press 1689-1939, pp. 1-8; idem., (with J. Black), Politics and the Press in Hanoverian Britain, pp. vii-xxi. See also idem, "Foreign Policy and the 18th Century English Press", p. 50; J. Black, "Parliament, the Press and Foreign Policy," in: Schweizer, Parliament and the Press, ch. I; M. Peters, "Historians and the 18th Century English Press," New Zealand Journal of History and Politics, IV (1987), pp. 37-51.

Karl W. Schweizer holds a PhD from Cambridge University and is professor in the Federated Department of History, Rutgers University and the New Jersey Institute of Technology. His most recent books include: The Seven Years War: A Transatlantic History (with M. Schumann, 2008); The International Thought of Herbert Butterfield (2007); and Parliament and the Press, 1688-1936 (2006). He is also a Fellow of the British Royal Historical Society and the Royal Society of Arts.

M. Schumann holds a doctorate from the University and currently teaches at Eastern Michigan University. In addition to numerous articles, he has published (with K.W. Sehweizer) The Seven Years War: A Transatlantic History (2008) and is presently completing a new study of the Diplomatic Revolution.
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Date:Sep 22, 2008
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