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Analytical chemistry in Canada: an historical outline.

Analytical Chemistry in Canada: An Historical Outline

In view of what appears to be a significant revival of interest in the history of chemistry, it seems to be an appropriate time to gather together the scattered information concerning some of the early work and workers in chemistry in Canada. The following account deals with analytical chemistry, the principal experimental activity in which the very small numbers of early practitioners in the country engaged.

Remember that when we go back much more than a century the technical and industrial development of Canada was not far advanced. Such industrial installations as were in place owed much to the basic requirements of building, transportation and agriculture; and the arts of making bricks and mortar, iron and steel, and so forth, owed much more to tradition and empirical refinement by craftsmen than to scientific or technical expertise. Chemistry, as a contributor to industrial production, was little appreciated here, or in Europe, until well into the 19th century.

An important strategy for the intelligent study of history is to be able to think about all, or as many as possible, of the circumstances at the time. It makes a big difference to the rate of transmission of information whether one is thinking of a time before or after the installation of the first transatlantic cable or the overland telegraph. If we are going to talk about chemistry or the role of chemists in the 19th century, for instance, we need to know what was going on and who, and perhaps how many, were doing what.

Chemistry in Britain

We are fortunate that two books have been published that give, in the context of Britain at least, a great deal of information about the place of chemistry and of chemists in contemporary society. The titles of these books are The Practising Chemists and Chemists by Profession. They are histories, respectively, of the Society for Analytical Chemistry and the Royal Institute of Chemistry, each of which have by now become assimilated into the present Royal Society of Chemistry.[1,2]

A reader of these quickly discovers that a man (and there isn't even anything to discuss about women at this stage) would have very few opportunities to find employment based on chemistry in Britain until about the last quarter of the 19th century. There were, of course, scientific amateurs like Davy, Cavendish, or Wollaston, men of independent means; and there were others who held institutional appointments, like Faraday at the Royal Institution, or Joseph Black, a university professor at Edinburgh, or John Dalton, a school teacher near Manchester. But these often had to supplement their incomes in other ways. Few people remember that Faraday journeyed twice a week for 22 years to Woolwich to lecture to officer cadets at the Royal Military Academy, or that he did scores of analyses of water and other materials on a fee basis.[3] Dalton took in private pupils, and earned money on the side from lecturing, writing, and even by carrying out some commercial analyses. Black collected fees from his students in the lecture room, where he kept a scale to weigh the coins and so protect himself against fraud. In more ways than this Black was a pioneer in the use of weighings to help in the interpretation of his chemical investigations. And that story serves as a reminder that we should credit Archimedes with pioneering work in physical methods of analysis. It is known that the famous bathtub story, culminating with his delighted cry "Eureka, I have it!", came about because he had been commissioned to investigate the suspected adulteration of the metal in a gold crown on behalf of Hieron, the tyrant of Syracuse. From differences in specific gravity he was able to determine how much silver a dishonest goldsmith had substituted for gold in the crown.

There were in 19th-century Britain a number of men engaged in manufacturing chemistry who made it their business to keep up with practical knowledge of the chemical arts. These were mainly proprietors or members of families of proprietors; rarely were persons employed except as occasional consultants to provide chemical information. The impression is rapidly gained that much of the chemical manufacturing of the time was carried out empirically, and with little regard to efficiency or to the quality of the product. Not until 1882 was the Society of Chemical Industry formed to bring together manufacturing and commercial chemists in various areas of Britain.

The two associations (mentioned previously) came into being shortly after measures were introduced by the British government to control widespread adulteration of food, to regulate the qualifications and activities of dispensing pharmacists (often called chemists), and to specify skills (including some analytical chemistry) required of persons appointed as medical officers of health. As might be expected, these actions in Britain eventually generated a requirement for such personnel in the British `colonies', including Canada. It was probably this demand that led to the introduction of training in experimental chemistry in the Canadian universities.

Chemistry in Canada

At Toronto, Henry Croft, a pupil of Mitscherlich in Berlin, took up his appointment as the first professor of chemistry and experimental philosophy at King's College, later to be the University of Toronto, in 1842. He was a versatile scientist, a popular teacher, and a man of many accomplishments.[4] Among these was his eminent skill in forensic science; in this he drew upon thorough knowledge of toxicology and evident ability in analytical chemistry. Not many detailed records of trials in which he was an expert witness have survived, but one well-documented case was known as the Yorkville Poisoning Case. This occurred in 1861 and involved a pharmacist named Richard Hoare, who styled himself as Dr. Hoare, and who presumably in error provided medication as a worming powder containing considerable amounts of strychnine. The child to whom the dose was administered died after convulsions. Croft's evidence included his analysis of the child's organs, as well as of other portions of the medication that had not been given to the child.[5] The jury rendered a verdict of guilty against Hoare, who had been charged with manslaughter.

Early in 1846, three years after his arrival in Toronto, Croft published what appears to have been his first Canadian scientific paper, describing his analysis of water from the Tuscarora Sour Spring near Brantford, Ont.[6] He later published other papers dealing with the composition of mineral spring waters, some of which included his own analyses. However, the sequel to the first paper was a bizarre exchange of communications in which Croft challenged the ability and integrity of the recently appointed chemical assistant to the Geological Survey of Canada, E.S. DeRottermund; and the latter, in a vituperative response, revealed himself as more skilled in insolence than in chemistry.[7] In initiating this debate, Croft had pointed out that "his character as an analyst must fall to the ground if his (DeRottermund's) statements should be proved to be correct". However, but before these entertaining communications had all appeared in print, DeRottermund's appointment with the Geological Survey had been terminated.

Croft was also involved with the oil industry that sprang up in the late 1850s in Lambton County, near Port Sarnia, Ont. He was engaged as a consultant by James Miller Williams, of Hamilton, Ont., a man who could justifiably be termed Canada's first oil baron. The Ontario crude proved to be quite `sour', containing a lot of mercaptans and other sulfur compounds giving off a foul smell. Croft worked out processes akin to those successfully employed for the deodorizing of oil distilled from coal in Scotland, and later in the United States. By the summer of 1859 before Drake had drilled his famous well in Pennsylvania, Williams was offering for sale lamp oil deodorized by Croft's process.[8] A couple of years later, Croft had an opportunity to display his scientific acuity, as well as his knowledge of analytical chemistry, in another matter related to the Ontario oil. It was soon after Perkin's discovery of the chemical dye mauve, by which he had opened up the prospect of an entire dye industry based on oils or tars resulting from the distillation of coal. Some entrepreneurs in the oil business, aided and abetted by one Henry Youle Hind - a professor of chemistry and geology at Trinity College, Toronto, then an institution independent of the university - were trying to entice investment in an oil business by encouraging the idea that the Ontario petroleum could also be the feedstock for a wealthy dye industry. At a Canadian Institute meeting, then the most distinguished scientific body in Upper Canada, Croft attacked this proposal and demonstrated, as a good analytical chemist might, that there was no detectable amount of benzene in the petroleum, and therefore no prospect of making aniline-type dyes from it.[9]

Chemistry in Ontario

When University College was built at Toronto in 1859, provision was made for a chemical laboratory as an ornamental round annex at the southwest corner of the building. For some time, however, this laboratory played only a minor role in the teaching or learning of experimental chemistry on the part of the students, although there were written examinations in practical chemistry as early as 1859. Croft took groups of students into the laboratory to demonstrate experimental procedures, but `hands-on' practical experience does not appear to have been provided until the 1870s, and then only to the extent of 30 hours in the final year. In 1860, Croft had written a book describing a "course in practical chemistry as adopted at University College, Toronto", and a revised edition of this appeared 10 years later. This manual gave directions for many laboratory arts, including making a burette (or alkalimeter, as Croft called it) and included descriptions of tests for drugs and poisons, doubtless for the benefit of intending medical students. In 1874, Croft also published a small booklet, Tables for Simple Qualitative Analysis, a subject already dealt with in the manual, perhaps to serve as a handy recipe book "at the bench". The lack of laboratory practice in this instance seems to have been fairly typical of the times. Even in Berlin, where Croft had received his scientific education, there was no teaching laboratory until after 1865. There, Hofmann made the construction of a large chemical laboratory by the Prussian Ministry of Education the price of his return to Germany from England.

In the 1870s, the Ontario government established a School of Technology in downtown Toronto, not without a good deal of opposition. It was then relocated to the university grounds and renamed the School of Practical Science. Croft helped plan the new facility. One significant feature was the presence of teaching laboratories for the use of students in both the university and the school of science. Thus, in the summer of 1878, Croft moved out of University College. His good friend and former pupil W.H. Ellis, by now instructor in chemistry at the School of Technology, moved uptown. Finally, the two men were able to allocate much more time to teaching practical chemistry.

Ellis, who also had a degree in medicine, made forensic chemistry his specialty, and like Croft was soon in demand for court cases.[12] As early as 1871 he was called upon to make analyses for the Attorney General's Office in Ontario. Both Ellis and Croft contributed new procedures to analyse drugs and poisons. For instance, some tests included in Croft's manual are believed to be original; and by today's standards it is unusual for tests of such materials to be part of a student exercise. Ellis applied the spectroscope to characterize haemoglobin in 1903, and corpuscle studies to identify human blood stains in 1904. Ellis' case book, now in the archives of the Centre for Forensic Science in Toronto, shows that between 1896 and 1912 he was receiving material for analysis on an average of one sample per month. Much of the work consisted of analysis of the remains of humans and animals. However, he also conducted an extensive correspondence as a resource person for coroners and physicians seeking information or advice about poisoning cases. For many years Ellis also held a professorial appointment in the Faculty of Medicine at Toronto, teaching toxicology and medical jurisprudence. In 1875, he was appointed a public analyst for the Toronto area, and performed many analyses related to suspected cases of adulteration of food (of which there was a great deal going on), and also analyses on alcoholic beverages in connection with assessment of taxes on these.

When Croft retired from the University of Toronto in 1879, his successor was another German-trained Englishman, W.H. Pike. At the end of 1882 Ellis was made professor of applied chemistry in the School of Practical Science, and responsible for much of the teaching of analytical chemistry to students in arts as well as those in the school. Until the early 1890s, all the laboratory work in the second, third, and fourth years was quantitative analysis; thereafter preparations of inorganic and organic substances were added. Pike added in 1892-93 what has since become a distinctive feature of Canadian chemical education, namely a fourth-year research project; he was much influenced to do so by his experience in the German universities where he had studied.

The Entomological Society of Canada and

Its Founders

The number of people interested and working in science in Canada then was so small that it is not surprising to find frequent interactions among them. One of Croft's non-chemical contributions was to help in the formation of the Entomological Society of Canada in 1862, and for his work with that body then and subsequently he is as much honoured by entomologists as by chemists.

Another founder of that society was William Saunders, who at that time operated a drug store and small pharmaceutical manufacturing company in London, Ont.[13] In addition to his work with the Entomological Society, he also helped to found the Ontario College of Pharmacy, and when the medical school at Western University opened in 1872, he was appointed professor of materia medica. In 1886, he moved to Ottawa and became the first director of the experimental farms established under a new Bureau of Agriculture. He had five sons, of whom three graduated from the science programme at the University of Toronto, two in chemistry and one in physics. The physics son was Saunders of Russell-Saunders theory of coupling of electronic momenta in atoms. One chemistry son worked on the experimental farm in Ottawa and was eventually knighted, as Sir Charles Saunders, for his work on the breeding of Marquis wheat - a hardy strain suitable for the western plains of Canada. The other chemist son had a lengthy career in the US as a university professor. The laboratory demonstrator in chemistry at Toronto for a time was Frank Shutt, and he so impressed the two chemist sons of William Saunders that the latter engaged him to be the first chemist at the Dominion Experimental Farm in 1887. He remained for 46 years, retiring at the age of 74, with an international reputation for his work in agricultural chemistry. Most of the work that Shutt and his staff did was analytical chemistry, and he credited his skill and enthusiasm for that field to the superb teaching of W.H. Ellis. The Division of Chemistry at the Experimental Farm grew in size and respect over the years, and eventually regional laboratories had to be added. The honours given to Shutt confirm the respect in which his direction of that service was held.[14]

In 1875, a new Inland Revenue Act in Canada led to an important responsibility for chemists. The act provided for the inspection of food and drugs where questions of purity or adulteration arose, and also alcoholic beverages now liable to excise duties. There were designated Inland Revenue Districts in Canada. Public analysts, appointed by the government for each, analysed samples submitted by government inspectors. Such work was compensated on a fee and allowance basis. Four districts were initially established: in Halifax, Quebec, Montreal and Toronto (where Ellis held the post). In due course, as the work increased, other districts were designated. William Saunders became a public analyst in London in 1882. The appointment of such disinterested analysts was probably justified in view of the data in the first report of this service in 1877. This indicated that more than half of the food samples examined had been found adulterated.[15]

The organization of this service was put on a more formal basis after 1884, when a chief dominion analyst was appointed, and two years later a statutory examination introduced for candidates for appointment as public analysts. In the first round of such examinations, Shutt was a successful candidate, but went on to greener pastures. Another successful candidate was R.F. Ruttan, who had begun his chemical studies under Croft, completed them under Pike and Ellis, and then studied medicine at McGill. Later, Ruttan became chairman of McGill's chemistry department. As time went along, however, it was decided to phase out the regional public analysts and to concentrate the work they did and other government chemical services in a central analytical laboratory in Ottawa. This change began early in the 1900s, and before long the Inland Revenue laboratory was one of the most complete analytical organizations in the country.

Chemistry on the Farm

The only other government chemical laboratories of any significance were the Chemical Division at the Experimental Farm, and the laboratories of the Geological Survey (see below). A number of well-known Canadian chemists served a sort of postgraduate apprenticeship in the Inland Revenue laboratory, and one of these whose career should be mentioned here was L.J. Rogers. He had graduated in applied science at Toronto, but when Ellis was due to retire at the end of World War I, Rogers was brought back to a lectureship in analytical chemistry in the Chemistry Department. There he managed to continue the tradition of his predecessors by becoming the acknowledged provincial expert in forensic science. Rogers must received part of the credit for the establishment of the Attorney-General's Laboratory in Ontario, in time the Centre for Forensic Science. Another graduate of the Inland Revenue laboratory was Leroy Westman, whose services to Canadian chemistry were most visibly linked to his work as publisher of a magazine which, under one title or another, Canadian Chemical Journal, Canadian Chemistry and Metallurgy, etc., for approximately 30 years was the major forum for articles about chemists and chemistry, pure or applied, in this country.

The Geological Survey

A third centre of chemical activity in the Canadian government, and one that goes back a long time in the country's history, was the Geological Survey. That body was founded in 1842, the year before Croft began his professorship at Toronto and the first three Arts students began their studies at McGill University in Montreal. There is an official history of the Geological Survey, entitled Reading the Rocks - a truly fascinating book.[16] One of the smaller fascinations about the book is that when the reader is directed to analytical chemistry when consulting the index to find chemistry.

In 1842, Canada really meant the United Provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, the maritime colonies were still administered independently from London. It was a vast, comparatively empty land, and there were endless reasons for ascertaining what lay beyond, and even under, the settled fringes of the St. Lawrence basin and Lake Ontario. Here might, and in fact did, lie the wealth of minerals and fuel that some day would be the basis of wealth and further colonization. For the geologists, such information lay in surveys and chemical analysis. William E. Logan, the survey's founding director, wrote to the Governor-General in 1843 concerning his need for a chemical assistant: " is, however, with regard to the analysis of minerals that I am most anxious." Logan did, in fact, hire a chemist in 1844 but, for reasons mentioned earlier, the individual first selected proved to be unsuitable. The second appointee was a winner. He was Thomas Sterry Hunt, a pupil of Benjamin Silliman, the elder, at Yale College. Hunt, who took up his duties in 1847, remained with the survey for a quarter of a century. Hunt was the most distinguished Canadian chemist of his time as his election to a Fellowship in the Royal Society might suggest. He was also a Fellow, and for a term president, of the Royal Society of Canada. The National Academy of Science in Washington made him a member, and three universities (Cambridge, Harvard, and Laval) awarded him honorary degrees. The Geological Survey was in Montreal during his years of service, so it is not surprising that McGill offered Hunt a professorship. He taught students at McGill College in the first and second years from 1862 to 1871. At McGill College, Hunt also introduced the first instruction in laboratory work in a teaching wing that he himself helped to design; that began in 1865. Even earlier, between 1856 and 1863, Hunt journeyed to Quebec City each spring to give a course of lectures in chemistry at Laval University. These lectures were delivered in fluent, elegant French. In France, J.B.A. Dumas introduced him to the Academy of Science, where Hunt read two papers, and Napoleon III made him an officer of the Legion.[17]

Back at the shop, Hunt, a bachelor while working in Canada, lived in an apartment adjoining his laboratory, and managed to accomplish a massive amount of work. This included analyses of rocks and minerals, of soils, and of water samples. The choice of elements determined was, in the first instance, governed mainly by the economic, agricultural, or medicinal importance of the sample being examined. All this he did without any assistant. After 1855, Hunt's laboratory investigations became increasingly directed by his interest in trying to link the composition of naturally occurring materials with processes by which these might have been formed.[18] In this endeavour, he was a pioneer in geochemistry, and while there are questions today about the validity of some of his ideas, there can be no doubt that at the time the originality of these speculations engendered for him a highly respectable reputation.[18a] In an anecdotal aside, Hunt is remembered for his promotion of the use of chromium oxide as the pigment for the printing of banknotes. This suggestion, adopted by the United States Treasury, led to the term `greenbacks' for the paper currency of that country.

When Hunt resigned from the Geological Survey in 1872 to take up a professorship of geology at MIT, the position of chief chemist fell to Bernard Harrington, who at the same time was appointed lecturer in chemistry at McGill University. Harrington was born in St. Andrew East, near Montreal, received a BA from McGill, then went to Yale University where he gained research experience and a PhD degree. His stay at the Geological Survey was brief, since increasing responsibilities at McGill soon absorbed all his time. The detailed saga of analytical chemistry at the Geological Survey could be a story in its own right. However, both it and its daughter, the Bureau of Mines, have been significant centres of analytical chemistry right up to the present. The survey's Central Laboratory and Technical Services Division has been described as "the lineal descendant of the original laboratory".

With the mention of Hunt's connection with McGill University, and of his immediate successor, Harrington, the question arises whether the evolution of that university department should also be outlined in this account. Given that an excellent history of that department has been published,[19] and that analytical chemistry has not until recent times figured prominently in that history, no more will be said. However, it is most fitting that a brief account be given of the career of one of McGill's early graduates, James Thomas Donald. Upon graduation in 1878 Donald was encouraged by Sir William Dawson, McGill's principal and himself no mean scientist, to take a teaching post at the Montreal High School, where he continued to teach for almost 40 years, notwithstanding other activities soon to be described. Later, he also became professor of chemistry at the Medical Faculty of Bishop's College, then located in Montreal.

The practice with respect to medical education whereby a consortium of medical men would be formed and affiliated with some degree-granting institution was widespread in the 19th-century. Even into the 20th-century the Medical Faculty of McGill University was virtually an autonomous body. In Toronto, where the University of Toronto and Trinity College were separate and essentially competing institutions throughout the second half of the 19th-century, there was something called the Medical Faculty of Trinity College operating downtown in the vicinity of the General Hospital. This had had tenuous links with Trinity College some miles away in the west end of the city, but after some differences of opinion the Medical Faculty and the college went their separate ways. However, the former, as Trinity Medical School, continued to operate and its graduates wrote examinations for University of Toronto degrees.

Donald was a talented and enterprising chemist, and he was soon persuaded to undertake consulting work, including analyses, for various fledgling industries. Two instances of such work were (i) samples of phosphate rock from the area around Buckingham, PQ on the Ottawa River, for what became Erco, the Electric Reduction Company; and (ii) samples of asbestos minerals from the eastern townships of Quebec, which we can identify with the well-known Thetford Mines. He was also asked to do many analyses for several food industries. By 1889, the volume of such work prompted Donald to open a consulting company with its laboratory initially on St-James Street; and as time went on and the business grew, the firm relocated several times. In spite of the extra demands on his time thereby incurred, Donald continued his school teaching and his lecturing at Bishop's Medical School until the latter was incorporated into that of McGill. The ensuing expansion of the J.T. Donald Company would take us away from analytical chemistry but it is certainly the most famous Canadian enterprise of its kind, with roots firmly in analytical services.[20]

In the 20th century, and especially after World War I, academic chemistry in Canada underwent significant changes. One was the elevation of chemical engineering or industrial chemistry to the status of a major study, the major programme, in terms of enrolment, at the University of Toronto, for instance.[21] The degree programme in analytical chemistry which, with applied chemistry, had been the initial offering at Toronto's School of Practical Science was terminated in 1920,[22] although engineering students continued for many years to do practical work in analytical chemistry in their first year in a service course provided by the Department of Chemistry. Teaching programmes everywhere devoted more and more time to physical and organic chemistry. Inorganic chemistry suffered an almost world-wide eclipse in importance. Analytical chemistry became more and more a laboratory exercise in the early undergraduate years.

Two significant contributors to research in analytical chemistry in Canadian universities, whose work began in the period between the two wars, merit mention in this account. One of these was O.J. Walker, at the University of Alberta, a chronicle of whose career has recently appeared.[23] His principal contributions dealt with the content of iodine and of fluorine in natural waters, and for these he developed improved methods of analysis at low concentrations. This work was important to workers in public health because of the linkage of these elements to goitre and mottled teeth respectively. The other person to mention is Fred E. Beamish, whose work in analytical chemistry of the platinum metals earned him a reputation as the world's foremost authority in this esoteric field. For a period of almost 45 years, commencing in 1929, he applied himself to instruction and research at the University of Toronto. From Beamish's laboratory emerged a steady stream of young men and women, expertly trained, to fill many important positions in analytical chemistry in this country and elsewhere. Under his direction were the first two (and many succeeding) PhD graduates with specialization in analytical chemistry in Canada. Recognition of his accomplishments took many forms, including an honorary degree from his alma mater, McMaster University, a Fellowship in the Royal Society of Canada, the first receipt of the Fisher Award in Canada, the ungrudging respect of his peers, and the undying affection of a host of colleagues and former students.

Although a decision on what constitutes `early' history of analytical chemistry must naturally be somewhat arbitrary, an obvious benchmark in the development of the subject is World War II. Not entirely because of this lamentable event, but certainly aided and abetted by the new science and technology that it spawned, as well as by new directions taken in chemistry in consequence of the commercial manufacture of instruments for physical measurements based on research prototypes, analytical chemistry was soon to be transformed into a sophisticated measurement science, capable of automation, specificity, and sensitivity undreamed of by a previous generation of laboratory workers.


[1.] R.C. Chirnside and J.H. Hamence, The Practising Chemists, London, The Society for Analytical Chemistry, 1974. [2.] C.A. Russell with N.G. Coley and G.K. Roberts, Chemists by Profession, Milton Keynes, The Open University Press, 1977. [3.] G. Caroe, The Royal Institution, London, John Murray, 1985, pp. 48-49, 56. [4]. W.A.E. McBryde, Essays in Chemical History, Ottawa, Canadian Society for Chemistry, 1988, pp. 65-71; G.M. Craig, Dictionary of Canadian Biography, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, XI, 1982. [5.] British American Journal, N.S. II (1861), pp. 85-91. [6.] H. Croft, British American Journal 2, 34-35, 90 (1846-47). [7.] H. Croft, British American Journal 2, 289-292 (1846-47); 3, 36-39, 62-63 (1847-48). E.S. DeRottermund, ibid. 3, 10-14 (1847-48). T.S. Hunt, ibid. 5, 230-233 (1849-50). [8.] W.A.E. McBryde, Ontario History, 79, 203-229 (1987) [9.] Canadian News, 167, London, England, April 10, 1862, p. 233. [10.] H. Croft, Course of Practical Chemistry, Toronto, Maclear, 1860, 2nd, ed., Copp Clark, 1870, 112 pp. [11.] H. Croft, Tables for Simple Qualitative Analysis, Toronto, Copp Clark, 1874, 20 pp. [12.] E.M. Crooks, William Hodgson Ellis - A Family Record, 1920, Archives of Ontario, Pamphlet 74. [13.] E.M. Pomeroy, William Saunders and His Five Sons, Toronto, Ryerson Press, 1956. [14.] Obituary of Frank Thomas Shutt, Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., 3rd Series, XXXIV, 121-24 (1940). [15.] C.J.S. Warrington and R.V.V. Nicholls, A History of Chemistry in Canada, Toronto, Pitman, 1949, p. 371. [16.] Morris Zaslow, Reading the Rocks, Toronto, The Macmillan Co. of Canada, in association with the Department of Energy, Mines and Resources, Ottawa, 1975. [17.] W. Lash Miller, A History of Science in Canada, edited by H.M. Tory, Toronto, The Ryerson Press, 1939, pp. 21-34. [18.] J.A. Maxwell, Brit. Ceram. Res. Assoc., Spec. Publ. 72 (1971), pp. 61-69; James Douglas, "T. Sterry Hunt - A Memoir", Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., Memorial Volume 1898. [19.] Leo Yaffe, History of the Department of Chemistry, McGill University Montreal, Department of Chemistry, McGill University, 1978; R.V.V. Nicholls, Can. Chem. and Proc. Ind., 559-580 (1944). [20.] Warrington and Nicholls, loc. cit., pp. 390-92. [21.] L.W. Shemilt, Advances in Chemistry Series 190, American Chemical Society (1980), pp. 167-98. [22.] C.R. Young, Early Engineering Education at Toronto, 1851-1919, Toronto, 1958, University of Toronto Press, 1958, p. 2: R.S. Harris and Ian Montagnes (editors), Cold Iron and Lady Godiva: Engineering Education at Toronto, 1929-1972, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1973, p.6. [23.] S.G. Davis and W.E. Harris, Essays in Chemical History, 1988. See Reference 4, pp. 42-47.
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Author:McBryde, W.A.E.
Publication:Canadian Chemical News
Date:Jul 1, 1990
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