An examination of multiple aspects of body image in racially/ethnically diverse emerging adults.
The current study examines gender and racial/ethnic differences in body image among African American/Black, Asian American/Asian, and European American/White college students. Group differences were tested on three aspects of body image--appearance orientation, appearance evaluation, and body satisfaction. These aspects of body image are important to study because of their link to negative health outcomes, such as disordered eating symptoms, cigarette smoking, and risky sexual behavior (Clark et al., 2005; Gillen, Lefkowitz, & Shearer, 2006; Petrie, Greenleaf, Reel, & Carter, 2009). Appearance orientation and appearance evaluation were assessed using standardized measures, whereas body satisfaction was measured using an open-ended question.
Appearance Orientation and Appearance Evaluation
Previous research shows gender differences in appearance orientation, a construct that represents cognitive and behavioral investment in appearance (Cash, 2000). Specifically, women tend to be more oriented toward their appearance than men (Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006; Latner, Knight, & Illingworth, 2011; Miller et al., 2000), which may be related to the cultural emphasis on women's appearance and the social rewards bestowed upon attractive women (Murnen, 2011). Racial/ethnic differences in appearance orientation are less clear. One study showed no racial/ethnic differences between African Americans and European Americans (Miller et al., 2000). Another study revealed that European American women were more oriented toward their appearance than their male peers, but there was no gender difference among African Americans (Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006). In research that includes Asian, Pacific Islander, and White individuals, studies reveal no racial/ethnic differences in appearance orientation or concern with weight (Koff, Benavage, & Wong, 2001; Latner et al., 2011; Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999).
Appearance evaluation, a construct that represents overall evaluation of attractiveness or unattractiveness, is another body image measure that tends to show gender differences (Cash, 2000). Men typically report more positive evaluations than women (Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006; Miller et al., 2000). The greater cultural emphasis on appearance for women, as evident in unattainable cultural ideals of thinness and sex appeal seen in the media, may account for their less positive evaluations of their looks (Murnen, 2011). Further, African Americans tend to evaluate their appearance more positively than European Americans (Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006; Miller et al., 2000), which may be because of their greater acceptance of larger body sizes and, among women, more flexible definitions of attractiveness (Aruguete, Nickleberry, & Yates, 2004; Franko & Roehrig, 2011; Parker et al., 1995). In studies comparing European American/White to Asian American/Asian individuals, results are mixed. Some evidence indicates that European American/White individuals have more positive evaluations of appearance than Asian American/Asian individuals (Frederick, Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007), yet other work shows no racial/ethnic differences between these groups (Koff et al., 2001; Latner et al., 2011).
Body satisfaction can be conceptualized as an aspect of positive body image, a broad concept that includes factors such as associating with others who have positive body image and being attentive to and caring for the body (Tylka, 2011). Positive body image is conceptually different from negative body image, and is important to understand because this knowledge may inform intervention programs that aim to enhance, rather than neutralize, feelings about the body (Tylka, 2011). Although there is a considerable amount of research on the body satisfaction aspect of positive body image using standardized measures, there is less work using open-ended questions. The current study operationalized body satisfaction by asking emerging adults to write about what they like about their bodies. By using this approach, the bodily features that are most salient to emerging adults emerge, including those that may be missing from existing standardized measures.
Previous research suggests gender differences in body satisfaction. On standardized measures of body satisfaction, men report higher satisfaction than women with weight-related areas, including the abdomen (Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999), overall lower torso (Hrabosky et al., 2009), and specific areas of the lower torso including the buttocks, hips, and upper thighs (Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999). Findings on satisfaction with muscularity are mixed, however, with some findings showing higher satisfaction among men, and others indicating no gender differences (Hrabosky et al., 2009; Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999). Also, because of the cultural focus on the aesthetic features of women's bodies and the functional capabilities of men's bodies (Murnen, 2011), men may be more satisfied with performance-related bodily features (e.g., athleticism) and women with appearance-related ones (e.g., hair).
Research also suggests racial/ethnic differences in body satisfaction. Most work in this area has focused on comparing Asian Americans and European Americans, and shows group differences in some racially defined features. In particular, European American women report greater satisfaction with their height, eyes, and faces than Asian American women (Koff et al., 2001; Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999). No differences were found, however, between Asian American and European American men (Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999). Other features, such as skin color and hair, have been examined in various samples of Asian Americans, African Americans, and European Americans. Regarding skin color, research shows that African Americans are more satisfied than European Americans (Jefferson & Stake, 2009; Miller et al., 2000). Findings regarding satisfaction with hair are mixed, however. Some research shows no differences in hair satisfaction among European American and African American women (Jefferson & Stake, 2009). Other work illustrates that European American women are more satisfied with their hair than Asian American women (Koff et al., 2001), and that African American women are more satisfied with hair color, thickness, and length (but not texture) than European American women (Miller al., 2000).
Although body image has been studied extensively in emerging adults, extant research is limited. First, studies tend to focus on comparing European Americans to African Americans, or European Americans to Asian Americans, with little published work comparing all three of these racial/ethnic groups of men and women (for a recent exception, see Yates, Edman, & Aruguete, 2004). A second limitation of the literature is its focus on body dissatisfaction, rather than the features that individuals like and value. This focus is problematic in that it does not increase our knowledge of positive body image, which differs from negative body image in its predictors, features, and outcomes (Tylka, 2011). Thus, we know little about which individuals feel positively toward their bodies, and the specific bodily features that they like best. The current study addresses these limitations by focusing on multiple aspects of body image, measured by standardized and open-ended measures, among African American/Black, Asian American/Asian, and European American/White emerging adults. The specific goals were to examine gender and racial/ethnic differences in appearance orientation, appearance evaluation, and body satisfaction.
Participants and Procedure
The total sample size was 254 undergraduate students from a commuter college near a large metropolitan area in the northeastern United States. Upon completion of a survey, students received $20 for participating. Because one of the goals of the current study was to examine racial/ethnic differences in body image, participants who did not exclusively identify as a member of one of the examined racial/ethnic groups were excluded from analyses (n = 23). The racial/ethnic composition of the sample was as follows: African American/Black (17%), Asian American/Asian (36%), and European American/White (47%). Approximately half (53%) of the sample was female, and the average age was 19.26 years (SD = 1.31, range 18-25). Most participants lived with their parents (79%), were not married (99%), and did not have children (99%).
BMI. Participants reported their height in inches and weight in pounds, from which BMIs were calculated (see Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2012). The average BMI in this sample was in the upper range of normal (M = 23.99; range = 16.14-58.52; SD = 5.14; CDC, 2012).
Appearance orientation and appearance evaluation. The appearance orientation and appearance evaluation subscales from the Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire (Cash, 2000) were used. The appearance orientation subscale has 12 items and measures cognitive and behavioral investment in appearance (e.g., "I take special care with my hair grooming"). The appearance evaluation subscale has seven items and assesses evaluation of overall appearance (e.g., "I like my looks just the way they are"). Participants respond to questions on both subscales using a five-point scale (1 = definitely disagree to 5 = definitely agree), with total scores representing the average of items in each subscale. Internal consistency reliability on both subscales was satisfactory (appearance orientation, [alpha] = .83; appearance evaluation, [alpha] = .87).
Body satisfaction. Using methodology similar to that of Gillen and Lefkowitz (2009), participants answered one open-ended question about body satisfaction. The directions for the question were: "People have different ideas about their bodies. Some people dislike aspects of their bodies, but like other aspects. We are interested in learning about what you like." Underneath this paragraph was the following question: "What do you LIKE about your body?"
Because this question was exploratory, a coding scheme was not imposed on the data a priori. Rather, the author read participants' responses several times and created a coding scheme based on the key themes that emerged from the data. These themes reflect specific features or areas of the body, which were grouped into key bodily aspects (major features; e.g., facial features) and more specific bodily features that fit within these broader ones (sub-features; e.g., eyes). Some major features have sub-features, whereas for others, no sub-features emerged in the responses and thus were not integrated into the coding scheme. If a major feature was coded as present, its corresponding sub-feature(s) would not necessarily have to be selected. If a sub-feature (e.g., eyes) was chosen, however, its corresponding major feature (e.g., facial features) would need to be selected as well. There was no limit to the number of codes that could be selected for each response. However, if a response was coded as "uncodeable" (i.e., response was left blank or did not answer the question) then the rest of the codes for that respondent would be coded as missing. This coding process yielded a variable for each feature in the coding scheme where 1 = presence and 0 = absence of that feature in the participant's response. Table 1 includes a list of the major features and sub-features (some were removed due to a low proportion of responses and/or low reliability), as well as their corresponding proportions, interrater reliabilities for three coders, and illustrative quotes.
To test gender and racial/ethnic differences in BMI and body image, a series of Analyses of Variance (ANOVAs) with gender and race/ethnicity as between-group variables and BMI and body image measures as dependent variables were performed. For all significant race/ethnicity effects, Tukey post-hoc tests were used as follow-ups. For any significant two-way interactions between gender and race/ethnicity, simple effects tests were used to examine whether there were significant racial/ethnic differences within each gender.
BMI Because it is important to understand body image in the context of BMI, group differences in BMI were examined. The ANOVA showed significant racial/ethnic differences (see Table 2). Tukey post-hoc tests revealed that all three racial/ethnic groups differed significantly from each other (ps < .05), with African American/Black individuals having the highest BMI, followed by European American/White individuals, and then Asian American/Asian individuals.
Appearance Orientation and Appearance Evaluation
On appearance orientation, there was a significant interaction between gender and race/ethnicity (see Table 2). Simple effects tests showed that African American/Black men were more oriented toward their appearance than European American/White and Asian American/Asian men (ps < .01). There were no significant racial/ethnic differences among women (ps > .05).
There was a significant gender x race/ethnicity interaction on appearance evaluation (see Table 2). Simple effects tests showed that African American/Black women had more positive evaluations of appearance than European American/White and Asian American/Asian women (ps < .001). Also, European American/White men had more positive evaluations of appearance than Asian American/Asian and African American/Black men (ps < .05).
Everything. In order to be coded in this category, participants had to explicitly write that they like "everything" about their bodies. There was a significant two-way interaction between gender and race/ethnicity (see Table 3). Simple effects tests showed that more African American/Black women than European American/White and Asian American/Asian women (ps < .001) wrote that they liked everything about their bodies. Specifically, 52% of African American/Black women, 18% of Asian American/Asian women, and 10% of European American/White women wrote this in their responses (see Table 3). There were no significant racial/ethnic differences among men (ps > .05).
Overall physique/body shape. There were significant racial/ethnic differences in liking one's overall physique/body shape (see Table 3). Tukey post-hoc tests showed that more European American/White as compared to Asian American/Asian individuals reported liking their overall physique/body shape (p < .05).
Muscle tone. There were significant gender differences in this category (see Table 3), in that more men than women wrote that they liked their muscle tone.
Facial features. There were significant racial/ethnic differences in liking one's overall face (see Table 3). Tukey post-hoc tests showed that marginally more European American/White than Asian American/Asian individuals wrote that they liked their face (p = .06). There were also gender and racial/ethnic differences in liking the eyes (see Table 3). More women than men wrote that they liked their eyes. Tukey post-hoc tests showed that more European American/White than Asian American/Asian individuals wrote that they liked their eyes (p < .05).
Hair. There were significant racial/ethnic differences in liking one's hair (see Table 3). Tukey post-hoc tests showed that more European American/White as compared to Asian American/Asian and African American/Black individuals reporting liking their hair (ps < .05).
Breasts/chest. Liking one's breasts/chest showed a significant gender difference (see Table 3). More women than men noted that they liked their breasts/chest.
Dissatisfied. Although participants were asked to describe what they like about their bodies, some instead mentioned what they do not like. There was a significant gender x race/ethnicity interaction on body dissatisfaction (see Table 3). Simple effects tests revealed that more Asian American/Asian women than European American/White women wrote about body dissatisfaction (p < .05). Also, more African American/Black men than European American/White and Asian American/Asian men expressed dissatisfaction with their bodies (ps < .05). Weight-related dissatisfaction, a sub-feature within the major feature of body dissatisfaction, also showed a significant gender x race/ethnicity effect (see Table 3). Simple effects tests revealed that more African American/Black men than European American/White and Asian American/Asian men reported weight-related dissatisfaction with their bodies (ps < .05). Among women, there were no racial/ethnic differences in weight-related body dissatisfaction (ps > .05).
These analyses on gender and racial/ethnic differences in appearance orientation, appearance evaluation, and body satisfaction were repeated after including BMI as a covariate, given that BMI is associated with body dissatisfaction among college students (Yates et al., 2004). The significant race/ethnicity x gender interaction for appearance evaluation remained, although simple effects tests showed that the difference between African American/Black men and European American/White men became marginally significant (p = .08). The significant race/ethnicity effect for overall physique/body shape became marginally significant (p = .06), and the significant race/ethnicity effect for facial features became non-significant (p > .05). All other findings remained the same.
An important contribution of this study was its use of an open-ended question to probe emerging adults about what they like about their bodies. Results showed that individuals typically admired the physical appearance of their bodies (e.g., hair, eyes) more so than what their bodies can do (e.g., physically fit, athletic). This pattern, called sexualization (Liss, Erchull, & Ramsey, 2011), is consistent with the cultural emphasis on physical appearance for women (Murnen, 2011) and more recently, for men (Aruguete, Griffith, Edman, Green & McCutcheon, 2012; McCreary, 2011). Thinking more about the body's functional capabilities, however, may be beneficial, as feeling satisfied with what the body can physically accomplish (e.g., walk across campus) may be easier than achieving an unrealistic physical ideal. Also notable is that the proportion of emerging adults who described liking each bodily feature was relatively low. For example, no more than 1/3 of all respondents wrote that they liked any one feature, and no single feature emerged as a clear "favorite." Although participants were instructed to describe what they like about their bodies, nearly 1/5 mentioned features they do not like. Given the cultural acceptability of expressing body dissatisfaction, particularly among girls and women (Murnen, 2011; Nichter & Vuckovic, 1994), perhaps individuals are accustomed to criticizing their bodies and therefore encounter difficulty generating and/or reporting bodily features they like.
Results showed gender differences in responses to the open-ended question on body satisfaction. Men were more likely than women to describe that they liked their muscle tone. The cultural ideal of muscularity for men (McCreary, 2011; Murnen, 2011) may encourage them to be more focused on this bodily feature; research shows that men have a stronger drive for muscularity than women (McCreary, 2011). When men notice some degree of muscularity on their bodies, they may be more satisfied with it than women because it brings them closer to embodying the male ideal.
Women were more likely than men to report liking their breasts/chest and eyes. Given that physical attractiveness is not an immutable trait and can be altered when desired (Cash, Dawson, Davis, Bowen, & Galumbeck, 1989), women may be particularly satisfied with these body parts because of their potential for enhancement. Large breasts (on a thin body) are considered ideal for women (Murnen, 2011). Women may use clothing or cosmetic surgery, for example, to enhance the appearance of their breasts to meet this cultural ideal. Eyes may also be important in women's attractiveness and can be modified when desired, as suggested by the vast number of facial cosmetic products for women. One study shows, for example, that women are more satisfied with their faces and overall appearance, and are rated by men as more attractive, when wearing facial cosmetics as compared to when not wearing these products (Cash et al., 1989). Perhaps using appearance enhancement techniques such as clothing and cosmetics may have more immediate and more easily achievable effects than attempting to achieve the thin ideal, making breasts/chest and eyes potentially important sources of body satisfaction for women.
Results also showed racial/ethnic differences, both on standardized measures of body image and on responses to the open-ended question about body satisfaction. African American/Black men were more oriented toward their appearance than European American/White and Asian American/Asian men. These findings are similar to prior work (Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006) where African American men's orientation toward appearance was more similar to that of women than to men in other racial/ethnic groups, suggesting that appearance orientation may be relatively high among African American men. The finding from the current study may reflect Majors' and Billson's (1992) notion of cool pose among African American/Black men. Cool pose means conveying a sense of being cool, in control, and devoid of emotions, a necessary means of asserting manhood in a society that allows African American/Black men minimal access to resources or power. The authors further argue that cool pose is associated with "slickness [and a] neat appearance" (p. 28), suggesting that appearance may be an important means of conveying these attitudes. Thus, African American/Black men may spend more time than other men thinking about and managing their looks.
African American/Black women had more positive views of appearance and were more likely to describe liking "everything" about their bodies than both European American/White and Asian American/Asian women. It is interesting that African American/Black women had these views even though they had larger average BMIs. In a culture that emphasizes thinness for women, these findings suggest that African American women are more willing to embrace larger body sizes and have ideas of beauty that encompass features other than body size (Aruguete et al., 2004; Franko & Roehrig, 2011; Parker et al., 1995). In contrast, among male participants, European American/White men reported more positive views of appearance than both Asian American/Asian and African American/Black men. Further, more African American/Black men than European American/White and Asian American/Asian men expressed body dissatisfaction. These results were surprising in light of prior research showing more positive views of appearance among African Americans as compared to European Americans (e.g., Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006; Miller et al., 2000). Perhaps these findings may be due to the small sample size of African American/Black men in the current study, who may have high body image concerns. Future studies should follow up on these findings, ideally ones that use qualitative methodology so that more detailed information about African American/Black men's body image may be acquired.
There were also racial/ethnic differences in satisfaction with specific bodily features. As compared to Asian American/Asian individuals, European American/White individuals were significantly more likely to report liking their overall physique/body shape and eyes, and marginally more likely to report liking their overall face. However, when controlling for BMI, the race/ethnicity effect for overall physique/body shape became marginally significant and the race/ethnicity effect for facial features became non-significant, suggesting that BMI may be important in contributing to racial/ethnic differences in satisfaction with these features. These findings are similar to previous work on women (Koff et al., 2001; Mintz & Kashubeck, 1999) and suggest that Asian American/Asian individuals are less likely to report liking some racially defined features, particularly in comparison to European American/White individuals. Media images of ideal beauty in the US are limited to European American physical features (Hall, 1995; Kawamura, 2011). Exposure to these images may create body image problems for Asian Americans whose physical characteristics may differ from these "ideals" (Hall, 1995; Kawamura, 2011). For example, some Asians have the epicanthic eyefold, a wider nose, as well as shorter, heavier legs compared to some groups of Europeans (Hall, 1995; Kawamura, 2011). Some Asian Americans may attempt to alter these features; rhinoplasty and eyelid surgery, for example, are among the top cosmetic surgery procedures sought by Asian Americans (American Society of Plastic Surgeons, n.d.).
There were also group differences in liking one's hair, with European American/White individuals being significantly more likely to write that they liked this feature compared to African American/Black and Asian American/Asian individuals. Cultural depictions of attractiveness include European American/White hair texture (Jefferson & Stake, 2009), and for women, blond hair color (Hall, 1995). Group differences in liking these racially defined features--overall physique/body shape, face, eyes, and hair--suggest that the European American/White ideals seen in the media may impact racial/ethnic minority individuals' body image, and that images of attractiveness should be more diverse and highlight cultural variability of individuals from different racial/ethnic groups.
This study has several limitations. The current analyses focused on mean differences in body image between racial/ethnic groups, although there may be variation within these groups as well. Also, the sample size of some racial/ethnic groups was small, and results may not be generalizable to non-students and to non-traditional age students. In spite of these limitations, the current study suggests some important conclusions/implications. There were a number of gender and racial/ethnic differences in aspects of body image. Given racial/ethnic differences in satisfaction with some racially defined features, future research should examine how factors such as internalization of and resistance to the European American/White ideal, ethnic identity, and acculturation may impact body satisfaction for racial/ethnic minority emerging adults. Another idea is to develop a questionnaire that taps into satisfaction with the bodily features participants mentioned in response to the open-ended question on body satisfaction. Some responses (e.g., physically fit), are not typically seen in standardized measures and would be valuable to include. Also, student activity programs might publicize the finding that a number of students (20%) like "everything" about their bodies, and also might prompt students to think about what they like and value about their bodies. Implementing these changes may encourage students to discover that liking one's body can be normative and acceptable.
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Meghan M. Gillen
The Pennsylvania State University, Abington
Author info: Correspondence should be sent to: Dr. Meghan M. Gillen, Division of Social Sciences, Pennsylvania State University, Abington, 1600 Woodland Rd., Abington, PA 19001
TABLE 1 Proportions, Interrater Reliability, and Illustrative Quotes for Bodily Features Emerging Adults Like Major Feature/ Propor- Kappas Quotes Sub-feature tion Mean (Range) Uncodeable .09 .90 (.88.95) [No response] Everything .20 .92 (.91- "Honestly everything. Yes .95) there are days I want something different but I am who I am, I can't change that. I'm thankful for what God gave me."-- F, EA/W Overall physique/ .17 .74 (.73- "I like that I have body shape .76) curves. I may be a little 'thicker' but I like the overall way I look."--F, EA/W Weight .14 .87 (.83- "I like that I am not too .92) thin, not too big. Just right for my height and weight?"--F, EA/W Muscle tone .09 .91 (.87.95) "I do like that I am bigger compared to most people. I like that I have some muscles but not overly board and having some fat which doesn't make me look unhealthy."-- M, AA/A Height .15 .93 (.92- "I like my height, I am .95) able to reach up high, my long legs help me run and the ladies enjoy my body."--M, EA/W Facial features .30 .92 (.90- "I like that I [have] ... .94) a face sculpted by the gods."--M, EA/W Eyes .15 .98 (.97- "I love my eyes. Compared .98) to most people, I believe my eyes show my extreme kindness; and I'm often complimented on them."--M, AA/B Mouth .07 .97 (.96- "I like my lips, they're 1.00) full."--F, AA/B Hair .21 .96 (.93- "How my hair isn't thin or .99) too thick."--F, AA/A Upper torso .16 .99 (.98- "I like that I have a very 1.00) nice upper body ... I feel very confident in that aspect."--F, EA/W Breasts/chest .08 1.00 (1.00- "I like that I have boobs 1.00) and not implants."--F, AA/A Arms .06 1.00 (1.00- "I do like how my arms 1.00) look"-- F, AA/A Lower torso .19 .98 (.97- "I like the lower part of .99) my body, it's curvy."--F, AA/B Legs .13 .99 (.98- "I like my legs. My legs 1.00) (bottom) body is more active then upper body. Also lot stronger and faster."--M, AA/A Physically fit .10 .72 (.62- "I like the fact that I am .79) healthy and can exercise for a decent period of time without feeling exhausted."--M, AA/A Dissatisfied .17 .80 (.77.84) "Nothing!"--F, AA/B Weight- .10 .78 (.72- "The upper half however, related .81) is pretty saddening, and I hope to lose the weight. I know that I am at risk for some pretty series diseases."--M, AA/B Note. F = Female, M = Male, AA/B = African American/Black, AA/A = Asian American/Asian, and EA/W = European American/White. Participants' grammar and spelling are retained. TABLE 2 Gender and Racial/Ethnic Differences in BMI, Appearance Orientation, and Appearance Evaluation F (gender x M (SD) F F (race/ race/ (gender) ethnicity) ethnicity) BMI 1.19 1740 *** 0.04 AA/B 26.97 (7.16) AA/A 21.78 (3.69) EA/W 24.55 (4.46) AO 8.14 ** 4.39 * 3.75 * Women AA/B 3.61 (0.50) AA/A 3.61 (0.54) EA/W 3.56 (0.73) Men AA/B 3.75 (0.57) AA/A 3.14 (0.56) EA/W 3.13 (0.68) AE .08 2.91 11.12 *** Women AA/B 4.11 (0.61) AA/A 3.38 (0.63) EA/W 3.33 (0.92) Men AA/B 3.39 (0.89) AA/A 3.47 (0.63) EA/W 3.88 (0.72) Note. BMI = Body mass index, AA/B = African American/Black, AA/A = Asian American/Asian, and EA/W = European American/White, AO = Appearance orientation, and AE = Appearance evaluation. Degrees of freedom for all ANOVAs are: gender (1), race/ethnicity (2), and gender x race/ethnicity (2). Means and standard deviations are only shown for each gender and racial/ethnic group when significant. * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001. TABLE 3 Gender and Racial/Ethnic Differences in Body Satisfaction F F (race/ F Proportion (gender) ethnicity) (g x r/e) Everything 2.11 4.16 * 4.88 ** Women AA/B .52 AA/A .18 EA/W .10 Men AA/B .14 AA/A .26 EA/W .15 Overall physique/ .24 3.43 * .01 body shape AA/B .20 AA/A .08 EA/W .22 Weight .07 1.59 .32 Muscle tone 7.52 ** .03 1.34 Women .05 Men .14 Height .00 1.85 .80 Facial features .34 3.44 * 1.09 AA/B .37 AA/A .20 EA/W .35 Eyes 6.59 * 4.90 ** .16 Women AA/B .19 AA/A .11 EA/W .30 Men AA/B .07 AA/A .00 EA/W .13 Mouth 3.27 .88 .52 Hair 2.02 8.15 *** .14 AA/B .05 AA/A .15 EA/W .31 Upper torso .21 .29 1.45 Breasts/chest 4.99 * .18 .08 Women .12 Men .04 Arms .14 .08 .77 Lower torso .63 2.86 .12 Legs .32 1.50 .45 Physically fit 1.37 1.18 .47 Dissatisfied 1.40 4.05 * 3.27 * Women AA/B .15 AA/A .27 EA/W .10 Men AA/B .43 AA/A .17 EA/W .12 Dissatisfied: 3.98 * 1.45 3.31 * Weight-related Women AA/B .04 AA/A .14 EA/W .04 Men AA/B .29 AA/A .09 EA/W .10 Note. AA/B = African American/Black, AA/A = Asian American/Asian, EA/W = European American/White. Degrees of freedom for all ANOVAs are: gender (1), race/ethnicity (2), and gender x race/ethnicity (2). Proportions are only shown for each gender and racial/ethnic group when significant. * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001.
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|Author:||Gillen, Meghan M.|
|Publication:||North American Journal of Psychology|
|Date:||Mar 1, 2013|
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