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An essay on the catalogue of the Library of Piero Sraffa, edited by G. de Vivo.


Giancarlo de Vivo's Catalogue of the Library of Pierro Sraffa is reviewed and put into the broader perspective of Sraffa the man and scholar.


Received 20 August 2016

Accepted 6 March 2017


Catalogue of the Library of Piero Sraffa; Pasinetti; Sraffian economics; Ricardo's Principles

Sraffa's renowned library of rare books on economics represents in and of itself a major and unique work of erudition and perseverance. At the same time, his collection is further proof of his creative contribution to the fundamentals of economic theory and deep knowledge of the history of economics. He characterizes his book Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities (1960) as a 'prelude to a critique of economic theory', but it should also be considered as a new and intriguing vision of the history of economic thought.

Therefore, the review of the Catalogue should be put into the broader perspective of the scientific and theoretical work of Sraffa, the man and the scholar. As he wrote in the preface of the only book he published:
No changes in output and no changes in the proportions in which
different means of production are used by an industry are considered.
The investigation is concerned exclusively with such properties of an
economic system as do not depend on changes in the scale of production
or in the proportions of 'factors'. This standpoint, which is that of
the old classical economists from Adam Smith to David Ricardo, has been
submerged and forgotten since the advent of the 'marginal' method. The
reason is obvious. The marginal approach requires attention to be
focused on change, for without change either in the scale of an
industry or in the 'proportions of the factors of production' there can
be neither marginal product nor marginal cost. In a system in which,
day after day, production continued unchanged in those respects, the
marginal product of a factor (or alternatively the marginal cost of a
product) would not merely be hard to find - it just would not be there
to be found (Sraffa 1960, v).

It is of interest to note that Sraffa pays special attention to the link between his work and that of the classical economists (Sraffa 1960, 93). He devotes special attention to Francois Quesnay (1694-1774) and David Ricardo (1772-1823).

Quesnay is admired as the founder of the original view of the economic system of production and consumption as a circular process. In striking contrast to the view presented by modern theory, of a one-way avenue that leads from factors of production to consumer goods.

Quesnay's Tableau Economique reflects the economic system as production with a surplus or produit net in agriculture. The physical nature of the surplus is the outcome of the excess of food produced over the food advanced for production. In Ricardo's corn model the comparable approach takes the form of describing corn as the one and only product which is input for its own production and for the production of every other commodity. In Sraffa's rational foundation of the role of profits of agriculture, the rate of profit in agriculture follows from the comparison of the physical quantity on the side of the means of production to that on the side of the product, both of which consist of the same commodity, corn. In Sraffa's terminology, corn is the sole basic product in the economy under consideration. The distinction between basics and nonbasics allows Sraffa to explain Ricardo's well-known phrase that 'it is the profits of the farmer that regulate the profits of all other trade' (Sraffa 1951-1973, vol. I, xxxi).

Another important aspect of neo-Ricardian and Sraffian economics is to consider the production of commodities by means of commodities as a scheme of long-run reproduction of commodities. There is a unique set of exchange-values that spring directly from the objective methods of production, which if adopted by the market restore the original distribution of commodities and make it possible to repeat the process of production. The system is assumed to be and to remain in a self-replacing state. These exchange values represent the long-run reproduction costs of commodities involved.

The distinction between reproducible and nonreproducible goods was already alluded to by Ricardo in 1815 in his Essay on Profits. 'Wherever competition can have its full effect, and the production of the commodity be not limited by nature, as in the case with some wines, the difficulty or facility of their production will ultimately regulate their exchangeable value' (Ricardo 1815, 17-18; Sraffa 1951-1973, vol. IV, 19-20).

In a footnote Ricardo points out the long-run character of the primary or natural prices of all reproducible commodities based on costs of reproduction, versus their accidental or short-run market prices, proceeding from temporary causes. In his magnum opus, On the Principles of Political Economy, and Taxation (Ricardo 1817), he returns to that distinction in a much more precise way. He refers to commodities whose quantity cannot be increased by labor, like rare statues, scarce books and unique wine. Their value is independent of the quantity of labor originally necessary to produce them and only determined by their scarcity. However, the greatest part of commodities is procured by labor. When Ricardo mentions commodities, their exchangeable value and their relative prices, he always means commodities that can be increased in quantity and on the production of which competition operates without restraint. Although in reality long-run price formation of nonreproducible goods differs fundamentally from pricing in the case of reproducible goods, modern economic theory never made the Ricardian distinction between the two types of commodities again.

Pasinetti made clear that the Marginalists turned their attention to the nonreproducible goods of the scarce type in the Ricardian sense. By taking them as representative of all goods, they concluded that utility and not costs is the sole source of value (Pasinetti 1981, 8-11). The Ricardian distinction between goods produced only once like Rembrandt's 'Night Watch', and commodities which are produced on a regular basis, disappeared from the scene of economic theory. The nonreproducible goods are only objects of exchange; the reproducible goods are the core of industry. From his early days in Cambridge on, Sraffa was very clear in his writings and conversations about the emerging conflict in the history of economic thought.

Pasinetti has written a masterly essay on Piero Sraffa and his books as a foreword to the Catalogue. I restrict myself to a few highlights. Pasinetti depicts two interconnected and relevant phenomena, the Enlightenment movement in France, and the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain. As Sraffa's library shows, Francois Quesnay and Adam Smith symbolize the impact of the Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution on books dealing with the theoretical concepts that were developed. The Catalogue contains 13 Quesnay and 18 Adam Smith items, several with annotations by Sraffa. The library contains two copies of the extremely rare first Peking edition of Quesnay-Dupont, Physiocratie. Of the British Classical School, the Catalogue counts 34 items on Malthus (1766-1834), 65 items on Ricardo and 45 on Torrens (1780-1864). Karl Marx (1818-1883) is represented with 150 items. These statistics illustrate the relationship between the composition of the library and Sraffa's scientific interest and work. As Pasinetti puts it, Sraffa regretted dearly that Ricardo's legacy disappeared from mainstream economic literature after 1850. The many library items related to Marx underline Sraffa's lifelong interest in the synthesis of Ricardian and Marxian economics of a circular production economy.

Beginning in 1870 the history of economic thought started an era of a great confrontation. In Pasinetti's terminology,
the sudden rise of an entirely new series of publications on economic
theory that began to use, with respect to the Classics, a completely
different approach to the whole conception of economic phenomena and
behaviour. Basically, one witnessed a triumphant swing-back of the
pendulum of economic theory from the objective concepts of production,
elaborated by the Physiocrats and the British Classical economists, to
the subjective behavioural concepts behind the phenomena of trade and
exchange which had been the major concern of the Mercantilists.
(Pasinetti 2014, XXVI)

The new wave became known as the Marginal Revolution. For Sraffa, the new development was no revolution at all. To quote Pasinetti again, 'it was a counter-Revolution: an anachronistic turning back to the basic features of the economies of the pre-industrial revolution stage ... On this, Sraffa never concealed his critical opinion.' Sraffa regarded the 1870s as a decisive 'turning point, away from the development of the whole political economy inherited from the Classics' (Pasinetti 2014, xxvi). I do agree with Pasinetti -also on the basis of my own conversations with Sraffa in the 1960s - that Sraffa considered this new development in the economic literature as the most dramatic break that has ever happened in the history of economic thought. This insight had a significant impact on the choice of his books and the composition of his library.

The interaction between economic theory, the structure of Sraffa's library, and Sraffa as a collector is one of the characteristics of the introduction written by De Vivo. In this respect he complements Pasinetti's essay. De Vivo has produced a great work of intellectual achievement and innovative organization as the editor of this catalogue. He describes in great detail important facts about the formation of the collection, the present Catalogue and Sraffa as an avid collector. He was ever watchful for rare books on economics, skillful in cultivating promising relationships with the major antiquarian booksellers all over the world, and discreet about the treasures in his library. De Vivo offers the reader some interesting observations regarding Sraffa. In his writings Sraffa would regularly refer to a unique book in his collection, but would not disclose that it was in his possession. It seems that Sraffa, who never liked to be a public figure anyway, did not want to draw extra attention to himself (De Vivo 2014, XXXV).

An example can be found in entry 4853 of the Catalogue on a rare book by Piercy Ravenstone - a pseudonym for Richard Puller. This book is referred to by Ricardo in letters to James Mill and Robert Malthus. Sraffa describes the book in volume XI devoted to the general index of the Works, published in 1973. Sraffa points out that a copy of the book has come to light, on the title page of which 'Piercy Ravenstone, M.A.' has been crossed out and 'Richard Puller' has been written instead. Sraffa suggests that this copy may have been Puller's own copy, but does not acknowledge that the book was in his own possession (Ravenstone 1821; Sraffa 1951-1973, vol. XI, xxviii).

Another question is which Richard Puller is the author. There are two possibilities; Richard Puller Sr, who lived from 1747 until 1824 or Richard Puller Jr, who lived from 1789 until 1831. Richard Puller Sr was a prominent merchant banker, who had two sons, Sir Christopher Puller (1774-1814) and Richard Puller, the younger. Sraffa considers Puller Jr as the author of the Ravenstone book. He refers to the inscription in a copy of the book in the Feltrinelli Library in Milan: 'The real author of this book was Richard Puller, brother of Sir Christopher Puller and uncle of Christopher Puller.' This is, indeed, a reference to Richard Puller, the younger - Christopher William Puller (1807-1864), son of Sir Christopher Puller, being his nephew. However, the inscription is not written down immediately after the publication of the book in 1821, but much later around 1890, in other words 70 years after the event and after several heads of the family of earlier generations had passed away. The reason that I put forward the hypothesis that Richard Puller Sr is the real author, is not only my assumption that the family member who wrote the inscription around 1890 by mistake referred to Richard Puller the younger as the author, but even more a passage in the advertisement page of the book. The relevant passage by the author reads:
At my time of life, and in my retirement, I do not seek fame. It can do
me no good and censure I shall not heed. I am too lowly to offer a mark
for her shafts; they will pass harmless over my head. (Ravenstone 1821,

These are the words of an older and modest man, very probably Richard Puller Sr, who turned 74 in 1821; Richard Puller was then only 32 (Sraffa 1951-1973, vol. XI, 59 ff). I may add that the Heertje Library contains a copy of the Ravenstone book that was bought by me at the sale of the Signet Library in Edinburgh in April 1978 (Catalogue, Signet Library, 1837, part 3, 119).

De Vivo notes that Sraffa sold many duplicates in the 1960s and early 1970s to the bookseller Deighton Bell in Cambridge, a branch of Dawsons of Pall Mall in London. In a letter dated 3 March 1966 Sraffa wrote to me: 'I sold a lot of books when I thought I might go into smaller rooms; but having space now I am buying them when I can rather than selling'. Sraffa's observation throws some light on his selling books in the first half of the 1960s. An intriguing example of the behavior of Sraffa as a collector is the copy of the first edition of Ricardo's Principles that I bought in 1980 from Bernard Quaritsch in London. Sraffa had sold this copy in original boards to Deighton Bell in 1979. It is a very interesting copy, indeed, as expressed by Sraffa himself in his own handwriting on the backside of the cover, 'Grenville's copy with important notes'. The copy contains many interleaved sheets in ink and marginal notes in pencil.

Why did Sraffa sell this very special Ricardo-item, which exemplifies the characteristics of a pure nonreproducible good? The only reason I can think of is that Grenville belonged to the majority of economists, who adhered to a symmetric system of demand and supply relationships in order to explain value and prices on markets. It is possible that Sraffa against this background considered Grenville's comments less relevant for the analysis of the long-run state of a Ricardian system based on reproduction costs. Otherwise, it remains a mystery. I assume that Sraffa bought the Grenville copy of the Principles in 1952 from the London bookseller, L. Kashnor, who sold in the same year a large collection of books that came from the Grenville Library. Baron William Wyndham Grenville (Lord Grenville) was a well-known British politician and Prime Minister in 1806-1807.

De Vivo deals thoroughly with Sraffa's life as a collector and those who knew him in that capacity certainly will recognize the portrait. De Vivo observes that it was probably a disappointment for Sraffa not being able to acquire some books from the library of David Ricardo, even not at the auction in April 1940 of furniture, paintings and books from Gatcombe Park, the estate bought by Ricardo in 1814 and now in the possession of Princess Anne (De Vivo 2014, XLII). According to De Vivo, Sraffa was not aware of the sale. I doubt this. Sraffa took up the project to publish the complete edition of Ricardo's works in 1930. He approached Henry George Ricardo (1850-1940), the grandson of Ricardo's second son David (1803-1864) and Frank Ricardo Jr. (1887-1964), the grandson of Ricardo's third son Mortimer. In August 2003 Peter Ricardo (1913-2006), great-grandson of Ricardo's second son, told me that he studied at Cambridge University in the years 1931-1934, then met Keynes and knew Joan Robinson and Sraffa. Therefore, through several contacts with prominent members of the Ricardo family, it is highly probable that Sraffa was aware of the upcoming auction in April 1940. At the auction around 60 books from the library of David Ricardo were sold, mainly on history, literature and art. Ricardo's books on economics did not come up for sale at the auction. Henry George Ricardo sold Gatcombe Park in 1940 and he died in December 1940. Peter Ricardo was now the only male heir in the Ricardo family who came through David Ricardo Jr, just like his uncle Henry George. He had a great interest in the history of the family and bought several minor items at the auction in April 1940. He inherited the economic books of the library of David Ricardo, together with the famous portrait by Thomas Phillips, Ricardo's portrait bust in marble and Ricardo's working desk at Gatcombe. In fact, these treasures went to the rural house in Puddletown, where Peter lived from the time of his birth with his mother and where he lived later in life till his death in 2006. In my visits to his house, Peter allowed me to study Ricardo's economic books. In August 2003, he informed me that the understanding in the family with regard to the Phillips portrait was that the painting would be inherited by Christopher Ricardo (1947-), the grandson of Frank Ricardo, and would be presented on loan to the National Gallery in London. Peter Ricardo donated the 40 economic books of Ricardo's library with notes and annotations in his hand to the Trinity Hall Old Library at Cambridge. In other words, the economic books owned by Ricardo never showed up in the public domain and hence never were in reach of Sraffa. I am inclined to gather that Sraffa - who knew these facts and in particular the role of Peter Ricardo - decided as a collector in this case to take a passive attitude (De Vivo 2014, XLII n).

Another case is Ricardo's search for a copy of the first edition of the Principles with leaves P6, P7 and P8 intact. There is no doubt that Sraffa, after a thorough analysis of the relevant pages in the Principles of 1817, and putting forward his hypothesis that someday and somewhere a copy would be found with the original pages without the subdivision of chapter VIII, had actively been looking for such a copy almost his whole life. (Sraffa 1951-1973, vol. I, xxvi ff, vol. X, 402); De Vivo 2014, XLVIII). Such a copy was found in the library of Columbia University in 1953 by George Stigler; the copy was acquired by the library in 1931 (Sraffa, X: 403). Being highly interested in the economic and social analysis of David Ricardo and Karl Marx as great thinkers in economics, I was aware of Sraffa's description of his search for the special version of the Principles. At an auction in Amsterdam on 19 May 1965, I bought the special copy of the Principles. Later I discovered that the owner from whom I bought it, obtained the copy at the market place in Cambridge in the thirties. I informed Sraffa almost immediately and on 20 June 1965 he wrote to me:

I congratulate you [?] on your find of a copy of Ricardo with the double leaves: it is still very scarce. I should very much like to see it when I visit Amsterdam. And if one day you think of disposing of it by selling or exchanging with some other rarity, I should like to have a chance of competing for it.

In volume XI of the Works Sraffa wrote the following note: 'A second freak copy of Ricardo's Principles 1817 has been found by Professor Heertje of Amsterdam and is now in his possession.' As far as I know a third freak copy with the remarkable characteristics has not been offered for sale since 1965.

A remarkable missing link in Sraffa's library still is the first edition of Der isolierte Staat by Johan Heinrich Von Thunen (1783-1850) (Von Thunen, 1826). The library contains in entries 5834 and 5835 copies of the second edition of Von Thunen's book, published in 1842 and of the first edition of volume 2, published in 1850. Entry 5838 describes the first complete edition of the book of 1875. The first French edition of volume 1, 1851 and volume 2, 1857 are described in entries 5836 and 5837. I remember a conversation with Sraffa on the foundations of political economy and on rare economic books in his rooms at Trinity College in February 1966. Sraffa brought up the question whether I own already the first edition of the book by Von Thunen. I was able to answer 'yes', as in the autumn of 1962 I bought a copy from a German bookseller. He explained to me that Von Thunen's first edition is very rare and that he had never seen a copy since he started collecting rare books on economics. Then, Sraffa asked me whether I had a copy of the very rare first edition of the book by Gossen on consumer behavior, preferences and utility, published in 1854 (Gossen 1854). I said 'no'. Sraffa asked whether I would be prepared to consider an exchange of my copy of Von Thunen for his copy of Gossen. He added that for his conception of economic theory Von Thunen's book with its emphasis on production and on agriculture as the innovative engine for economic development, is far more important than Gossen's book with the emphasis on subjective aspects of the demand side of a market economy. For him Von Thunen belonged to the Classical economists; he looked at the 1826 edition of Von Thunen's book as a cornerstone of his library. Nevertheless, I refrained from accepting his suggestion and instead I proposed to look for a second copy of Von Thunen and to come back to him. I found another copy in 1979, but at that time Sraffa suffered from a deteriorating memory. As can be seen from the Catalogue, there is still no copy of the first edition of Von Thunen in the collection. However, Sraffa's library contains two copies of the very rare first edition of Gossen's book, entries 2059 and 2782.

Entry 4929 concerns the Letters written by David Ricardo during a tour on the continent in the year 1822, to his eldest son Osman (David Ricardo 1891). The existence of these letters was known in the family. As they were sent to Osman, it is reasonable to assume that they were kept at Bromesberrow Place, the estate David Ricardo bought for his eldest son in 1819 and which Osman inherited after his father's death in 1823. After Osman's death in 1881, Bromesberrow Place went to his nephew Frank Ricardo (1850-1897), son of Ricardo's youngest son Mortimer. The letters also went to Frank. In 2008, I bought a copy of the Letters from an English bookseller, with a letter tipped in, written by Frank Ricardo's wife, Alice Monckton (1840-1930). I quote the letter in full, as Mrs Ricardo's letter proves who in the family took the initiative to publish the letters 70 years after they were written. The copy has been given on 21 April 1891 to Henrietta Loyd with the inscription 'from Frank Ricardo'.

Brookside, Christchurch


April, 21st

My dearest Netty,

We are sending you a copy of some letters written by your great-grandfather to Uncle Osman, and which we have had printed thinking they would interest the family. I copied them out so I feel almost an authoress! Should you be in London next week and if so may I come to tea one day? We are coming up on Monday for a few days and I would so like to see you. In great haste and with love from us both

Your affectionate

Alice M. Ricardo

Who is Henrietta or Netty Loyd? She is the grandchild of Henrietta Ricardo (1796-1838), David Ricardo's eldest daughter and Thomas Clutterbuck (1779-1852), born in 1862 and died in 1931. Her eldest son Reginald Arthur Loyd, born in 1887, wrote a brief family history in pencil on the first blank page of the copy of the Letters with the name of his mother on the front page. The text suggests that he received the copy from his mother around 1920. Let me add that Frank Ricardo inherited Bure Homage from his father Mortimer at his death in 1876. At his death in April 1897, his son Frank (1887-1964) inherited Bure Homage and Bromesberrow Place. Together with his mother they decided to stay with two sisters at Bure Homage and to lease Bromesberrow Place. Frank Ricardo sold Bure Homage in 1938. Henrietta Clutterbuck married Archie Kirkman Loyd (1847-1922) in 1885. The Loyd family is related to Samuel Jones Loyd, the well-known British banker and leader of the Currency School, after 1850 known as Lord Overstone. Sraffa received his copy of the Letters from Frank Ricardo at Keynes's request (entry 4929).

The richness of the Catalogue enables a study devoted to the influence of Sraffian economics on the development of economic theory. An illustration is the review article of Sraffa's book by D.B.J. Schouten (1923-), a Dutch Professor of Economics, published in the Dutch journal De Economist in 1961 (entry 5294) on one hand and several writings by the Swiss economist Bertram Schefold (1943-) on the other (entries 5270-5276). Schouten's review is a thorough description of Sraffa's book, but ends with the negative conclusion that Sraffa's analysis is too modest to bear a fundamental critique of modern economic theory (Schouten 1961). After Schouten's review, no other Dutch economist paid attention to Sraffa's work (only two articles by Jan Tinbergen from 1934 and 1935 are in the library, entries 5852 and 5853). In other countries, such as Austria, France, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, the discussion on Sraffian economics since the 1960s is still going on. The Catalogue contains seven entries on articles by Schefold, of which six reflect an advanced mathematical analysis of Sraffa's contribution to the foundations of economic theory. In particular, Schefold's (1971) thesis on joint production is a masterpiece (entry 5270).

It is hard to withstand the temptation to bring to the fore important books in Sraffa's library, written by great names in the history of economic thought. Cantillon and the copy of his Essai (1755) bought by W.S. Jevons around 1860 from a bouquiniste along the Seine in Paris; Petty and his Several Essays in Political Arithmetic (1699), presented by Rousseau to Diderot with a message in Rousseau's hand; Quesnay's Physiocratie, Peking (1767); and a substantial number of publications by Auguste and Leon Walras. The Catalogue lists just too many treasures to deal with, and many of the books are heavily annotated by Sraffa and are put into a biographical and historical perspective by the editor.

This reviewer hardly has the words to express his admiration for the contents of the Sraffa library and the efforts of those involved to present the Catalogue as a monument of scientific scholarship and a masterwork of cultural art. Finally, I may add that from the days of following lectures in economics at the University of Amsterdam, my interest has never been restricted to rare economic books nor to the Ricardo genealogy in Amsterdam, but stems from the impression the independent and courageous thinking of both Ricardo and Sraffa made on me, contributing as it does to a better understanding of the world we live in, along the lines of logic and intuition. In this sense, history represents a common heritage.

Disclosure statement

The author reports no conflicts of interest. The author alone is responsible for the content and writing of this article.

Notes on contributor

Arnold Heertje studied economics at the University of Amsterdam and obtained PhD in The Theory of Oligopoly 1960. He worked as a Professor of Economic Theory in 1964 at the University of Amsterdam and as a Professor of History of Economic Thought in 1997 at the Department of Economics, University of Amsterdam. He has published books and articles on welfare economics, economic theory of technical change and on the history of economic thought. He was the President of the International J.A. Schumpeter Society during 1988-1990.


Catalogue, Signet Library. 1837. Catalogue of the Library of the Society of Writers to the Signet, compiled by Thomas M. Shiells. Edinburgh.

Available online:, 5 March 2017.

De Vivo, G., ed. 2014. Catalogue of the Library of Piero Sraffa. Milan: Fondazione Luigi Einaudi and Torino: Fondazione Raffaele Mattioli.

Gossen, H.H. 1854. Entwickelung der Gesetze des menschlichen Verkehrs, und der daraus fliesenden Regeln fur menschliches Handeln. Braunschweig: Friedrich Vieweg und Sohn.

Pasinetti, L.L. 1981. Structural Change and Economic Growth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Pasinetti, L.L. 2014. "An Essay on Piero Sraffa and His Books". In De Vivo ed. Catalogue of the Library of Piero Sraffa, XIII-XXXI. Milan: Fondazione Luigi Einaudi and Torino: Fondazione Raffaele Mattioli.

Ravenstone, P. (Pseudonym of Richard Puller). 1821. A Few Doubts as to the Correctness of Some Opinions Generally Entertained on the Subjects of Population and Political Economy. London: John Andrews.

Ricardo. D. 1815. Essay on Profits. London: John Murray.

Ricardo, D. 1817. On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation. London: John Murray.

Ricardo, D. 1891. Letters Written by David Ricardo During a Tour on the Continent. Privately printed. Gloucester: John Bellows.

Schefold, B. 1971. Piero Sraffa's Theorie der Kuppelproduktion, des Kapitals und der Rente. Basel: Privately Printed.

Schouten, D.B.J. 1961. "Review of P. Sraffa, Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities, Prelude to a Critique of Economic Theory". De Economist 3 (4): 249-252.

Sraffa, P. ed. 1951-1973. The Works and Correspondence of David Ricardo, volumes I-XI, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Sraffa, P. 1960. Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Thunen, J.H. von. 1826. Der isolierte Staat in Beziehung auf Landwirtschaft und Nationalokonomie, oder Untersuchungen uber den Einfluss, den die Getreidepreise, der Reichtum des Bodens und die Abgaben auf den Ackerbau ausuben. Hamburg: Friedrich Perthes.

Arnold Heertje

Faculty of Economics, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands

CONTACT Arnold Heertje * * University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
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Date:Apr 1, 2017
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