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Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses fur Hethitologie Wurzburg, 4.-8. Oktober 1999.

Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses fur Hethitologie Wurzburg, 4.-8. Oktober 1999. Edited by GERNOT WILHELM. Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, vol. 45. Wiesbaden: HARRASSOWITZ VERLAG, 2001. Pp. xxiv + 759, 18 plates. [euro]88.

This volume bringing together an international cross-section of scholars interested in the Hittites, their neighbors, predecessors, and immediate successors has something for everyone. In particular, there is much of historical interest.

Donbaz discusses some of the Old Assyrian tablets recently found in the merchant quarter of Kanes. These contain four previously unattested limmus (year names), probably from the end of the Ib period, and mention a previously unattested merchant settlement (karum) at Kuburnat. The most interesting text is addressed "To the gods and city (of Assur) from the community of merchants (tamkarrutum)" and explains the dangers of the journey.

Miller suggests a location for the country of Tikunani south of Ergani and discusses what is known about its relations with its neighbors, especially Samsi-Adad I of Assyria and Hattusili I of Hatti. Since much of his argument depends on the evidence from Semsara, it is frustrating that his map does not show its location. The map also correctly shows two rivers. Habur, the one familiar tributary of the Euphrates and the other a tributary of the Tigris near Zakho. However, when mentioning the Habur, Miller should then specify which of the two rivers he means. On p. 413 we see Turukkean refugees flooding "toward the Habur" valley. Kuwari, who is at Semsara (far to the east of the Tigris), is supposed to control them or, failing that, to send them to Subat-Enlil, which is located in the easternmost part of the (Euphratean) "Habur triangle." But which Habur are they flooding towards? The Tigridian Habur is closer to Semsara and is more or less between it and Subat-Enlil, yet would this obscure Habur be referred to by an Assyriologist in this manner? I also fail to see where in the texts published by Eidem (his Text 911 is in Iraq 47 [1985]: 98) it says that these refugees are to be sent "as captive workers" or "as bond-servants" (p. 413). Eidem (Shemshara Archives 2, 21), without any evidence and rather out of the blue, mentions "a practice well known from later sources, that of mass deportation." But in later periods this practice did not result in "captive workers" or "bond-servants," but rather in a resettled peasantry, a valuable developmental resource. In the very next sentence Eidem contradicts himself by saying that Kuwari and Samsi-Adad had to "contain and resettle the stream of refugees" which he had earlier called "the Turukkean exodus due to the Gutian war." Judging from all of the Semsara texts, these Turukkeans seem not to have been a valuable resource desired and carried off by Samsi-Adad, but refugees, a dangerous nuisance to be kept in the border region if possible, and if not, carefully escorted to prevent them from getting into mischief. They were given places to settle--refugee camps(?)-only as a last resort (Eidem, Iraq 47 [1985]: 99: "Samsi-Adad and Kuwari ... both wanted the displaced Turukkeans out of the way").

A. Dincol publishes the impressions of a joint seal of Kantuzzili, the GAL MESEDI, and Tudhaliya, the chief of the scepter bearers (MAGNUS.LITUUS). Dincol suggests that this Kantuzzili is the otherwise known "Priest of Kuzzuwatna" and brother of Tudhaliya III. His seal also shows that the sign L283 is not GISTUKUL but should be read tuzzi.

A. Suel publishes a letter from Ortakoy filled with well-known names: "To My Majesty, my lord, speak, thus Uhhamuwa, your servant. [section] Concerning that I wrote about the fact of the marching together of Kupanta-LAMMA, Tarhunnaradu, and the town of Happuriya. [section] Now a fugitive man of Marasa just came to the priest as a fugitive from Happuriya. He told me: 'Kupanta-LAMMA, Tarhunnaradu and the sons of Kupanta-LAMMA, Masduri, Piyamaradu, Kupantazalma and all of Happuria will arrive. Uhhawaranu, Huliyanzalmanu and X-lisani the Pidassan are with them.'" Kupanta-LAMMA and Tarhunnaradu were kings of Arzawa contemporary with Hittite kings Arnuwanda I and Tudhaliya III. But a man called Piyamaradu was a well-known thorn in the Hittite flesh much later, perhaps in Hattusili III's reign, and he is more or less contemporary with a Kupanta-LAMMA, king of Mira; a Masturi, king of Seha-River Land; and a Tarhunnaradu who briefly usurped the throne from Masturi. It seems unlikely that redating of the latter group is possible, but rather that we have two sets of similar Arzawan names.

Hawkins publishes a seal impression which shows that Urhi-Tessub had been designated crown prince (tuhkanti and DUMU.LUGAL.GAL) before ascending the throne. He also suggests that L419 is to be read "urhi."

B. Dincol discusses officials with multiple titles. Fo[r.sup.LU.MES]SAG = "preeminent ones," read rather "eunuchs" with Hawkins, RAI 47 (2002): 217-33.

Ozenir publishes drawings and pictures of the wonderful additional sculptures he has excavated from the Hittite sacred pool at Eflatun Pinar.

Gonnet publishes a newly discovered grotto with crude carvings of a stag, bull, eagle, and hare. Her judgment of its Hittite nature is based only on the facts that there are other Hittite sites in the general area and that these animals are portrayed elsewhere in Hittite art.

Van den Hout convincingly argues against the theory that more than one Hittite ruler with the title Great King existed simultaneously at peace with one another in the thirteenth century.

Orlamunde correctly notes that the great series of oracle questions concerning military campaigns against the Kaska and involving Nerik, KUB 5.1, cannot date to Hattusili of Hakpis's reconquest of Nerik, since the commander of the operation is called "His Majesty." Furthermore, since one of the tokens is "the king of Tarhuntassa," the text must date to the Great Kingship of Hattusili III or later. She argues for the reign of Tudhaliya IV, since the oracle text indicates that relations with Assyria were tense, which, she suggests, fits the period of Tudhaliya IV, not that of Hattusili III.

Heinhold-Krahmer points out that a sealing of Tudhaliya, the GAL MESEDI, confirms previously known documents showing that Tudhaliya IV already bore this name before he became king and therefore throws into doubt that the Hurrian name X-Sarruma beside his name on his royal seals is his "birth name." Unfortunately, my article, "The Hurrian Dynasty and the Double Names of Hittite Kings," Anatolia Antica: Studia in Memoria di Fiorella Imparati (Florence, 2002), 55-71, appeared too late for consideration.

Singer joins KUB 26.25 (CTH 126.2) indirectly to KBo 12.30 (CTH 126.4), as well as KUB 26.33 (CTH 125) to KBo 13.225, and argues that the resultant texts are examples of treaties between Suppiluliuma II and a king of Kargamis, probably Talmi-Tessub. It would then appear that it was the

king of Kargamis who had helped Suppiluliuma to the throne upon the unexpected death of his childless (half?) brother.

Jasink argues that "Great King" Hartapu's additional title "man" was an abbreviation of the title "headman," which when found in Suppiluliuma II's Sudburg inscription refers to Hartapu. Thus Hartapu, like his uncle Kurunta, attempted to use a base in Tarhuntassa to try to reclaim his ancestral throne, and he and his kingdom were subsequently eliminated by Suppiluliuma II. Thus, in her opinion, no kingdom of Tarhuntassa survived the fall of the Hittite Great Kingdom.

Seeherr, in what is perhaps the most important article for Hittite history in the volume, overturns the generally held theory that Hattusa's end came through destruction at the hand of enemies. He points out that in such a case the buildings should be full of pottery, whereas Bogazkoy's buildings had been almost completely cleaned out, except for tablets, bullae, and massive pithoi (all empty!). Whereas some buildings did burn down, others nearby simply collapsed. None of the houses and workshops situated beside burned temples themselves burned. Therefore, it seems likely that sometime in the reign of Suppiluliuma II, before the end of the empire, the capital was moved and Hattusa was at least partially abandoned.

Other articles include a contribution by Klengel on the system of Hittite government in Syria, by Klinger on historiography, by Otto and Pecchioli Daddi on "release" in Hittite, Hurrian and Hattic, by Rieken on the date of the Hittite "King of Battle" story, by Rutherford on "The Song of the Sea" as part of the Hurro-Hittite "Kingship in Heaven" cycle, by Alaura on the archives and libraries of Hattusa, by Hoffner on food and food production, by Hutter on Arzawan religion, by Richter on the Hurrian pantheon in Old Babylonian northern Mesopotamia, by Nakamura on the Nutarriyasha-festival, by Lebrun on the cities of Urikina, Ussa and Uda, and by Karasu on colophons.

Linguistic topics include Hittite figures of speech (de Martino and Imparati), grammar (Luhr on relative sentences, Mazoyer on the dative-locative, Neumann on the adverbial genitive), lexicography (Boley on intransitive hark-, Cohen on natta ara, Coskun on pots, Melchert on ararkiske-, "copulate," Oettinger on -ima-, Ofitsch on huesa-, Puhvel on ivory and elephant, Rikov on verbs in -na- and -anna-, Savas on aramni- and [.sup.GIS.arimpa]-, Y. Soysal [Arikan] on U.HUB, "deaf," K. Yoshida on nu-za, Zeilfelder on abstracts, Zinko on plants), Luwian (Alp on the Trojan seal), Hurrian (Giorgieri on Ullikummi), Hattic (O. Soysal), and Phrygian (Gusmani). Nor is Anatolian archaeology neglected (V. Muller-Karpe, Okse, Ozsait, M. Suel, Yakar et al.). Finally, de Roos reports on the progress of the database "Treated Passages from Hittite Texts."

The editor and the contributors are to be congratulated for getting a handsome volume out just two years after the conference.


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Author:Beal, Richard H.
Publication:The Journal of the American Oriental Society
Article Type:Book review
Date:Apr 1, 2006
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