Printer Friendly

Africa's political, industrial and economic development dilemma in the contemporary era of the African Union.


Member states of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) met in Lagos in 1980 to initiate what came to be known as 'Lagos Plan of Action'. It would be ideal to quote a very important statement from the document that came out of the conference to initiate this discussion:

'We view with disquiet the overdependence of the economy of our continent ... This phenomenon has made African economies highly susceptible to the external development and with detrimental effects on the interests of our continent'. (Lagos Plan of Action: OAU, 1980)

This statement was made about 27 years ago and one wonders what has been done by African states concerning the problem raised in the document. The answer is very simple: very little or nothing has been done. Another question that follows should be Why has nothing been done by African governments? The answer to this question is not the objective of this paper and will require another paper in the future. How then do we look at the industrial and economic development of Africa in the new millennium?

This paper will address several concerns so as to be able to put its message across to African governments and possibly help African leaders to steer a positive path towards the industrial and economic development of their respective countries. The following will be the synopsis of the argument:

* Attempt to relate development to several perspectives and consider a relevant definition applicable to the African development environment.

* Briefly discuss the historical perspectives of Africa's industrial and economic development dilemma.

* Outline the major factors that have contributed to impede the industrial and economic development of Africa.

* Show how Africa has been used by the developed countries as an experimental play ground for their raw materials to feed their home industries.

* Show that Africa's industrial and economic development dilemma is not the lack of either human or natural resources.

* Further show that the corruption that has plagued African governments and contributed towards its industrial and economic development dilemma is the cunning plot and collaboration of the Developed World with African governments.

* Show that the International Monetary Fund [IMF] and the World Bank were deliberately set up by the Colonial Masters to circumvent their Colonial subjugation and suffocate their industrial and economic development initiatives.

* Prove that it is the Colonial Masters who have deliberately planned to make sure that Africa does not develop both industrially and economically.

* Show further that the formation of European Union [EU] is another way of the Developed World's strategy to marginalise Africa and the rest of the developing world.

* Show that the Developed World will always find an excuse to hinge on the development dilemma of Africa--the HIV and AIDS, malaria, drought, famine and civil wars (Tobin & Mentz, 1997).

* Give a brief qualitative analytical synthesis of the potential that Africa has to trigger its industrial and economic development through its regional economic blocks.

* Finally, conclude with a brief synthesis alerting the AU with its NEPAD that seeking both financial and technical help from the Developing World will nip in the bud any initiative towards the industrial and economic development of Africa.

Looking at the Concept Development

The Encyclopaedia Britannica (2005: 421-424) defines development as

'... integrated change of societal institutions--political, social, economic, cultural and educational--according to collective, evaluative preferences which may be executed in an evolutionary or revolutionary manner through conscious human action'.

The above definition reveals that development of any sort is about people--their indigenous development opportunity, standard of living, and the use of the available resources within their environment sustainably. The most basic statistics to keep in mind in this respect had always been the demographic ones (Coetzee, 1986; Ligthelm 1986; Beukes, 1991). Development is also about the achievement of industrial, economic and other growths as well as improvement of human and environmental conditions under which people live and interact. The achievement of all these depends on the improvement made and the use of a country's human, natural and institutional resources (Clark, 1991).

Formal education upon which every development initiative depends should be practically convertible, adequate, relevant and applicable in both theoretical and practical terms (Boaduo 2005; Moyana, 1989). Adequate, relevant and applicable human resources and infrastructural development become the basic foundation to augment development initiatives at all levels. From both observation and documentary sources African governments have not as yet paid the required attention to these basic industrial and economic development tools either within their demarcated regional blocks or in individual countries (Meier, 1984).

The development Dilemma: A Historical Perspective

Historically, Africa's development dilemma--industrial, economic, political, social and educational--is closely related to the inequality of both economic and political power with a predominantly (what the white man calls) tribal and racial dimension, inappropriate primary, secondary and tertiary education as well as limiting geographical locations in terms of inadequate and inefficient infrastructure provision and in some cases the unavailability of all of them. Historically, rural poverty is worse than urban poverty because the rural folk have no alternative means to change their lives around. Due to the inequality, especially in the provision of both secondary and tertiary education in particular as well as infrastructure and basic services, the extent of poverty in both rural and urban Africa is formidable despite Africa's comparable levels of available resources [call them raw materials] for industrial, economic and social development (Beukes, 1999; Singh, 2003; Wilson et al (eds.), 2001; Jordan, 1996).

Africans have often blamed the colonial powers and their indelible scramble for and partitioning of Africa leaving the scar of division covering the face of the entire continent of Mother Africa leading to all forms of conflicts. These conflicts have been deliberately orchestrated and zoomed out of proportion by the colonial masters. The significance of these conflicts is that they divert the attention of African governments from industrial and economic development plans to the defence of their states. It is the calculated plan of the Western World to keep Africa's industrial and economic development at bay through the fomentation of conflicts of all sorts. African countries achievement of independence from the late 1950s brought with it high socio-economic expectations of change that would foster greater development, equality and social justice. Several African nationalist governments guaranteed free education and health services for all, improvement of housing and the provision of other amenities such as electricity, running water, roads and health facilities. There was the promise of popular participation in the identification of needs and the implementation of programmes to address the needs of Africans.

Generally, the prospects were optimistic because Africans were allowed partially to control their own destinies politically. This translates into Africans building their own industries, develop other infrastructure, attract foreign investment and aid so as to be able to realise their social and economic potential. The boom in world trade during the 1960s with its growing demand for the supply of raw materials--which was Africa's main line of export--strengthened this optimism. In the words of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana the main aim of the emerging African countries was

'... to establish a society in which men and women will have no anxiety about work, food and shelter, where poverty and illiteracy no longer exist, and where disease is brought under control and where our education facilities provide our children with the best possible opportunities for learning' (Nkrumah, 1967:52-53).

Unfortunately, this identified optimism and emphasis on industrial, social and economic development gradually evaporated. From the beginning of the 1970 all the African industrial, social and economic development initiatives were grounded to a complete halt (Coetzee et al 2001; Eze, 1997; Coetzee (ed.), 1986; Austen, 2003; Hanson (ed.), 1987; Allen & Thomas (eds.), 2000; Morgenthau, 1993). Throughout the continent economies experienced deep, pervasive and continual crisis characterised by stagnation, rising foreign and internal debts, increased unemployment, shortages of consumer goods and the deterioration of social infrastructures.

African Governments in general responded through the "honest" advice of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank by introducing price controls and subsidies for many popular consumer items as well as inputs for production such as fertilizers and seeds. However, these measures proved ineffective and as the situation in each African country deteriorated further the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank intervened, ushering in a new era of the African industrial and economic order history which popularly came to be known as structural adjustment (Turner & Hulme, 1997; John, 2001; Wilson, Kanji & Braathen, 2001; Singh, 2003).

The epistemology of structural adjustment and its consequences leave much to be desired. From this epistemological perspective, by 1990 many African countries had borrowed so much from the IMF and the World Bank to an extent that they were unable to pay off their debts leaving the IMF and the World Bank no alternative but to introduce the structural adjustment programme by force to be able to retrieve the money owned by African countries (Taylor & Williams, 2004). The essence of structural adjustment, as envisaged by the IMF lies in the neo-liberal notion that the state must divest itself of direct participation in the economy and the provision of social services to make way for free market exchanges. Unfortunately, however, the accompanying mechanisms such as the tightening of monetary supply and reduced public expenditure by African Governments exacerbated the already precarious socioeconomic status of most African consumers (Ball & Peter, 2000). It therefore became increasingly clear that bodies other than governments would have to step in, thus paving way for civil society to become the major provider of social services.

The protest against the economic hardships, arising from the structural adjustments and political repression under dictatorial regimes in Africa led to calls for political reform through the introduction of multi-party systems having transparency, accountability, responsibility and tolerance. Unfortunately, the second optimism associated with the political reforms was never translated into respect for individual rights and industrial, economic, social and human development.

To date, the search for appropriate, effective and sustainable industrial, economic and social development path continues to elude African Governments. All inputs by individual states, civil society and donor communities have not resolved the problems of Africa's underdevelopment, poverty, hunger and lack of efficient social services and infrastructure. Thus, the search for an appropriate, effective and sustainable development path in Africa continues ad infinitum.

According to Bidstrup (2001) Africa is capable of building on high and sustained industrial, social, economic, political, educational and technological structures that support growth at all levels. His argument is that the advent of European engagement has altered the scope and character of external linkages and the imposition of colonial rule created fundamental changes that have conditioned the economies of African countries. The truth of the matter, according to him, is that colonial regimes shaped the structures of African economies including the sectoral distribution of activities, key products in the economy, the extent of physical infrastructure and the development of human capital (Chazan et al, 1999); and up to date, they do not want to standby and see that, that changed to their disadvantage.

Since the colonial masters left Africa they returned to re-colonise it in what the late Dr, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana saw earlier in the 1960s and termed neo-colonialism. The publication of his book titled "Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism", which was published by PANAF Books, culminated in his overthrow in a CIA backed coup in February 1966. As Dr. Nkrumah for saw in the 1960s, neo-colonialism has surfaced in Africa in different forms--the destabilization of African governments through coup de tats, especially from 1960 to 1990; the IMF and World Bank financing of African debts and the structural adjustment advice. From this perspective, Africa has since been experiencing arrested industrialisation as well as social and economic development stagnation in the midst of massive human, natural and institutional resources (Nkrumah, 1965).

IMF and World Bank Destabilization Role in Africa

The role played by IMF and the World Bank in the destabilization of African economies is not a hidden agenda. History has it that the IMF and the World Bank are the brain children of the Western World's eight great industrialised countries (themselves supreme colonialists in Africa), the conglomerate of financial power house of Europe and the USA to permanently subjugate the development initiatives of the Developing World.

During the proclamation of independence in Africa and other European colonies, the colonial masters needed a very strong and workable strategy to maintain the hegemony, control and linkages with their colonial subjects in a way free from repression, cohesion and force as it was during the colonial era, so that they are not blamed for anything that happens in their former colonies. The only way to maintain these linkages was to set up such institutions as IMF and World Bank with the pretext that their colonies could be helped through borrowing to finance their development projects.

Why Did the Colonialists not Develop Africa Before their Departure?

Historically, the colonial masters deliberately refused to lay the foundation for sustainable economic and industrial development in their colonies despite the fact that everything needed to do just that was available in great quantities in Africa. Frankly, the World Bank and IMF were founded to make sure that no country apart from those in Europe, the Far-East and the USA would develop industrially and economically to pose threats and challenges to them. Their first aim was to subjugate African countries and for that matter all other developing countries and their economies to the dictates of their liking. The second aim was to fix currency values as well as market prices of commodities on the various stock exchange markets of the world. They advise devaluation of African currencies. The truth about the issue is that while no African government will openly suggest that the Western World had sought to dominate African economies, in a subtle and cynical way that is exactly what the Western World had set about doing for both political and economic reasons (Bidstrup, 2002).

From what has been indicated, it is clear to understand and know the role of the World Bank and the IMF in the destabilization of African economies. As indicated earlier, during the granting of political independence to African colonies by their colonial masters, the colonial masters needed a very strong and workable strategy to maintain the control and the linkages with their colonial subjects. Since they could not do this through repression as was used during the time African countries were colonies the World Bank and IMF were the most perfect strategies to use in this respect.

What are the Causes of Africa's Development Dilemma?

The revelation from the above discussion is that Africa's economic and industrial development dilemma is not a lack of talents. Currently, Africa has a source of highly intelligent and carefully trained professionals in a variety of skills, who unfortunately, practice their profession outside Africa leaving it to crumble. Once again Africa's development dilemma is not a lack of resources either. Any one with the most basic knowledge about the economic geography of Africa is aware of the vast variety of resources both natural and human.

If all these hold true, then why has Africa come to this terrible state of economic and industrial development stagnation and unable to survive amidst plenty?

To answer this question, there is need to give a brief list of some pertinent factors and discuss their contribution to the creation of this terrible state of affairs in the continent ( The arrested economic and industrial development of Africa can be attributed to the following factors:

* Corruption: African politicians are dubbed as corrupt by the Western World. And the question that needs asking is "who encouraged the African politicians to be corrupt?" Billions of Africa's wealth have been stolen and deposited in European banks. The financial institutions where these bounties are deposited are aware that individuals cannot amass such wealth taking into account the combined income from their businesses and other sources. The fact that African colonies have been granted political independence for over fifty years is not the issue. The issue is the continuous backing of the Western World's financial institutions acceptance of the billions stolen from African countries by their leaders and deposited with them. Assuming such deposits by African leaders have been rejected by the western financial institutions, African leaders would have thought twice before stealing from their countries--consider Mobutu Seseseko, Bokassa, Abachar and Taylor. The conclusion that can be drawn is that African leaders' corruption is another plot by the Western World to stagnate the industrial and economic development of African states.

* Political instability: From 1960 to 1990 African countries experienced destabilization from the political front with the help of the Western World's intelligence agencies like the M16, the CIA, the KGB, the Massad and the various French and Italian intelligence agencies including the Mafia. The result had been a string of coup de tats leaving a trail of destruction and the legacy of potential instability. Another excuse for the Western World to invest in African countries and complained that these countries were not stable. Who caused the destabilization? Countries that suffered from the instability included Ghana, the then Zaire, the Congo Republic, Uganda, Nigeria, Angola, Mozambique, the Gambia, Ethiopia, and recently Liberia, Sierra Leone, the Ivory Coast and Burundi and Rwanda, Somalia and Chad.

* Ill-advice of IMF and World Bank: African governments seem not to realise that the IMF and the World Bank are not their allies to help them in the economic and industrial development of their respective countries. Unfortunately they rely on these institutions whose aim is to cause the total economic and industrial doom to the developing world.

* Rape of multi-national corporations: The development agenda of these financial giants has nothing to do with the industrial and economic welfare of African states. Their development programmes have been transplanted into Africa and do not benefit Africans. In everything they do, it is their interests first no matter the consequences to the host countries.

* Lack of effective regional integration: Even though Africa has regional economic groupings like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), South African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Development Community (EADC), they seem to be concerned about their territorial extravagance and not real economic and industrial development. Instead of integration, they stand in their isolated forms where development initiates are not planned among these regional development blocks.

* Lack of democratic practices: African governments lack the spirit of tolerance and criticism by opposition thereby choking the process of democracy for economic and industrial development. There is therefore need for political maturity to be displayed in all African countries where the opposition should be considered as the God-Father of the forgotten lot thereby putting the ruling party on its toes to consider the people first.

* Lavish spending of African leaders: Many African leaders are known for their extravagant spending at the expense of the welfare of their citizens. Several of such leaders do not even see the need to raise the social levels of their people. They buy expensive presidential planes that take them round the world to further sell their countries to the Western World.

* Currency disparity: The currencies of African countries have no value in the international market arena. When will there be currency parity among nations?

* Civil strife: This has characterised African countries for far too long and this is detrimental to any form of development initiative (Asante, 1987). The question of who determines the value of currencies on the international market has never been answered. Why should the Africa world compare its currencies with the Western World? Can Africa not develop its own currency zone and compete on equal footing with the West? This ploy needs circumvention, lest African currencies remain pieces of papers worth nothing.

The Nature of Colonial Resistance to Africa's Development

To a decisive degree the foregoing factors have, in the past, contributed to the colonial masters' resistance to Africa's development at all fronts especially, economic, industrial and political. In other words the basis of the Africa's economic, industrial and political development dilemma can be understood through the understanding of power structures and their relations that are essentially components of any process involving action for social change (Participatory Research, 1994).

To answer the question posed above (Why has Africa come to this terrible state of economic and industrial development stagnation and unable to survive amidst plenty?), we are all aware of the fact that when the European powers invaded Africa and made it their personal property like their backyard, they took charge of practically everything, especially those resources that were found in the demarcated areas of jurisdiction after the partitioning. They found several raw materials that could be used to lay the foundation for the economic and industrial development of their colonies to provide their subjects jobs and social security. Instead they did not establish the required industrial base in Africa and instead took the raw materials free of charge to their factories at home for processing to provide jobs for their kit and kin. The finished products were sent back to Africa to be sold at exorbitant prices further enriching themselves and leaving the African subjects in dire poverty.

Till today the same process is going on unabated. The multi-national corporations see vast resources in African which they want badly (Hines, 2005). They will, therefore, stop at nothing to get them (If you look at what is going on in Iraq). Their intelligent agencies that have lost their mission after the end of the Cold War are now supporting the multi-national corporations on their new mission to get the resources out of Africa for their benefit. The intelligence agencies--CIA, KGB and the Mossad--have been the brain behind all the political destabilization agenda in Africa from 1951 to date and there is no view in sight that this will stop if Africans do not take the initiative.

From this lengthy analysis a clear picture emerges. The Western World has conspired to maintain the status quo in Africa. They do not want Africa to develop but Africans aspire to the contrary. However, to the Western World, the opinion of the African does not matter (Bidstrup, 2002) so long as they remain in the commanding position in everything--economics, education and military.

The Threat of Africa's Economic and Industrial Development to Europe

From the perspectives discussed above, one comes to think analytically and ask questions like what will Europe do if Africa develops its economies and industrialise and becomes able to process its raw materials that feed the numerous industries in Europe? Where will Europe get the bulk of its raw materials to feed its industries, especially tropical products? The answer to this question is obvious and this is the main bone of contention that has contributed to the colonial masters' deliberate decision not to industrialise African colonies before they were granted independence (Vale, 1991; Clark, 1991).

Another observation is the urge of African governments to seek the Western World's support to develop industrially. Leaders like Thabo Mbeki (of South Africa) and Olusegun Obasanjo (of Nigeria) travel every now and then to meet the G8 magnate for assistance to develop Africa. Funny isn't it? The development vocabularies that African governments have been using have been borrowed from their colonial masters. African governments have not as yet devised their own development concepts applicable, convertible and relevant to their needs.

African governments forget the fact that the essence of political economics is to direct economically weaker countries to believe that the economically stronger countries wield both political and economic power which cannot be challenged. This places them in a position that enables them to dictate terms to Africa with no due consideration to the consequences those terms will have on the people of Africa. This is done through many diverse ways, two of which will be mentioned. The first is to praise the economically weaker countries that their economy is picking up and as such there is nothing to worry about but must continue in the direction advised by the World Bank and IMF. The second is to see to it that their currencies are below par with the economically advanced countries through the devaluation advice given by the World Bank and IMF. The implications of such thought are very devastating indeed. African countries sell products at no cost at all to the economically developed countries because their currencies are worth nothing in terms of value as compared to the industrialised countries.

What has been presented so far is an illustration of the fundamental facts that the identification with economically oppressed countries in a system that makes a certain part of the world enjoy every privilege and live on the sweat of the disadvantaged is not only unfair, it is also absolutely inhuman.

What has become apparent is that any African government who declares solidarity with the Western World is allowed to enjoy a certain amount of privilege. What is being shown here is that African political power has always rested with governments who have direct affiliation and have submitted completely their nationhood to the Western World for aid or loans. Any African government that does not do that is squeezed out of power either by organised coup de tat or economic hanging as was the case with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana in the early 60s which eventually brought his government down through the machinations of the CIA backed uprising in February 1966.

Not only has the Western World been guilty of being exploitative in terms of both human and natural resources; they employ skilful manoeuvres and have managed to control the responses of African governments. Not only have they been able to economically and politically kicked African governments in their guts but also they have managed to control the painful responses of the kicks.

Western World will Thwart the Ambitious Plans of AU and NEPAD

The AU and NEPAD formation is not anything new. The emancipation of African governments has been deliberately undermined by the Western World. At the inauguration of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, the late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana proposed what has been enshrined in the documents of NEPAD but because the African leaders of that era had no matured minds to look into the future, ignored Nkrumah's ideas. What is happening among the AU and NEPAD members is the revamping of Nkrumah's ideas. There is urgent need for a call for Black Consciousness Awakening and strategically positive plan and action now. What must not be forgotten is that the Western World will not stand by for NEPAD initiatives to mature, except African governments stop seeking the financial and technical support from the Western World and do everything their own way.

Taking Responsibility for Africa's Industrial and Economic Development

The revelations have been clear at this point that Africa's full misery clearly emerges. However, there is absolute hope. Africa still have untapped natural and human resources. Africa has the best store of hydroelectric potential especially in the tropical rain fed areas. Africa has store of untapped natural gas and oil in Libya, Nigeria, Angola, Equatorial Guinea and recently Sudan and South Africa. There are several deposits of strategic minerals that have not been exploited for development. Africa has all the resources that can help to lay the solid foundation of industrial development--iron ore in West Africa, coking coal in Southern Africa, aluminium ore, manganese and bauxite in Ghana, platinum in South Africa, diamond in Botswana, gold in South Africa and Ghana, to mention but a few. In addition, Africa has large reserve of skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled labour and above all Africa has its own consumer and industrial markets.

While it will not be easy to dislodge the image of colonial masters' deliberate sabotage of Africa's development initiatives over night, a positive move towards a change needs to be ushered in. To begin with, there is need to provide sound representative governments in all African countries through positive political education and the adherence to the democratic norms of governance. The traditional communal democracy should be revisited and employed to govern African countries. In the traditional African communal democracy everybody works for the common good of the community (Obasanjo, 1987).

There must be an industrial and economic development paradigm shift in Africa (Kajese, 1988). The 21st century promises Africa to rediscover itself (Vale, 1991) hence the African Renaissance.

Recommendations and Strategies Africa's Development

Education: African governments should embark on a progressively new education provision from primary to tertiary. The new education system that will respond to the development needs of Africa should reflect the realities of the world of work and production as well as the available natural resources in the localities. Changing the focus of primary, secondary and tertiary education curricula from academically oriented content to a more realistic and practical oriented programmes of courses that will provide graduates with basic, relevant and applicable life skills that can be utilised immediately after graduation must be the aim of curricula planners and education policy makers (Boaduo, 2005; Boaduo, 1998). All programmes in the education institutions should be geared towards the kind of opportunities available in African societies. Such programmes should be relevant, applicable and appropriate to local, national and international needs so that graduates are not wasted on completion of their studies.

Higher Institution Research: Research in higher institutions of learning should be encouraged and supported both materially and financially. The AU should have research centres established throughout Africa and the ideas pooled together. Research findings should be turned into feasible, practical, relevant and applicable commodities that could be utilised both at home and for export. For instance, Cuba is a poor country in terms of natural resources and has been blockaded by the USA since 1960 but has developed through progressive education system and developed its human resources to the highest calibre and also in scientific and technological research. As a result Cuba has been able to withstand the onslaught of American aggression and has been able to export its human resources to most parts of the world. African countries can do something similar.

NEPAD Initiatives: Philosophically speaking, NEPAD is not just a forum for economic and industrial emancipation of the African World. It is rather a reactionary proposition of African industrial and economic emancipation. With the emergence of AU, the final stage of complete African economic and industrial revolution for independence has dawned. The quintessence of this emancipation is the realization by African governments that in order to feature well in this game of political economics and industrialization, they have to use the group concept power (AU) and to build a strong foundation for this through sacrifice and dedication. Having been politically, economically and socially disoriented and dispossessed for centuries, African governments have the strongest foundation from which to operate as a unit. NEPAD expresses group economic ideology. It is just as has been the case in the European Union (EU).

This will enable African governments to say in unison what the late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah identified and said during the independence celebration on the 6th of March 1957, thus "... at long last the battle is ended" and Africa my beloved continent is trying to do something that will set it free from the clutches of colonial prison of economic, industrial and social development. (Words in italics are my own). At the heart of this kind of thought is the realization by AU that Africa is on its own and must stand on its own. It is therefore important to remind African leaders to refrain from the beggar instinctive pleas to request the Western World to finance NEPAD development initiates. Instead, African governments who have billions in foreign accounts should bring such money back to Africa to invest. Thinking along this line of action for Africa's industrial and economic emancipation, African governments will see themselves as governments of their people and not as an extension of leverage to some distance machine which is robotically controlled at will by the owner, as Steve Biko indicated during his trial (Biko, 1976).

Regional Economic Blocks: The establishment of African regional economic blocks is one of the initiatives for economic and industrial development in Africa. However, ECOWAS and SADC have been interested in their limited development initiatives. It is time such economic blocks merge and look at wider connections in terms of education, manpower development, research, infrastructural connectivity for easy movement and exchange of goods, services and labour.

At the end of it all African governments must cease to tolerate attempts by the Western World to dwarf the significance of their economic and industrial emancipation. Once this happens we would know that the real African government for Africa and Africans has, finally shone through.


In this paper, I have tried to sketch what Africa needs to do to be able to develop economically and industrially. The discussion has been that the colonial masters' have deliberately stood in the path of Africa's economic and industrial development with the combined efforts of the IMF and the World Bank with their strategic plans of devaluation of African currencies and the structural adjustment initiatives. I have also indicated that African governments must take part of the blame for their myopic foresight as well as their characteristic looting of the coffers of African countries and deposit in financial institutions of their adversaries. I have clearly identified and listed the potential Africa has to initiate its economic and industrial development. I have stressed that the AU leaders should not be fooled to believe that the Western World will accord attention to their request for financial and technical assistance to help Africa develop industrially.

My humble request has been that African leaders who have stuffed billions in foreign accounts should bring that money back for investment in their countries. Further to this, I have suggested that AU-NEPAD should have their own economic strategic advisors and stop taking the so-called free economic advice from the World Bank and IMF. I have also indicated that Africa has the required resources, both human and natural and given time, can further develop its infrastructures to meet its needs.

We love Africa. We love to live and work in Africa. Let our leaders make it possible and rewarding to do just that so that together we are able to salvage Africa from its numerous woes. Let us do it together.


African Unification Front, (2005).

Allen, T. & Thomas, A. (eds.) (2000). Poverty and development into the 21st century Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Asante, S.K.B. (1987). The role of organisation of African Unity in promoting peace, development and regional security. In E. Hansen (ed.) Africa: Perspectives on peace and development. United nations University studies on peace and regional security. London: Zed Books Ltd.

Austen, r. (2003) African Economic history. Oxford: James Currey.

Bath, A.R. & Peter, B.G. (2000). Modern Politics and Governments. (6th ed.). London: Palgrave.

Beukes, E.P. (1991). Thoughts on development in the new South Africa. In E.P. Beukes, W.J. Davies, R.J.W. Van de Kooy & L.A. Van Wyk (eds.) Development, employment and the new South Africa. Development Society of Southern Africa. Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education.

Bidstrup, S. (2002). Africa's agony.

Boaduo, N.A-P. (2005). Secondary education provision in Africa: What form should it take in the twenty first century? Published in the African Symposium. An Online Journal of African Educational Research Network. December 2005, Volume 5 Number 2. pp. 3-17.

Boaduo, N.A-P. (1998). An investigative study of innovation and reform in the education system of the Kingdom of Lesotho. Summary of Ph.D. dissertation. Published in the African Journal: An Online Journal of African Educational Research Network. March-May, 2005. Volume 5. Number 1. pp. 4-19.

Burkley, S. (2002). People first: A guide to self-reliant participatory rural development. London: Zed Books.

Chazan, N., Lewis, T.,Mortimer, R., Rothchild, D. & Stedman, S.J. (1999) Politics and society in contemporary Africa. (3rd ed.). Boulder, Colorado: Lynne, rienner Publishers.

Clark, J. (1991). Democratizing Development: The role of Voluntary Organisations. London: Earthscan Publications Ltd.

Coetzee, J.K. (ed.) (1986). Development is for people. Johannesburg: Macmillan South Africa Publishers Pty Ltd.

Coetzee, J.K., Graff, J., Hendricks, F. & Woods, G. (eds.) (1997). Development: Theory, Policy and Practice. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Cohen, L. & Manion, L. (1984). Research methods in education. London: Routledge.

Goodman, J. (1992). Theoretical and practical considerations for school-based research in positivistic era. In Qualitative research for education: focus and methods. London: Falmer Press.

Hansen, E. (ed.) (1987). Perspectives on peace and development. United Nations University studies on peace and regional security. London: Zed Books.

Hines, C. (2005). Agribusiness: A block to Africa's food self-reliance.

John, P. (2002). Analysing public policy London: Continuum.

Jordan, B. (1996). A theory of poverty and social exclusion. Cambridge: Pointy Press.

Kajese, K. (1988). An agenda for future tasks for international and indigenous NGOs: Views for the South. In World Development. Volume 15 (supplement). Pp. 79-85.

Ligthelm, a.A. (1984). An appropriate development strategy for Southern Africa. Development Southern Africa. Volume 1, Number 1. pp. 12-19.

Lowenkopf, M. (1989). If the Cold War is over in Africa, will the United States care? CSIS Africa notes number 98. May 30th 1989.

Mouton, J, (1996) Understanding social research. Pretoria: Van Schaik.

Meier, G.M. (1984). Leading issues in economic development. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Morgenthau, T. (1993). Politics among nations: The struggle for power and peace. Boston: McGraw Hill.

Moyana, T.T. (1989). Education, Liberation and the creative act. Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House.

NEPAD, (2000).

NEPAD (2000). The New Partnership for Africa's Development Durban: Heather Botha, Natal Press.

Nkrumah, K. (1965). Neo-Colonialism: The last stages of imperialism. London: Panaf Books.

Nkrumah, K. (1967). Axioms of Kwame Nkrumah. Freedom Fighters Edition. New York: International Publishers.

Obasanjo, O. (1987). Africa in perspective: Myths and realities. New York: Council on Foreign Relations.

Participatory Research, (1994). Summer School on Participatory Research. Umtata. HSRC, Pretoria.

Sayer, A. (1992). Method in social science: A realistic approach. London: Routledge. Schulz, M., Soderbaum, F. & Ojendal, J. (eds.) (2001). Regionalization in a globalised world: A comparative perspective in forms, actors and processes.London: Zed Books.

Scott, W.E. & Cummings, L.L. (1974) Readings in organizational behaviour and human performance. Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irvin Inc.

Singh, K. (2003). Rural Development: Principles, policies and management. New Delhi: Sage Publications.

Smit, G.J. (1995). Research guidelines for planning and documentation. Pretoria: Southern Books.

Stake, R.E. (1994). Case Studies. In N.K. Denzin, & Y.S. Lincoln (eds.) Handbook of qualitative research. Pp. 237-245. London: Routledge.

Taylor, I. & Williams, P. (eds.) (2004). Africa in International Politics: External involvement on the continent. Routledge advances in International relations and global politics. London: Routledge.

Tobin, G.A. & Montz, B.E. (1997). Natural Hazards: Explanation and integration. London: The Guilford Press.

Turner, H. & Hulme, D. (1997). Governance, administration and development: Making the State work. London: Palgrave.

Vale, P. (1991). A farewell to arms? The changing international order and its effects on development and employment in the new South Africa. In E.P. Beukes, W.J. Davies, R.J.W. Van der Kooy & L.A. Van Wyk (eds.) development and the new South Africa: development society of Southern Africa. Potchefstroom: University of Christian Higher Education.

Wilson, F., Kanji, N. & Bruathen, E. (2001). Poverty reduction: What role for the state in today's globalised economy? London: Zed Books.

Nana Adu-Pipim Boaduo FRC

University of Botswana, Faculty of Education

Department of Languages and Social Sciences Education
COPYRIGHT 2008 Journal of Pan African Studies
No portion of this article can be reproduced without the express written permission from the copyright holder.
Copyright 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

Article Details
Printer friendly Cite/link Email Feedback
Author:Boaduo, Nana Adu-Pipim
Publication:Journal of Pan African Studies
Article Type:Report
Geographic Code:60AFR
Date:Jun 1, 2008
Previous Article:The two West Africas: the two historical phases of the West African brain drain.
Next Article:An interview with Marouba Fall: Premier Senegalese novelist, poet and dramatist.

Terms of use | Privacy policy | Copyright © 2021 Farlex, Inc. | Feedback | For webmasters