A winged St John the Baptist icon in the British Museum.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
The icon depicts a tall, thin, winged and haloed St John the Baptist in the desert, full-length and in three-quarter view to the left. He wears a blue camel-hair skin underneath an olive-green himation. His hair is dishevelled and curly in its lower part, as is his straggly beard. His wings, spread wide on his back, are blue on the inside matching his camel-hair skin, and brown on the outside. With his left hand he supports over his left shoulder a staff topped by a cross, and holds an open scroll with an inscription written in black in Greek capitals. The text reads as follows:
[ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ('You see what they suffer, O Word of God, those who condemn the faults of the loathsome, and therefore, Herod, not being able to bear my condemnation, severed my head, Saviour').
With a gesture indicative of speech, his right arm is extended to the left and bent at the elbow towards the upper left hand corner of the icon, where Christ is depicted in half length. Christ appears within a segment of heaven, in three quarter view to the right, and confers the sign of blessing on John with his right hand. He wears a golden himation and bears a plain (i.e. not cruciform) halo, to the right of which the gold, Greek capital letters 'XC' are visible. The background of this segment is dark blue with gold striations, surrounded by a light blue band. Two ranges of grey mountains dominate the background flanking John: a large one to the left and a smaller one to the right, rendered in the typical Byzantine manner, that is, unnaturally steep and with flat surfaces attached to each other at right angles. In the bottom left-hand corner, the remains of a small plant can be glimpsed, as well as an inscription, now severely damaged, which is only partially decipherable, and reads: [ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] ('prayer of the servant'). Although the condition of the icon is generally good, it is obvious that it has been cut down. At the right, it is just the lower parts of John's left wing which are missing; however, at the bottom, as mentioned above, both the plant and the inscription have been truncated, along with the Baptist's feet, while at the left, judging from other icons depicting the same subject, the mountain range presumably extended further. There is no indication that the icon has been significantly cropped at the top, although on the upper part of the border, to the left, the golden background is missing, as it is in part on the left and right edges. The undertone of John's and Christ's flesh is dark brown with reddish highlights on the forehead, cheeks, neck, and on John's bare arm and hands.
The British Museum icon is a characteristic example of the popular post-Byzantine iconographic type of the winged St John the Baptist. Although the possibility of a Komnenian prototype has been suggested (the Komnenian dynasty ruled in Constantinople between 1081 and 1185) (1) the image is actually inspired by prototypes dating from the Palaiologan period, which lasted flora 1259 to the Fall of Constantinople in 1453. (2) This type became extremely popular, and was widely disseminated in post-Byzantine Cretan icon painting from the second half of the fifteenth century to the end of the seventeenth century. (3) It is generally accepted that it was introduced into post-Byzantine Cretan icon painting by the leading artist Angelos, whose two signed icons with the winged St John are considered the first examples in what was to become a rich line of production (Figs. 2 and 3). (4) Based on the surviving examples, the main characteristics of the type may be defined as follows: the winged saint in three-quarter profile, facing either to the right or to the left, conversing with Christ and clad in a camel-hair shirt with a himation, (5) holding a staff and an open scroll, with the same dodecasyllabic text seen in our icon; two mountain ranges, a tree with an axe; the severed head of the Baptist in a bowl; and, occasionally, a turtle-dove (Fig. 2). (6) It is, therefore, likely that our icon originally had a tree with an axe and a bowl with John's head, elements which are invariably included in icons of this type. The tree with an axe is inspired by the Gospel according to St Matthew, Chapter III, verse 10, and the Gospel according to St Luke, Chapter III, verse 9 ('And now also the axe is laid unto the root of the trees: therefore every tree which bringeth not forth good fruit is hewn down, and cast into the fire'), (7) while the bowl with the Baptist's head is a reference not only to his beheading (Gospel according to St Matthew, Chapter XIV, verses 1-12; Gospel according to St Mark, Chapter VI, verses 16 29), but also to the feast of the Finding of the Baptist's Head, (8) and, moreover, has liturgical connotations. (9) In the majority of the surviving examples, John holds his staff--a symbol which, according to Schwartz, alludes to his martyrdom (10)--in his left hand, in front of him and upright, as seen, for example, in the Angelos icons (Figs. 2 and 3). Nevertheless, examples where the Baptist, in a more naturalistic manner, rests his staff on his left shoulder, as seen in our icon, also exist (Fig. 4). The words on the scroll, common in this iconographic type, are not, however, found in any textual source. Moreover, they do not appear either in earlier depictions of the winged Baptist or in any of his other iconographic types. (11) This, together with its limited use, strongly suggests that the text was especially composed for the scroll of the Baptist in images of this type, (12) and it has been pro posed that the painter Angelos could have also been responsible for its wording.
[FIGURE 2-4 OMITTED]
The surviving words of the damaged inscription in the bottom left-hand corner of our icon, [ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] form part of a phrase which--in Byzantine iconography--customarily precedes the names of donors. (13) Therefore, the male name which followed here was, in all probability, that of the icon's male patron, (14) rather than its artist. (15) There are no grounds for determining whether or not his portrait was also part of the icon. Examples of large-scale icons depicting saints which include kneeling donor portraits do exist; (16) however, none belong to this particular iconographic type of the Baptist.
The Temple Gallery's suggestion that the icon dates from the early sixteenth century is supported by a comparison with one of Angelos's signed works from the second half of the fifteenth century (Fig. 2), and with an example from the second half of the sixteenth century, signed by another leading post-Byzantine Cretan painter, Michael Damaskinos (1535-92/93) (Fig. 4). (17) All three icons display the same thick, rigid and well-defined folds in the Baptist's himation, with particularly noticeable similarities in the four consecutive folds over his right, bent leg. The British Museum and Damaskinos icons both depict the Baptist turned to the right, whereas in the Angelos icon he is turned to the left. In the first two works a lean Precursor rests his staff over his left shoulder, while in the last, a bulkier John holds his staff in front of him. Furthermore, in the British Museum and Damaskinos icons John clearly raises his head in the direction of Christ, a movement made more pronounced by his extended right arm. Angelos, on the other hang opted to underline the communication between the two through John's direct gaze. In all three icons, the Baptist faces the larger range of mountains and turns his back on the smaller one. However, the formation of the rocks in the British Museum and Damaskinos icons is stiffer and more rigid than that in the Angelos icon, where the rocks display a softer transition between the rising levels. The palette of the British Museum icon is also closer to Damaskinos's work, with more vibrant colours used for the garments and the scenery. The treatment of the flesh, how ever, with dark undertones and highlights around the eyes, cheeks and neck, is closer to Angelos. Damaskinos was the first artist to introduce paler flesh tones into post Byzantine painting. The effect is especially striking in his faces, as seen in his winged St John the Baptist icon (Fig. 4). It was one of the stylistic features of his work which proved highly influential from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards. The lack of light flesh tones in our icon seems to suggest a chronological placement between Angelos and Damaskinos, in the first half of the sixteenth century. It is possible that Damaskinos was familiar with works similar to the British Museum icon rather than to the examples by Angelos.
The representation of the Baptist with wings is inspired by the Gospels, where Christ calls John 'messenger' ([ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (Gospel according to St Matthew, Chapter XI, verse 10; Gospel according to St Mark, Chapter 1, verse 2), repeating the prophecy in Malachi, Chapter III, verse 1, which is also found in Exodus, Chapter XXIII, verse 20 and Chapter XXXII, verse 34. (18) A number of Church Fathers deliberated at length on John's nature, debating whether he was an incarnated angel or simply Christ's messenger and forerunner. (19) But while the Orthodox church, for the most part, was willing to accept John's similarity to angels and their nature, as is demonstrated, for example, by a passage from the writings of Sophronios (560-638), who was Patriarch of Jerusalem between 634 and 638, (20) western ecclesiastical authorities tended to regard this view as heretical. (21) Their opposition meant that the winged Baptist never found a place within the iconographic repertoire of western art, in contrast to Byzantine art, where--as we have seen--the type acquired increasing popularity following its introduction in the Palaiologan period. It has been suggested, above all by virtue of the large dimensions of the surviving post-Byzantine icons representing this subject, that they were most probably placed within iconostases. (22) In 1077 the historian Attaleiates, writing about the church of Christ Panoiktirmonos at Constantinople, mentions that in the middle of its iconostasis (templon) were the Deesis and scenes from the life of the Forerunner, (23) showing that icons representing the Baptist and scenes from his life--formed part of its decoration. Further support for the use of these icons within such a context, rather than as independent works, is offered by the three quarter profile of the Baptist which is found in all icons of this type. He appears in this position in a large number of Deesis icons depicting Christ in the middle and the Virgin to the left, often without wings (for example, in the middle part of a twelfth-century iconostasis beam on Mount Sinai, in two fifteenth-century icons signed by Angelos, and in a Deesis icon with two donors, dated 1546, in the Istituto Ellenico di Studi Byzantini e Postbyzantini di Venezia), (24) but sometimes with wings (for example, in a fresco fragment, now in the Muzeul National de Arta, Bucharest, datable between 1517 and 1526). (25) The placement of John on the left or the right of the iconostasis must have determined whether he appeared in three quarter profile facing to the right or to the left. (26)
The use of this iconographic type in iconostases offers an explanation for its role in the post Byzantine, Venetian dominated society of Crete. On the island of Crete, under the rule of Venice since 1211, the local Greek Orthodox inhabitants co-existed on various levels and for a prolonged period (until 1669) with the Roman Catholic settlers. The eastern and western civilisations, though brought together by force, managed, nevertheless, by the fourteenth century to discover mutual interests and much common ground, which had social as well as cultural dimensions: (27) these included mixed marriages, business transactions involving native Cretans and Venetian colonisers; bilingualism; the adoption of Italian architectural practices, fashions and commodities by the Cretans, and of Greek customs by the Venetians; and--last but not least--the impact of western art on Byzantine iconography. (28) By the second half of the sixteenth century, as is demonstrated in the work of Damaskinos, these influences operated powerfully in the post-Byzantine artistic context. (29) The thriving icon market, at its peak in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, demanded large numbers of portable icons, with a clear preference, however, for those painted a la latina (in the Italian manner). Thus, a celebrated contract of 1499 records a transaction involving a Venetian and a Greek merchant who commissioned seven hundred icons of the Virgin from three Cretan painters, specifying that only two hundred should be painted a la greca (in the Greek manner), while the rest were to be a la latina. (30) Such commissions made it imperative for Cretan painters not only to be able to paint both in forma a la greca and forma a la latina in order to satisfy the demands of their clientele, (31) but also to create and to introduce into their works hybrid iconographic types which combined Byzantine with western elements, a case in point being the Madre della Consolazione, which was particularly popular in post-Byzantine Crete among both Orthodox and Catholic patrons (Fig. 5). (32) The large dimensions of the winged St John the Baptist type, of which the British Museum icon is such a notable example, make it unlikely that these works were destined for export, since practical reasons favoured portable icons of moderate size. Furthermore, the exclusively Byzantine roots and character of the type, in a society which by the sixteenth century showed a clear preference for hybrid iconography, would have made it more at home within an eastern context, where it must have been destined for an Orthodox congregation which would have had better knowledge of--and been more familiar with--this type. (33)
[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]
Lafontaine-Dosogne has claimed that this type is not connected to any episode from John the Baptist's life. (34) This view is contradicted, however, by the inclusion of the saint's severed head in a bowl, which is always present in the iconographic type and which is, almost certainly, missing from our icon solely because of its mutilation; this is obviously a direct reference to the Baptist's beheading by Herod, which is also explicitly mentioned in the text of his scroll. Munoz, on the other hand, suggested that this winged representation of the Baptist could be associated with the Baptism. (35) This suggestion cannot be excluded, since an allusion to the Baptism is inherent in all images of the Forerunner; (36) as such, it would have been comprehended by an Orthodox congregation, regardless of their literacy. In this particular type, the saint might also refer to angels in scenes of the Baptism, present in Byzantine art from the second half of the fifth century onwards. (37) More importantly, however, it is possible that the choice of the verb '[ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] (from [ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] to suffer), at the beginning of the scroll text, is a further connection between this type and the Baptism: Christ himself referred to his Passion ([ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], a noun deriving from [ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] as Baptism (Gospel according to St Matthew, Chapter XX, verses 22-23; Gospel according to St Luke, Chapter XII, verse 50); and his Baptism is closely related to his death on the cross and resurrection (Romans, Chapter VI, verses 3-23). Whether or not we accept that it was the painter Angelos who actually composed the scroll text for the type, (38) it would be reasonable to assume that its author was well acquainted with the liturgy, in fact, we know that Angelos, in addition to being an acclaimed painter, was also a [ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII], that is to say a leading chanter in the church during the liturgy; (39) moreover, he was well educated, since he personally wrote his own will. (40) In consequence, he would have been familiar with liturgical texts and in a position to combine and convey such references. Iconographically, the type certainly does not lack allusions to the liturgy, especially through the image of John's head in a bowl, which establishes a direct connection between his martyrdom and Christ's sacrifice. (41) All in all, therefore, an indirect reference to the Baptism in this type remains a distinct possibility.
The sixteenth-century British Museum icon depicts an iconographic type which was very popular in post-Byzantine art but which is absent from western art: a winged St John the Baptist. On the basis of theological texts, it combines a series of individual characteristics which separate it from other iconographic types of the saint, while the large dimensions of extant exemplars point to its use in an ecclesiastical context. The two modern hinges on the back of our icon indicate that it was at some point suspended, as do the two recesses seen on the narrow piece of wood, which suggest that it may once have been attached to a larger construction. John the Baptist, second only to the Virgin as an intercessor for mankind in the liturgy, was a very important saint, whose representation always carried an allusion to the Baptism, which does not appear to be lacking in this type either. (42) The iconography of the winged precursor found its place in the Orthodox church and remained popular until the late seventeenth century on the island of Crete. Paradoxically, the preference for hybrid iconographic types that was such a feature of hybrid Cretan society at this period, only serves to underline the exceptional significance that this non-hybrid type must have had for its Orthodox congregation.
I would like to thank Mr C. Entwistle of the British Museum, Department of Prehistory and Europe, for allowing me to publish this icon. I would also like to thank Professor Maria Vassilaki, Dr. Leslie Brubaker, Dr. Jill Kraye and Dr. Rembrandt Dints for reading this paper and for their valuable comments, and Ms Julian Chrysostomidou and Dr. Charalambos Dendrinos for examining the icon with me.
(1) The basis for this suggestion is an icon on Mount Sinai, dated to the twelfth century, where, however, the Baptist is not winged: G. and M. Sotriou, Eikones tis Monis Sina, 2 vols., Athens, 1956-58, vol. I, fig. 86, and vol. II, pp. 98-99. See also M. Achalmastou-Potamianou, 'Dyo Eikones tou Agelou kai tou Andrea Ritzou sto Byzantino Mouseio', Deltion tis Christianikis Archaiologikis Etaireias, vol. XV, 1989-1990, pp. 105-17, especially p. 107.
(2) J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, "Une Icone d'Angelos au Musee de Malines et l'Iconographie du St Jean-Baptiste aile', Bulletin des Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire, vol. XLVIII, 1976, pp. 121-44, especially p. 128, has suggested a Constantinopolitan origin for the type; see also idem, 'Une Icone d'Angelos au Musee de Malines et l'Icono graphic du St. Jean-Baptiste aile', Byzantion, vol LIII, 1983, pp. 7-9 especially p. 7. The first representation of St John with wings appears in the church of St Achilles at Arilje (the church is datable to 1296), where, however, the Baptist is shown in frontal view; see G. Millet and A. Frolow. La Peinture du Moyen Age en Yougoslavie (Serbie, Macedoine et Montenegro), 3 vols., Paris, 1954-1962, vol. II, plate 87, fig. 1. The saint appears for the first time in three quarter view only at the end of the fourteenth century in a Serbian psalter, now in Munich: Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit. (1976), pp. 131-32, fig. 9; idem, op. cit. (1983), p. 8.
(3) Idem, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1976), p. 133; N. Chatzidakis, Icons of the Cretan School (15th-16th Century), exh. cat., Benaki Museum, Athens, 1983, p. 18.
(4) Ibid., p. 18; Acheimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., p. 107; M. Vassilaki, 'A Cretan Icon in the Ashmolean: The Embrace of Peter and Paul', Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik, vol. XL, 1990, pp. 405-22, especially p. 411. For these icons, see also Chatzidakis, op. cit, p. 18, no. 2, and Acheimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., p. 106, fig. 1 (Athens), Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1976), p. 122, fig. 1 (Belgium). For the late Byzantine painter Angelos Akotantus, a leading representative of post-Byzantine Cretan painting, see M. Vassilaki Mavrakaki, 'O Zografos Agelos Akotatuos: To ergo kai i diathiki tou (1436)', Thesaurismata, vol. XVIII, 1981, pp. 290-98; M.Chatzidakis, Elline's Zografoi meta tin Alosi (1450-1830): Me Eisagogi stin Istoria tis Zografikis tis Epochis, vol. 1, Kentro Neoellinikon Ereunon, 33, Athens, 1987, pp 147-54; M. Vassilaki, 'Apo ton "anonyrno" Byzantino kallitechni stun "eponymo" Kritko Zograto tou 15ou aiona', in M. Vassilaki (ed.), To Portraito tou Kallitechni sto Byzantio, Herakleion, 1997, pp 161-206, especially pp. 161-168, 184-185, 188, 197-198, 203-206.
(5) Gospel according to St Matthew, Chapter III, verse 4; Gospel according to St Mark, Chapter 1, verse 6. See also W. Haling, 'The Winged St John the Baptist: Two Examples in American Collections', Art Bulletin, vol. V, no. 1, 1922, pp. 35-40, especially p. 35; A. Katsioti, Oi Skines tis Zois kai o Eikonografikos Kyklos tou Agiou Ioanni tou Prodromou sti Byzantmi Techni, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Athens, 1998, p 14.
(6) The inclusion of the turtle-dove, as seen in the icon at the Byzantine Museum in Athens by Angelos (Fig. 2), is considered an addition by this painter: Acheimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., pp. 108 109; Eikones tis Kritikis Technis (Apo ton Chandaka os tin Moscha kai tin Hagia Petroupoli), Herakleion, 1993, pp. 553-54.
(7) Hating, op. cit., p. 37; Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1976), p. 137; Etkones tis Kritikis Technis, op. cit, p. 553; E. Schwartz, 'The Angel of the Wilderness: Russian Icons and the Byzantine Legacy', Byzantinoslavica, vol. LVIII, 1997, pp. 169-74, especially p. 171; A. Drandaki, Eikones 14os-18os aionas, Syllogi A. Andreadi, Benaki Museum, Athens, 2002, p. 48. The tree with an axe in relation to John the Baptist is not unknown in western iconography. It appears, for example, in paintings by Fra Filippo Lippi and attributed to the workshop of Filippino Lippi, for which, see respectively J. Ruda, Fra Filippo Lippi: Life and Work with a Complete Catalogue, London, 1993, p. 225, plate 127, and pp. 447-48, no. 51, and A. Scharf, Filippino Lippi, Vienna, 1935, p. 117, no. 143, plate 127, fig. 216.
(8) Acheimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., p. 106 and p. 107, note 9; Eikones tis Kritikis Technis, op. cit., p. 441. The Finding of the Baptist's head is celebrated by the Greek Orthodox church annually on 24 February: H. Delchaye (ed.), Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae e Codice Sirmondiano nunc Berolinensi: Adiectis Synaxariis Selectis, Societe des Bollandistes, Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum, Novembris, Brussels, 1902, cols. 485-487 (paragraph 1).
(9) Schwartz, op. cit., pp. 171-72.
(10) Ibid., p. 172.
(11) Chatzidakis, op. cit.in n. 3 above, p. 18.
(12) Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1976), pp. 142 43, and notes 53-54. The sources of the Hermeneia of Dinnysios of Fourna mention a similar, but not identical, text: A. Papadopoulou-Kerameos (ed.), Dionysiou tou ek Fourna, Hermeneia tis Zografikis Tachnis kai ai kyriai autis anekdotoi pigai, ekdidoneni meta prologou nyn tv proton pliris kata to prototypon autis keimenon, St Petersburg, 1909, p. 284.
(13) S. Kalopissi-Verti, "Dedicatory Inscriptions and Donor Portraits in Thirteenth Century Churches of Greece', Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Philosophisch-Historische Klasse Denkschriften 226, Veroffentlichungen der Kommission fur die Tabula Imperii Byzantini 5, Vienna, 1992, pp. 88, 89, 94, 95, 98, 99, 109, 110. See also the fourteen portraits of the donors in the church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana, Crete. dated to 1327/28, where this phrase precedes each one of their names: A. Lymberopoulou, The Fourteenth-Century Church of the Archangel Michael at Kavalariana, Crete, unpublished PhD thesis, Department of Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham, 2001, pp. 267-72.
(14) Had the name been female, the inscription would have read [ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].
(15) Unless, of course, the artist also happened to be the patron; however, there is no reason to assume this to have been the case.
(16) A case in point is the icon of St Nicholas in the church of Hagios Nikolaos tis Stegis on Cyprus, which is datable to the thirteenth century; see D. Mouriki (ed.), Byzantines Eikones tis Kyprou, Benaki Museum, Athens, 1976, no. 15.
(17) For Damaskinos, see Chatzidakis, op. cit. in n. 4 above, pp. 241-53; M. Konstandoudaki-Kitromilidou, Michael Damaskinos (1530/35-1592/93): Symvoli sti meleti tis zografikis tou, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Athens, 1998.
(18) See Lafontaine-Dososgne, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1976), pp. 124-26.
(19) For detailed bibliographical references, see Katsioti, op. cit., p. 12, note 6.
(20) Sophronios of Jerusalem, Song of Praise to St John the Forerunner in J.P. Minge (ed.), Patrologiae Graecae: Patrologiae Cursus Completus, 161 vols., Paris, 1857-66, vol. LXXXVII, no. 3: columns 3321-54; in column 3352, he writes: [ARABIC TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] For For Sophronios, see A.P. Kazhdan (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols., Oxford, 1991, vol. III pp. 1928-29.
(21) For example, St Paschasius Radbertus, 786-c. 860: P M. Paciaudii, De Cultu S Johannis Baptistae Antiquitates Christianae: Accedit in veterem ejusdem ordinis Liturgiam Commentaries, Rome, 1775, pp. 191 96. See also Haling, op. cit., p. 36; Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1976), p. 127, and note 7.
(22) Ibid., p. 141; Chatzidakis, op cit. in. 3 above, p. 18; Acheimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., p. 108; Eikones tis Kritikis Technis, op. cit., p. 553. For example, one of the icons signed by Angelos (Fig. 2) measures 122.3 x 97.5 cm.
(23) P. Gautier, 'La Diataxis de Michel Attaliate', Revue des Etudes Byzantines, vol. XXXIX, 1981, pp. 5-143, especially p. 89, cols. 1195-1196). See also N. Patterson-Sevcenko, 'Vita Icons and "Decorated" Icons of the Komnenian Period', in B. Davezac (ed.). Four Icons in the Menil Collection. Menil Collection Monographs, 1, Menil Foundation, Texas, 1992, pp. 56-69, especially pp. 57, 61, and note 9; Katsioti, op. cit., p. 200. For Attaleiates, see Kazhdan, op cit., vol. 1, p. 229.
(24) Mount Sinai: Sotiriou, op. tit., vol. 1, figs. 95, 96 and vol. II, pp. 105 106; Angelos: Chatzidakis, op. cit. in n. 3 above, pp. 19-22; Venice: M. Chatzidakis, Eikones tou Hagiou Georgiou ton Ellinon kai tis Syllogis tou Institoutou, Vivliothiki tou Ellinikou Institoutou tis venetias Byzanti non kai Metabyzantinon Spoudon 8, Venice, 1975, plate 6, fig. 8.
(25) W.F. Volbach and J. Lafontaine-Dosogne, Byzanz und der Christliche Osten, Berlin, 1968, fig. 269.
(26) Acheimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., p. 108.
(27) For the Venetian period on Crete, see Lymberopoulou, op. cit. pp. 6-13, with extensive bibliographical notes.
(28) Ibid., pp. 261-67; M. Georgopoulou, Venice's Mediterranean Colonies: Architecture and Urbanism, Cambridge, 2001, especially pp. 253-64.
(29) M. Chatzidakis, 'Les Debuts de l'Ecole Cretoise et la Question de l'Ecole dite Italogrecque', Mnimosynon S. Antoniadi, Venice, 1974, pp. 169-211, especially p. 205; idem, 'Essai sur l'Ecole dire "Italogrecque" precede d'une Note sur les Rapports de l'Art Venitien avec l'Art Cretois jusqu'a 1500', in A. Pertusi (ed.), Venezia e il Levante fino al secolo XV, 2 vols., Florence, 1974, vol II, pp. 69-124, especially p. 115.
(30) M. Cattapan, 'Nuovi Elenchi e Documenti dci Pittori in Creta dal 1300 al 1500', Thesaurismata, vol. IX, 1972, pp. 202 35, especially pp. 211-213, sos. 6-8, 214 215. See also M. Vassilaki, Apo tous Eikonografikous Odigous sta Schedia Ergasias ton Metabyzantinon Zografon. To Technologiko Ypovathro its Byzantinis Eikonografias, Yliko, Fysiko kai Pneumatiko Perivallon ston Byzantino kai Metabyzantino Kosmo 8, Athens, 1995, p. 38.
(31) M. Chatzidakis, 'La Peinture des "Madonneri" ou "Veneto-Cretoise" et sa Destination', in H.G. Beck, M. Manousakas and A. Pertusi (eds.), Venezia--Centro di Mediazione tra Oriente e Occidente (Secoli XV-XVI): Aspetti e Problemi, 2 vols., Florence, 1977, vol. II, pp. 673-90, especially pp. 675 and 680.
(32) A. Lymheropoulou, 'The Madre Della Consolazione Icon in the British Museum: Post-Byzantine Painting, painters mad Society on Crete', Jahrbuch dec Osterreichischen Byzantinistik vol. LIII, 2003, forthcoming.
(33) It should be noted that the shortage of Latin priests on the island led many Catholics to attend Orthodox masses, a practice which was official condemned by Venetian authorities; see Lymberopoulou, op. cit. in n. 13 above, pp. 12, 263.
(34) Lafontaine-Dosogne, op. cit. in n. 2 above (1976), pp. 133 34
(35) A. Munoz, 'Alcuni dipinti Bizantini di Firenze', Rivista d'Arte, vol. VI, 1909, pp. 113-20, especially pp. 119-20. The same point is made in Haring, op. cit., p. 38.
(36) A.D. Kartsonis, Anastasis: The Making of an Image, Princeton, 1986, p. 173.
(37) The earliest representation of the Baptism including angels is found in a relief on a capital in Constantinople, generally dated to the second half of the fifth century; see G. Ristow, 'Zur Personifikation des Jordans in Taufdarstellungen der fruhen christlichen Kunst', Aus der Byzantinischen Arbeit der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, vol. II, J. Irmscher (ed.), Berliner Byzantinische Arbeiten 6, Berlin, 1957, pp. 120-26, especially p. 122, note 6; G. Ristow, Die Taufe Christi: Iconographia Ecclesiae Orientalis, Reckling-hausen, 1965, p. 8, fig. 9.
(38) Chatzidakis, op. cit. in n. 2 above, p. 18.
(39) Acheimastou-Potamianou, op. cit., pp. 108-109; Eikones tis Kritikis Technis, op. cit., p. 554.
(40) Vassilaki, op. cit., p. 295; see also pp. 161, 197.
(41) Schwartz, op. cit., p. 171.
(42) F.E. Brightman (ed.) Liturgies Eastern and Western being the Texts Original or Translated of the Principal Liturgies of the Church, 1: Eastern Liturgies, Oxford, 1896, p. 388 (Liturgy of St John Chrysostom, the Intercession).
Angeliki Lymberopoulou has researched and published on Byzantine art produced on Venetian-dominated Crete (1211-1990). She has taught Byzantine art and architecture at the National Gallery and lecturing on Greek language and culture at the FCO.
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|Date:||Nov 1, 2003|
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