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A shadowy state in Borneo: where was Tanjungpura?


Tanjungpura was once an important trading state or (at least) port in Borneo, but its location is still not established. Both West and South Kalimantan have been proposed as the center of Tanjungpura in its heyday, and it is possible that the center of influence moved between locations before the polity disappeared, or was renamed. Tanjungpura can be identified in early Chinese, Javanese and Malay records, and variations on the name appear on Portuguese maps from the early to mid 16th century, and in written Portuguese accounts of this period. By the end of that century Tanjungpura disappears from written records--with one exception mentioned later--and it is safe to conclude that the polity no longer existed under that name. Locations on the Pawan River in present-day West Kalimantan and in the Barito delta in South Kalimantan have been suggested as the site or--if the location changed - sites of the trading port. Authoritative Dutch writers such as Rouffaer (1905) favored the former, and, since Indonesian independence, West Kalimantan has staked a strong claim, as shown by the naming of Universitas Tanjungpura in Pontianak. In 1950 the military area command in West Kalimantan was set up as Kodam XII Tanjungpura (originally "Tandjungpura"). (1) In 1970 the military followed previous orthodoxy in a written account (Anon. 1970) that highlighted a possible link between Tanjungpura and the old sultanate of Sukadana (itself extinct). The historical account currently on the Kodam XII website (<www.kodam-tanjungpura.>) suggests a move of the center from West to South Borneo and back again. We are by no means convinced of the identification of Bornean Tanjungpura with West Kalimantan. Here we review and update the evidence, including the possible significance of two archaeological sites, and, in particular, unpublished information provided by Rev. Dr. Martin Baler. (2)

Tanjungpura: Early European Sources

Early sources were discussed in detail in a presentation at the Sixth Biennial Borneo Research Conference (Smith 2000). It was proposed that Tanjungpura was never centered in present-day West Kalimantan but was somewhere in the Barito basin, with Banjarmasin as its successor. Portuguese sources in the early 16th century refer to three major trading centers in Borneo: Brunei, Tanjungpura and Lawai. (3) There are several references to them in the Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, written in Malacca c. 1515 (Cortesao 1944). According to Pires, the islanders traded extensively with Java and built large ships (Juncos) that were sold to Java. (4) Portuguese accounts up to about 1550 confirm the importance of Tanjungpura along with Brunei and Lawai but, unlike Brunei, no European is known to have visited Tanjungpura. (5)

Lack of geographical information about Tanjungpura (and Lawai) is explained by its remoteness from both the Portuguese northern sailing route from Malacca to the Moluccas via Brunei, and the southern route via the east coast of Sumatra and north coast of Java. Cortesao's mentions of sailing distances between Java and Tanjungpura are too imprecise to be useful (see Smith 2000), and the uncertainties are only partly resolved by the early mapping of Borneo. Tanjungpura was first shown on Rodrigues' rudimentary map (c.1515) as "Tanhampura" in southern Borneo and on a compass bearing slightly to the east of north from ports in eastern Java (Cortesao 1944, plate 26; Broek 1962, Fig. 5a; Thomaz, 1995; see our Fig. 1, below). It is shown on maps in about the same location quite consistently throughout the 1500s, usually on the western side of an inaccurately represented extensive Barito basin in what is now South Kalimantan. A few maps also included a similar name near a basin equivalent to the Kapuas in West Kalimantan. A Portuguese summary in 1580 of the trading routes and prospects says that Borneo was not being visited because of war (Mendes da Luz 1960). Books by Jan Huygen van Linschoten, published in 1592-6 after his return to the Netherlands from Goa, mention Borneo, including Tanjungpura which he said was a source of diamonds (Burnell and Tiele 1885, Vol. 2:136-8). However, this account was mostly copied from books written in the 1560s (see Walter and Alves 1964). Maps of Bomeo that accompany van Linschoten's works (e.g. Nicholl 1976, Map 9; Suarez 1999, Fig. 92) relied on Portuguese sources, and the depiction of Borneo showed virtually no change from maps produced by the 1550s.

Emanuel Godhino de Eredia, writing in Goa or Malacca between 1597 and 1600, mentioned Banjarmasin, Sukadana, and Lawai (Mills 1930:51,245). Tanjungpura was not mentioned but appears as "tanionpura" in the Barito delta on a map (c.1615-22) that also shows the wide Kapuas inlet marked "mina de diamantes," with Lawai at the head, Sukadana below and the Banjarmasin state spread over the region to the south (see Nicholl 1976, Map 10). Books by Pedro Teixeira were published in Amsterdam in 1610, after travels that started in Goa in 1586 (Sinclair and Ferguson 1902). His brief description of Borneo mentions Brunei and Lawai, the latter said to be subject to Banjarmasin, but there is no mention of Tanjungpura.

The first Dutch fleet to the East Indies arrived off the coast of Java in June 1596. The Dutch did not visit Borneo but learned about its trade products. Several accounts were published after the return to the Netherlands in 1597 (reprinted by Rouffaer and ljzerman 1915-35; see also Lach and Van Kley 1993:435-442). One of these was prepared for a book written by Willem Lodewijcksz, who had been on the expedition. (6) A map of parts of Sumatra, Java and southern Borneo was excluded from his book (1598) to maintain secrecy of possible trading benefits (including diamonds), but was very soon published elsewhere. It shows an incorrect location for Banjarmasin in west Borneo, just north of the Kapuas, with this river joined inland to a "super Barito" system. Close to Banjarmasin there is Lawai in its usual place. "Rio Sucadana Adamentem habet" is written along the Kapuas and "Tanjampuro" is on the Barito delta, along with other names (Broek 1962, Fig. 9; Campbell 1975; Suarez 1999, Figs. 94 and 95). The suppressed text on which this map was based was not rediscovered until about 1915. It states that Brunei was the strongest kingdom on Borneo and that Banjarmasin and Lawai were also important. Tanjungpura is not mentioned (Rouffaer and ljzerman 1915-35, Vol. 2: 205-221).

By 1607 the Dutch East India Company had established a trading post in Sukadana, followed by the English in 1612. There was considerable diamond trade at Sukadana. Traders were advised by the English East India Company to go first to Banjarmasin to barter textiles and other goods for gold, which should then be traded in Sukadana for diamonds (Swatow 1900:221-224). (7) The traders also visited Sambas. The records of the trading companies do not mention Tanjungpura as far as we are aware. Tanjungpura quickly disappeared from 17th century European maps of Borneo? A mapping breakthrough came from the circumnavigation in 1626 by P. Berthelot, a Frenchman in Portuguese service (Broek 1962, Fig. 11). On his manuscript map, to the south of Kotawaringin appears "Tan Jao Puti" which, according to Cortesao (1944, Vol. 1:223) indicates the location of Tanjungpura. This conclusion was based on an inscription: "Aqui he a roca velha dos diamantes." We agree with Broek (1962) that the inscription--written in a different hand--refers to Sukadana and that "Tan JaB Puti" is Tanjung (Cape) Puting. J. J. de Roy's book (1706) of his travels in Borneo in the early 1690s does not mention Tanjungpura (or Lawai), nor does F. Valentijn's (1726) account of Borneo.


Tanjungpura: Early Chinese Sources

Chinese records of travel and trade in the Archipelago extend over 1000 years. One of the Chinese sailing routes to Java passed along the west coast of Borneo, and islands such as the Karimatas and Gelam appear frequently in the records. The Zhufan zhi, (Records of Foreign Peoples, c.1225) lists "Danrongwuluo" (Wade-Giles: "Tanjung-wu-lo") as an island dependency of eastern Java (Hirth and Rockhill 1911:83). (9) This place is conventionally identified as Tanjungpura. There was little agriculture, but much sago production. The inhabitants liked sugarcane and bananas, the latter being crushed and fermented, as was juice from the nipa tree. The natives were strong, savage, dark bronze and tattooed their bodies. They built their houses on poles. Products included sandalwood, cloves, cardamom, foreign cotton cloth, iron swords and other weapons. Mats were made and sold to Sumatra, Lingga and Java. Other products listed were lakawood, yellow wax, fine aromatic substances and turtleshell. The people were piratical, so foreign traders rarely went there (Hirth and Rockhill 1911:84-5, 220). Clearly, much in the description could apply to southern Borneo. (10) The Dade Nanhai Zhi of about 1304 includes a list of nine countries in southeast Asia, including Tanjungpura, which then had 25 dependencies, many of which are identified (e.g. by Brown 1978) as places in Borneo. These included Lawai and others such as Landak, Sambas, Mempawa, Katingan, Pasir and Kutei. This account shows that in the early 14th century the influence of Tanjungpura extended over large areas of coastal or near-coastal Borneo.

The Daoyi zhilue (A Synoptical Account of the Islands and their Barbarians, 1349) describes 99 countries, and many excerpts are given by Rockhill (1914-15). It includes "Dongzhonggula" (Wade-Giles: "Tung-chung-ku-la"), identified by Rockhill (1914-15:266) with the earlier Danrongwuluo, i.e. Tanjungpura. The place was said to be marked by high mountains and dense forests, with a fresh-water estuary that formed an outer defense and boundary. This gives some geographical clues, and details of the people and their products again look very Bornean, but the place is identified as Songhkla in southern Thailand by Chen et al. (1986). (11) Ptak (1998) discussed this book in some detail. He suggested that Tanjungpura had disappeared at the time as a major center, due to shifts in power. In contrast, Soon (2001) identified Dongzhonggula as Tanjungpura in Borneo. In its account of Java the Daoyi zhilae mentions "Danjong" (Wade-Giles: "Tanchung') as a place near to Java that was active in piracy (Rockhill 1914-15:252). This too may refer to Tanjungpura in Borneo, raising the possibility of having two mentions in the same book.

Unfortunately, no ships from the huge fleets commanded by Zhen He (more familiar as Cheng Ho) in the early 15'h century visited Borneo--at least, no visits were recorded in the books that resulted. Parts of the anonymous Shunfeng xiang song (Fair Winds for Escort) are thought to refer to routes in the 1430s, but parts were certainly written in the late 16th or early 17th centuries. This is shown by references in the original manuscript to foreigners (folang) in Japan, the Philippines, and at Solor (see also Mills 1974:4; Mills 1979:71) (12) Detailed sailing instructions are given for many of the places described above, including Lawai (somewhere up the Kapuas), Sukadana and Banjarmasin. Tanjungpura is not mentioned. These accounts all add to the evidence that Tanjungpura had disappeared (at least under that name) by the end of the 16th century, but do not help with its precise location.

Tanjungpura: Old Javanese and Malay Chronicles

Tanjungpura appears in several 14th century Javanese inscriptions and texts, the most famous being the Nagarakertagama, where Borneo is named as "Tanjung Negara," with "Tanjung Puri" as the principal town (Pigeaud 1960-63, Vol. 3:16-17). The full list shows that at the time Tanjungpura ruled over a wide area in southern Borneo, including Lawai, but again does not help as regards the location of the capital. Later in the Nagarakertagama there appears "Bakulapura" (Pigeaud, Vol. 3:48), taken to be identical with Tanjungpura because bakula is the Sanskrit name for the Indonesian tandjung tree (Ras 1968: 188). Extant copies of relevant Malay chronicles are quite recent and difficult to interpret as historical documents because many start with mythical (often the same) events, exist in different forms, and have been added to over the years. They were mainly composed to establish legitimacy, often from remote times, of the ruling families for whom they were written. The famous Serajah Malayu names Tanjungpura as a place six days southwards by sea from Sumatra (Ras 1968:85-86). Tanjungpura reappears in the context of links between the ruling family with that of Majapahit (Brown 1970). The Hikayat Banjar is particularly relevant, and in his detailed analysis, Ras (1968:188-200) concluded that Tanjungpura was a very early kraton well inland from Banjarmasin and that changing coastlines due to silting of an extensive Barito basin contributed to successive moves towards the coast. According to Ras, two other Malay stories were set in South Kalimantan rather than Java as is often thought. (13) In both stories, Tanjungpura appears as a remote place in the forest, also called Bandjar Kulon (Ras 1968:152, 190). Ras identified possible locations for the kratons inland from Banjarmasin, including Amuntai on the River Nagara where masonry ruins of a Hindu temple were found in the early 19th century (Ras 1968:625-6). He suggested the village of Tandjung further inland as the location of the original Tanjungpura. However, the Hikayat Banjar itself makes no claim that the Banjar sultanate originated as Tanjungpura. (14)

The extant Malay chronicles of Sambas, Sukadana and Mempawah do not mention Tanjungpura (Kratz 1980; Schultze 1990 and references therein). According to the account given in the journals of G. Maller (c.1825), edited and published by Blume (1843:321-8), the founder of Sukadana was a Majapahit prince who first settled near Kajung, up the River Pawan from Ketapang. One of his descendants was said to be Panembahan Karang-Tonjung, who was able to shrink himself and spend nights in the flowers of the tonjung tree (Blume 1843:326-7). Veth (1854-6, Vol. 1:188-9) based his account & the origins of Sukadana on Blume (1843), but referred to Pangeran Karang-Toendjoeng and the shrub as Toendjoeng or "Talaunia Candollei," presumably Talauma (Magnolia) candollii. Toendjoeng is a Dutch transliteration of tundjung, which is the same as tandjung according to an Indonesian account that attempts to trace continuity from the Tanjungpura polity via Sukadana to Pontianak (Tandjungpura Berdjuang 1970:29-34). However, according to Ras, tundjung means 'lotus' while the tandjung tree (the Sanskrit bakula) is Mimusops elengi (Ras 1968:604, 611). All this phonetic and botanical uncertainty unfortunately leaves unresolved whether the name Tanjungpura is derived from the name of a plant or--as often assumed--a geographical feature (river bend or coastal cape). Nevertheless, this story is a very tenuous link between the sultanate of Sukadana and Tanjungpura. Another is that after Sukadana was destroyed in 1786 by forces from Pontianak aided by the Dutch, the displaced ruling family fled to Matan on the Simpang river, then to various locations on the Pawan, including Kajung (renamed Matan), and then the village ofTanjung Pura (Barth 1896:85; see our Fig. 1). After about 1870, they assumed the title of "Matan and Tanjung Pura"--this may have been an attempt to show descent from the historical Tanjungpura polity. They finally moved to a third Matan across the river from Ketapang, where there is still a kraton.

Tanjungpura: Possible Archaeological Evidence

Archaeological remains associated with Hindu-Buddhist influences, first recorded in the 1820s, are scattered throughout southern Borneo, many far inland from present-day coast lines. A recent book (Budi Utomo 2007:48-55) reviews the findings in West Kalimantan, and describes excavations between 1993 and 1996 at a site of approximately 7 hectares at Benua Lama on the west bank of the Pawan, close to Ketapang (see our Fig. 1). It comprises a settlement and grave complex. There were many red bricks, broken ceramics (12th-13th century), earthenware fragments, rubbing stones, and metal coins found. The well-preserved tombstones (also seen by the present authors) are 15th century, with inscriptions in Arabic and Javanese. The former are quotes from the Koran, while those in Javanese give the date. Ceramics are 12th- 13th century Chinese and 18th century colonial Dutch. Budi Utomo identified the site as being associated with Tanjungpura, which he discussed in relation to the Nagarakartagama and Sejarah Malayu (Budi Utomo 1997:8-9, 49-53).


Another very interesting archaeological site has been brought to our attention by Rev. Dr. Martin Baier. It is located at Kuta Batagoh, (15) about 8 km south of Kuala Kapuas in South Kalimantan, on the banks of the Murong River (Fig. 1). It is not far from Muara Terusan, said by Dr. Baler to have once been a center for shipping and trade. There are remains of extensive burnt ironwood palisades and posts, remains of a wooden boat and paddles, stones and porcelain fragments. Dr. Baler has mapped the site and has suggested (personal communication) that this could be the location of Tanjungpura. He also drew to our attention that mention is made in Ngaju oral histories of an ancient village at this site (see Baier 2002). In this context it is important to bear in mind the strong shipbuilding activities in this part of the Barito basin, and the southward-moving coastline over the last 1000 years, as described by Ras (1968) and Petersen (2000).

Tanjungpura: Some Conclusions

As noted previously (Smith 2000), the most popular view, originating in the older Dutch literature (e.g. Rouffaer 1905:385), is that the trading center of Tanjungpura lay on the Pawan and that Sukadana was its successor. The reasoning seems to rest on the traditions of the sultanate of Sukadana, as summarized above. This reasoning is not convincing, but there is other evidence of a Javanese tradition in the region (e.g. Barth 1896). The Benua Lama site is certainly relevant, but evidence of trade with China along the Pawan is not strong evidence that it is the site of Tanjungpura as a port. In his analysis of the possible location of Tanjungpura, Brock (1962) objected that Tanjung Pura on the Pawan would not have been accessible to foreigner traders in large ships, and that it is quite remote from the diamond districts of Landak. These objections are not insurmountable, given the extensive silting of river basins in southern Borneo in historical times and possible access to the Kapuas from the Pawan by river and land. (Also, the early Chinese traders appear to have had no interest in diamonds, judging by their omission from the various lists of trade goods that they sought.) Brock (1962) favored Sukadana as the location, as did Nicholl (1990). An alternative site close by would be "old" Matan, which was located at what is now Simpang and was an alternative home of the sultans of Sukadana, especially in times of trouble. (16)

The other possibility for the center of Tanjungpura, at least in its days of glory, is a site somewhere in the Barito basin, as favored previously (Smith 2000). This is still our preference. Summarizing again the reasons:

1. The compass bearings on the early 16th century maps from Gresik and other places named in east Java to Tanjungpura are to the Barito, not the Pawan or Sukadana.

2. Sailing times given by Pires between Tanjungpura and Lawai amount to distances of hundreds of kilometers between them, and are reasonable for distances between the Barito and Kapuas basins, but not to locations on or around the Kapuas and Pawan.

3. It is inconceivable that there was no early major trading port in the Barito, and the records summarized here give no candidate other than Tanjungpura.

We now believe that, despite the arguments advanced by Ras (1968), there is no strong evidence to link Banjarmasin with the pre-Malay Tanjungpura, and a location further west in the Barito is a strong possibility. Again taking into account the progressive infilling of the basin, it is tempting to identify Tanjungpura with the site at Kuta Batagoh, or a location even further north in the same area. A location closer to the mountains would be in accord with the description of Dongzhonggula (if it is not Songhkla). It is a pity that neither the early Chinese records, nor the Portuguese maps, give more precise pinpointing. (17)

Despite our assessment, it is still possible that there was a more recent trading center called Tanjungpura on the Pawan, perhaps established in times of conflict as the Banjarmasin sultanate strengthened its power over the Barito basin and displaced some of the inhabitants. This is the approach taken in the Kodam XII Tanjungpura website Sejarah (history) pages, according to which Yanjungpura was first centered in West Borneo in Majapahit times, moved to the south (using the reasoning in Ras 1968) and then moved back. In our opinion, it is the first stage in particular that is unconvincing.

A wider issue, as noted previously (Smith 2005), is that the establishment of trading ports in Borneo is usually considered in the context of settlement from elsewhere, including Sumatrans (from Srivijaya), Javanese, Malay, Bugis and Chinese, with incursions by others, including Siamese and Europeans. Surely early coastal Dayak settlements must have been the origins--a suggestion made previously for Lawai (Smith 2005). We do not know of a definite Dayak element in the history of Tanjungpura, but there may be Dayak oral histories and traditions that throw some light. It must have been Dayaks--not later "invaders"--who absorbed Hindu-Buddhist influence from India, and traded with the Chinese. They must certainly have controlled the inland diamondand gold-producing areas in the period under consideration here. Ball (1931) suggested that diamond mining in southern Borneo started over 1000 years ago and this would have been when Dayak people learned rudimentary skills in obtaining diamonds, whether from pits or by diving. (18) The previous comment that there is a strong need for field research to help uncover the whereabouts of Lawai (Smith 2005) applies even more strongly to Tanjungpura. As Sellato (1999) has pointed out, Borneo is still terra incognita with respect to many aspects of state formation.

Postscript: Tanjungpura and West Kalimantan

Chairil Effendi (2009) has published a useful overview of oral tradition in West Kalimantan that refers to an unpublished survey by Dedi Ari Asfar of PPKM Untan (Malay Culture Research Center), Pontianak. Mention is made of a Hikayat Tanjungpura that is said to link the Ketapang community to the ancient Srivijaya kingdom in Sumatra and the Malay sultanate of Melaka. It would be valuable to compare this material with the Malay histories analyzed by Ras (1968) that sought to establish descent of Muslim sultanates in Borneo from ancient polities in the region.

Ongoing investigation by the Banjarmasin Institute of Archaeology (Balai Arkaeologi Banjarmasin) of the site close to Ketapang, now referred to as the Negeri Baru site, has resulted in the discovery of remains provisionally identified as a 14th century Hindu temple. There has been significant media coverage (e.g. Pontianak Post Online 2010, Borneo News 2011, Kompas 2011) and the discovery is being promoted by Ketapang officials as associated with the Tanjungpura kingdom. Interest in the history of the Sultanate of Matan and Tanjungpura (usually referred to as Matan-Tanjungpura) is certainly increasing, as shown by a report in Pontianak Post Online (2011) about a festival in the palace outside Ketapang. However, it has to be remembered that the linked name of the sultanate was apparently not adopted until the nineteenth century, as previously discussed. None of this internet activity negates the evidence that Tanjungpura was centered in South Borneo, at least for part of its existence, and the issue of its mobility to (or from) West Borneo remains unresolved.


We thank Rev. Dr. Martin Baler for sharing with us his records of the site at Kuta Batagoh, John Moffett, Librarian of the Needham Research Centre, Cambridge for allowing access to the papers of the late Dr. J.V.G. Mills, and Professor Roderich Ptak (University of Munich) for providing copies of recent Chinese texts and for helpful discussions. Google was invaluable in tracking down some early references. Professor Bob Reece made some very helpful comments on the first version of our paper.



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F. Andrew Smith

The University of Adelaide, S.A. 5005, Australia

Hilary F. Smith

Malua Bay, NSW 2536, Australia

(1) After subsequent reorganization Kodam VI Tanjungpura covered the whole of Kalimantan, but in 2010 the military areas were again reorganized, with Kodam XII Tanjungpura covering West Kalimantan.

(2) This Research Note is adapted from the first part of a presentation at the 10th Borneo Research Council Conference held at Miri, Sarawak, 5-7 July 2010. The original presentation approached

the topic from early cartography of Borneo and also addressed the mysterious polity "Hermata" that appeared on maps from the end of the 16th century until the 18th century. We discuss Hermata in a separate Research Note that appears immediately after this essay in the present volume (Smith and Smith 2011).

(3) We use these names, although originally they were variously spelled. "Brunei" means a site near present-day Brunei Damssalam. The location of Lawai was discussed in detail by Smith (2000, 2001, 2005). There

can be no doubt that in the period covered here it was centered somewhere on the Kapuas river (West Kalimantan), or on a tributary of that river.

(4) Local traders from Borneo also took to Malacca items such as gold, camphor, wax, honey, rice, sago, myrobalans (for inks and tanning), and "orraca" (spirits). Diamonds were taken from Tanjungpura and Lawai, which were then the only sources of diamonds other than India. These items were exchanged for Indian textiles, Chinese brass armlets and beads (Cortesao 1944, Vol. 1:132-3, 224).

(5) Only one European visit to Lawai is known--that by Dora Manuel de Lima - and only from inscriptions on maps (see Smith 2001, 2005).

(6) The name is the conventional abbreviation of Lodewijckszoon. It is also sometimes spelled as old Dutch Lodewycksz or Lodewyckszoon. More details are given by Smith and Smith (2011).

(7) More details are given by Smith (2000).

(8) Both Tanjungpura and Lawai were mentioned as sources of diamonds by Sebastien Manrique, a Portuguese Augustinian friar who arrived in Goa in 1604 and traveled widely in the East from 1629 to 1641. Apparently he obtained this information during a visit to Demak in Java in 1640 (Luard and Hosten 1927, Vol. 2:86), suggesting that these names were still in use in Java at that time.

(9) Chinese book titles and place names are given here in pinyin transliteration, and we sometimes also give the older Wade-Giles system that was used in the cited translations. All the information cited here has appeared in modern accounts in Chinese. Most has been seen, thanks to Professor Roderich Ptak who provided some extracts, including some from a modern analysis of place names in historical Chinese texts (Chen et al. 1986). The Wade-Giles versions are actually more helpful for pronunciation to those not familiar with Mandarin Chinese. Dialects (e.g. Cantonese) are an added complication not considered here (see Brown 1978). They are relevant, given that the early Chinese travelers were from southern China.

(10) The main anomaly relates to raising horses, although this was done later in southern Borneo both for hunting and cavalry. This mention may refer to "Mall," which was listed with Danrongwuluo and is usually identified as Bali, though other places are possible.

(11) Products included gold dust, beeswax, coarse laka-wood, turtle shell, and gharu-wood. See also Smith (2000) for a discussion of burial customs, etc.

(12) The Portuguese did not have a base in Solor until 1568. Mills suggested that the account was written between 1567 and 1619 in unpublished correspondence (1983) at the Needham Research Institute, Cambridge, where his complete manuscript translation is held.

(13) There were (or are) other places called Yanjungpura outside Borneo. The daily diary (Dagh-Register) of Batavia Castle mentions a large village called Tanjungpura east of Batavia many times from 1677 until 1680, the last volume seen by us. The last year in the published series was 1682. There is another Tanjungpura in northern Sumatra, near Medan.

(14) A more recent article by Ras (1992) compared the literary structure of the Hikayat Banjar and the 14th century Javanese Pararaton. It summarized the former without mentioning a possible Tanjungpura-Banjarmasin link. The extent to which Hikayat Banjar is "pseudo-history" remains an open issue.

(15) Kuta means 'stockade'(Baier 2002).

(16) If Dongzhonggula with its mountains and estuary, as described in the 14th century Daoyi zhilue, was Taniungpura, this could not have been Tanjung Pura on the Pawan, where the country is flat and marshy. Sukadana and Simpang fit better, although the latter is about 10 km away from the estuary. If Dongzhonggula was Songkhla in Thailand, the description is irrelevant.

(17) The early Portuguese maps show the center of Tanjungpura on the westernmost of three rivers, joined inland, that flow into the basin, i.e. not the Kapuas (which becomes the Murong). Of course, the rivers are not shown with any accuracy. Bandjar Kulon, used as an alternative to Tanjungpura in Hikayat Banjar (Ras 1968:152) can be translated as 'West Banjar.'

(18) According to Pedro Teixeira, who visited northern Borneo in 1600, diamonds were obtained by native divers in the Lawai (Kapuas) River and sold to the ruler for export. For details and references, see Smith (2000).
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Title Annotation:RESEARCH NOTES
Author:Smith, F. Andrew; Smith, Hilary F.
Publication:Borneo Research Bulletin
Geographic Code:9INDO
Date:Jan 1, 2011
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