A garland of flowers for a great Iranist.
The editors' preface and a tabula gratulatoria are followed by a complete bibliography (pp. 9-32), table of contents (pp. 33-34), a "salut amical" by Gilbert Lazard, including remarks on formulas featuring bun in the Pahlavi documents edited by Gignoux and ascribed to Friyag and Xwaren (pp. 35-39), and an essay by Gherardo Gnoli (pp. 41-49) emphasizing Gignoux's contributions to Zoroastrian studies and the history of Sasanian Iran, but also including personal memories of their various collaborations.
The first contribution is a study by Guitty Azarpay, who was instrumental in securing the large collection of Pahlavi documents, studied primarily by Gignoux and D. Weber, for the Bancroft Library at Berkeley, California, thus preventing it from ending up "piecemeal on the auction block" (Azarpay, e-mail 1/20/2012). Gignoux became "the first specialist invited to examine and study the collection when it came to [their] attention at Berkeley in 1987" (Azarpay, e-mail 1/21/2012; see also Weber's contribution in this volume and Azarpay 2003a and b listed on p. 302).
Here, Azarpay discusses a topic dear to Gignoux's heart: the "Imagery of the Sogdian Den" (pp. 53-96, figs. 1-11), beginning with an overview of the "concept and imagery of the Avestan daena, (2) the den of the Middle Persian and Pahlavi sources" (p. 53), as a preliminary to an examination of "a winged figure ... depicted on the sarcophagus of Wirkak, a Sogdian official [sabao] in 6th century China" (p. 54). She briefly reviews the Avestan and Pahlavi textual sources and presents the traditional opinion that already in the oldest texts daena denotes "a man's personal religion," etc., and that den in the Pahlavi and Manichean texts is simply "religion" and was borrowed as such into Muslim writings (pp. 55-56). (3) She then reviews various female figures in Sasanian art that have been identified as the den, (4) before coming to representations in Sogdian art, where it is all but eclipsed by Nana (p. 58). (5) Here she discusses an enthroned four-armed female deity depicted on a wall facing Nana on the opposite wall. The figure wears a floral crown, holds a banner and musical instruments, and sits on a throne supported by a pair of winged dogs, features that Azarpay then compares with various features of the daena/den in Zoroastrian literature (pp. 58-60). (6) This figure Azarpay identifies as the "eschatological daena" (p. 75).
The remarkable sarcophagus of the sabao Wirkak (Chinese Kachan) contains reliefs depicting the journey of "the souls of the deceased, his wife and retinue" (p. 61), beginning with the passage of a bridge, followed by "the judgment of the soul and the fate of the body," etc. (ibid.), and ends with "the newly garmented souls of the deceased couple, now mounted on flying horses and accompanied by heavenly musicians" seen flying heavenward (pp. 61-62). The den is here represented by "a winged and crowned woman" followed by two other female figures (figs. 6-7). Azarpay points out that the den seen in this relief is not the Zoroastrian, but the Manichean den, and that the three female figures are "the three Virgins of Light who ... appear to the soul after its judgment" (p. 63), citing a Manichean text describing the journey of the soul of the saved (pp. 64-66) and "a recently discovered early 13th century [Manichean] silk painting" (p. 64).
The last representation treated by Azarpay is a much-discussed drawing in the Pelliot collection found at Dunhuang of two female figures sitting facing each other (fig. 9); these were first identified by Frantz Grenet and Zhang Guangda as the Zoroastrian good and evil den, the latter in the form of the Central Asian goddess Nana (pp. 66-75). Azarpay investigates the basis for such an interpretation, especially the characteristic features of the bad den as described in Zoroastrian and Manichean sources, concluding that it is unlikely that the Sogdians would have portrayed "their revered Nana as the reviled duzdaena" (p. 68). (7) Rather, Nana's iconography suggests that, in her chthonic aspect, she was identified with the Zoroastrian goddess Spanta Armaiti, the Earth, and the Greek Demeter (pp. 70-71). Azarpay concludes that the significance of the artistic pairing of the two is of Nana as "a cosmic deity with chthonic and regenerative powers" and of the good Den as "the eschatological daena that confronts the soul after death" (p. 76).
Sebastian Brock reflects on Gignoux's contributions to Syriac Studies under the headings of "Syriac literature including medical writings," in particular Gignoux's work on Narsai, Ahudemmeh, Giwargis Warda, and the Syriac Book of Medicines; "Syriac Christianity under Sasanian rule," official and administrative terminology, onomastic studies; "hagiographical texts," including Syriac antecedents to the Sahada; and "magical and epigraphic texts" (pp. 97-108).
Carlo G. Cereti discusses aspects of Gignoux's contributions to Zoroastrian studies (pp. 109-21). He emphasizes various aspects of Gignoux's methodological approaches, among them the "importance to apply a solid historical method" when explaining "religious and intellectual developments as well as relationships between different cultures," a methodology Gignoux applied, in particular, to anthropology and apocalyptic literature (p. 111). Of these two, Cereti then focuses on the prolonged scholarly discussion of the sources and influences of Iranian apocalyptic and the date and sources of the Pahlavi apocalyptic text Zand i Wahman Yasn (pp. 113-19).
Frantz Grenet continues his series of remarks on Kerdir's inscription with four studies (pp. 123-39). (8) The first concerns Kerdir's title, which he parses as "boxtruwan Wahram i Ohrmazd-mowbed" and now renders as "Kerdir, Ohrmazd-mowbed du defunt Wahram (litte-ralement [less than or equal to] a l'ame sauvee [greater than or equal to])" (p. 126). (9) The second concerns Kerdir's lack of a beard; Grenet discards the theory that Kerdir might be a eunuch for the good reason that lack of sexual potency in someone serving goddesses such as Anahita and Asi [not Asi] would disqualify him from their service. Instead, Grenet sensibly suggests that he was simply clean-shaven to avoid the risk of polluting the fire with a wayward hair from his beard. (10) The third is an attempt to make sense of the expression "dwyn mhly"; Grenet now accepts a suggestion by Martin Schwartz that "dwyn" is simply 'mirror', Persian a'ine, (11) used in divination, and renders the expression as "le manthra du miroir" (p. 134). (12) The fourth concerns the term rozan in the expression [...] "rozan i Wahram," which Grenet now renders as "the window of Mars," citing Pahlavi sources, as well as the Book of Enoch. (13) See also on Tardieu's contribution, below. (14) He also presents a revised transcription and translation of the entire vision narrative. (15)
Rika Gyselen reviews Gignoux's works dealing with seals, coins, and silver work (16) (pp. 141-58), (17) highlighting, by several choice examples, how his work has clarified quite diverse aspects of Sasanian history and culture, as well as the typology and formulaics of the seals. As an appendix, she publishes the seal of a sahrab of Hamadan (pp. 153-56).
Philip Huyse reviews Gignoux's contributions to Middle Persian epigraphy and Sasanian history (pp. 159-74). After paying (deserved) homage to his work on administrative and social life in Iran in the seventh century, he focuses on Gignoux's work on the inscriptions of Kerdir, in particular on their relative chronology. His work on other inscriptions is then quickly reviewed. (18) Huyse concludes by pointing out Gignoux's insistence on classifying sources as primary, secondary, and tertiary (p. 171).
Christelle Jullien, reflecting on the hagiographical and historical sources of the Christians of Iran (pp. 175-93, figs. 1-7b), in a first section, "from hagiography to history," warns against taking the hagiographical sources too literally; instead, one needs to distinguish between the Christian discourse, "which is in itself a political strategy aimed at the persecuted minority community," and "a more modest reality," which was later "amplified by narrators" (p. 181). In the second section, she discusses two Christian crosses with Pahlavi inscriptions, one from Mount St. Thomas at Madras and another from Herat, both earlier discussed by Gignoux and others. The cross from Herat, dated to 740/750, contains the phrase "dans le ciel il n'y a pas trois dieux/createurs" (the Pahlavi is not cited), which she then discusses in its religio-political historical context (pp. 183-88).
Florence Jullien discusses relations between Christians and Mazdeans (pp. 195-204) on the basis of the incomplete Syriac passion of Mar Abda as published in the Acta Martyrum and Sanctorum syriace and now complemented by a section from the Ecclesiastical History of Theodoret of Cyr. The text concerns the destruction of a fire temple by a Christian.
Antonio Panaino reviews Gignoux's work on apocalyptic, eschatology, and shamanism (pp. 205-43), then focuses on the "shamanistic" elements in the vision of Kerdir, discussing, in particular, the question whether the phrase ewen mahr and the term <lysyk> refer to a trance or not. Panaino begins by citing Gignoux's reference to the Avestan term vifra, (19) which Gignoux thought might refer to the trembling associated with a shamanistic trance (pp. 211-12). He reviews at length the possible interpretations of <lysyk>, notably that by D. Neil MacKenzie, who suggested a derivation from Avestan raeo- 'to die' (p. 217), and its possible function in a shamanistic trance context, before passing on to ewen mahr.
Among other things, Panaino points out the unlikelihood that Kerdir would have resorted to foreign rites of which the inscription contains traces, but, rather, that the inscription gives us an indication of "one of the potential effects of the rite and of its intrinsic power, namely to communicate with the divine sphere and to make it visible and possible to experience, at least for a short moment" (p. 221). We should "take into account that there is a huge difference between ritual reality and historical reality," and "we must not forget the 'performative' power of the word in ritual context, that is, a word capable of 'creating' a diverse reality or of 'initiating' and even 'transforming' persons when spoken in a particular context" (p. 225; see also at the end of appendix 1, below). Panaino returns to the problem of the much-discussed <lysyk> (20) in order to eliminate a phonetic difficulty--if from *rae[ss]-ya-ka, we should have had *resig--and proposes alternative preforms (p. 227). (21) Interestingly, he suggests that the ritual involved in the visionary experience might correspond to a ritual dramatization (p. 231), which might also explain the passage where the narrators are frightened by what they see (p. 234). (22) Finally, Panaino reviews and discusses aspects of the term ruwan 'soul', in particular of the astwand ruwan 'the soul with bones' (pp. 232-33). (23)
Rudiger Schmitt reviews Gignoux's contributions to Iranian, especially Sasanian, anthroponomastics based primarily on inscriptions and seals, but also Syriac sources (24) (pp. 245-61).
Michel Tardieu, in "Les metaphores du temps" (pp. 263-82), examines how Gignoux's work has permitted him (G.) to "re-cadrer et preciser nombre de notions propres au mandeisme ou attribuees a celui-ci dans l'histoire des controverses: matiere, elements, agregat, tout et partie, proprietes elementaires, etre et non-etre, relation et opposition, essence et accident, genre et espece" (p. 264), but focuses here on his work on the Iranian conception of time. In "portes et fenetres de l'univers et de soi," starting with Giwargis Warda's description of the similarity between the human body and the world, edited by Gignoux, he focuses on the cosmological model of the human receptacle as "un domicile amenage pour le passage de la lumiere et du feu celestes ... muni de portes et de fenetres" (p. 265), citing various Near Eastern and Classical sources, as well as the Middle Persian (Pahlavi) Denkard (III, 60) and Mani's Kephalaia and other Manichean texts (pp. 268-69). (25) In "la limite du mouvement du monde," citing Philo and the Stoic Posidonius, he then reviews Gignoux's work on the question of "time" in the Denkard (III, 193), underlining the Stoic elements, stating that, by reading between the lines, Gignoux's work permits the conclusion that "la pensee du Denkard est une doctrine stoicienne" (p. 276). Tardieu does not cite the occurrence of "the window of Warahran" in Kerdir's vision text.
Dieter Weber gives a brief survey of the history of the collections of Pahlavi economic documents and letters (currrently one in Berlin, one at Berkeley) after their initial discovery and introduction to the scholarly community by Richard Frye, as well as an interesting account of how he and Gignoux grappled with their decipherment (pp. 283-303), on which they collaborated from 2001 (officially from 2007/8; pp. 284-85). He illustrates the problems of decipherment and the exchange of ideas between the two with two examples. Pp. 291-302 contain a table listing all the documents published by Gignoux in full, with various comments on the readings and the history of research.
Azarpay gives the following additional information about the history of the Berkeley collection (e-mails 1/20-21/2012): When the collection became known at Berkeley in 1987, Gignoux was invited to Berkeley to examine the collection at a gathering that included Prudence 0. Harper of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Martin Schwartz, Hamid Mahamedi, and Guitty Azarpay of University of California at Berkeley (UCB). This led to a prolonged search for a buyer/donor, followed by considerable negotiations between the eventual buyer/donor and officials at UCB about the appropriate housing of the documents, and resulted in the storage of the collection at the university's Bancroft Library. Subsequently, Gignoux revisited Berkeley on two occasions for follow-up study of the manuscripts in the company of Rika Gyselen, who examined the collection's seal impressions. In 2008 Dieter Weber and Myriam Krutzsch, head of the department of conservation of paper, parchment, and papyrus in the Berlin Egyptian Museum, were invited to Berkeley for consultation on the conservation of the collection. Under the supervision of Anthony Bliss, Curator of Rare Books and Literary Manuscripts at the Bancroft Library, the collection has, since then, been digitized and is now housed in the renovated Library. (26)
APPENDIX 1: ON THE EWEN MAHR
The phrase andar ewen mahr is found in two contexts in the vision narrative in Kerdir's inscriptions: u-m ... ewen mahr kerd, "I performed the mahr of the ewen," and ke andar 'Ewen mahr nisast hend, "who were placed in/during the mahr of the ewen." As it is discussed in several of the contributions, I may be permitted to make some observations that recently occurred to me. It has been my experience over many years of studying Middle Persian inscriptions and texts that, if a word is a known word, it should be assumed to be that word unless it is absolutely certain that it is something other than it seems to be. The word ewen is amply attested in the (approximate) meaning of 'ritual, ceremony' in the Pahlavi texts, as well as in Kerdir's inscription in the title ewenbed 'master of the ritual', and mahr is the older Pahlavi form of Avestan mgnora 'sacred utterance', in the Pahlavi books mansr, which refers to the Avesta as opposed to the zand. I therefore currently think it is important to investigate whether the ewen mahr might not refer to a specific, known, Zoroastrian ritual that it might have been appropriate to perform.
In the Pahlavi texts, when ewens are mentioned, the specific ewen is not usually specified, but in the few cases when it is, it is in connection with the beliefs and ceremonies performed during the three days after death and at the dawn of the fourth day (the sidos), which is when the soul goes to the Cinwad puhl guarded by Mihr and is judged by Ran with the scales. (27)
The texts I recently noticed are two passages from the Pursisniha i Adurfarnbay, "Rivayat [questions] of Adurfarnbay" and question 80 of the Dadestan i denig, "legal opinions from the den." (28)
The passages from the Pursisniha i Adurfarnbay are "when a man passes away, for whom the sidos ceremony is performed (sidos ewen yast)" (144.1) and, in a different context, "when there is a sidos ceremony for him (ka-s sidos ewen)" (142.4). (29)
The text in the Dadestan i denig describes aspects of the zindag-ruwein, a ritual which, although celebrated for the living, is in most respects similar to the sidos ritual (ud ewen zindag-ruwan framudan hangosidag sidos, 80.12) and is therefore quite appropriate for the "living/dead" scenario. We are told that "it is considered to be according to the ewen that, during the three days, fifteen yaks to Sros are to be performed and three drons at dawn with the .'snuman of the elven" (80.13) and "during the three days one hamag-den for Sros and each day three drons for Sros performed; and, the third night, at dawn, perform the three drons of the 'Ewen" (80.14).
Arda Wiraz, too, performed this kind of ritual in preparation for his journey into the beyond: he performed a dron ritual, recalled the services for the souls (ruwanigan ayeidenid), and ate (Arda Wiraz-namag 2.14). (30)
Sros, the deity whose principal duty is to fight the powers of darkness and evil at night, plays a central role in the sidos rituals: during the first three days after death, the soul is protected by him, and the rituals performed during these three days are directed at him (Sros-baj, Sros yast, and the xsnuman and dron for Srcos). (31)
Two priests participate in the rituals, sitting face to face with a fire container and a tray with a pot of water and some flowers between them. (32) The priest closest to the tray is the zod, who performs the ritual. The other represents the adarwaxs, the priest tending to the fire, who is present in most rituals. (33) The presence of the adarwaxs in this ritual, however, is interesting, as his particular tool is a ladle with which he takes firewood and places it on the fire. This is the ladle (34) which I have proposed is designated by *cayen (or similar) in Kerdir's inscription and which already in 1983 I suggested was an object similar to a funnel, in which Kerdir's hangerb, 'representative', sees hell.
The Dadesten i denig also gives the following instructions: "as long as the ritual is being performed, one should eat bread from grain ground by the Weh-dens (Zoroastrians), drink wine from that made by the Weh-dens, and eat meat from the sheep that has been killed in the ritual" (DD. 80.17). These foodstuffs are precisely the same as those that Kerdir's representative distributes at the end of the vision narrative.
Assuming, therefore, that the ritual may have been one similar to the sidos rituals, the mahr, i.e., Avestan text, recited at this ceremony may have been the Ustauuaiti Ga[theta]a, which is recited by the soul while still sitting near the place where the person died (Hadaxt nask 2.2), and, specifically, its last had, the Kamnamez had, which is said in the S(t)udgar nask in book nine of the Denkard to be "about the coming of the Bone-untier," i.e., when a person dies. (35)
Even more importantly, the soul of the righteous also recites this Ga[theta]a when it crosses the Ford of the Accountant and goes on to the Best Existence: Yasna 71.16 (Ahura Mazda speaking) "if you wish, 0 Orderly one, you shall be one with Order; you shall convey your soul across the Ford of the Accountant, you shall come, being one with Order, to the Best Existence, reciting the Ustauuaiti Ga[theta]a, calling down 'Hail (usta)!'" (36)
In conclusion, nothing more may have been done for Kerdir's representative and companions to enable them to travel into the beyond than the performance of a death ritual and the recital of the Ustauuaiti Ga[theta]a (see on Panaino's contribution, above). No hallucinogenic to produce a trance and no mirrors were involved.
APPENDIX 2, ON THE OHRMAZD MOWBED
The title is also mentioned by Manuscihr in chapter four of his first "letter," which it may be useful to cite here: (37)
ud ka-iz hamag abestag zand warm wabartom agah-mansr zarduxstratom mow-ew pad Ohrmazd ud Ohrmazd-mowbedih ayriy saxwan-wiray hu-den kay-ew pad madayan dahibedih mad estad he eg-isan pad-dad kardag wardenidan ... xwad-sahisniha ne padirsnig "and even if it were a mow (rendering service) to(?) Ohrmazd, knowing the Avesta and the zand by heart and knowing the most true mansr, someone most like Zarathustra, knowing how to prepare an excellent speech typical of the Ohrmazd mowbeds, a hu-den kay (kauui) (38) who had come, especially(?), to exercise lordship, (even) then it should not be accepted by them, (simply) as they themselves saw fit, to change a practice according to the law" (1.4.11-12);
paydag az-iz an i anosag-ruwan Weh-sabuhr i mowbean mowbed ud aniz Ohrmazd mowbedan guft castag be an i-san pad ewarih padirift az gowign i abarig dastwaran pad wabartar dastan ud kardag i aniy ewenag-gowisnan ne wardenidan dadig sahist "it is manifest also from the teaching of the blessed Weh-sabuhr, chief mowbed, and the other Ohrmazd mowbeds; but it did not seem lawful to change what they had accepted as truth from the sayings of the other dastwars and regard it as more truthful, or from the practice of those who said something else" (1.4.15-16).
This is a review article of "Maitre pour l'eternite": Florilege offert a Philippe Gignoux pour son [80.sup.e] ainiversaire. Edited by RIKA GYSELEN and CHRISTELLE JULLIEN. Studia Iranica, vol. 43. Paris: ASSOCIATION POUR L'AVANCEMENT DES ETUDES IRANIENNES, 2011. Pp. 303, illus. [euro]34.50.
(1.) Au carrefour des religions: Melanges offerts a Philippe Gignoux. Res Orientales, vol. 7 (Paris: Association pour l'avancement des etudes iraniennes, 1995).
(2.) A slightly ambiguous term, since there are no images of the Avestan daena; rather, "imagery" here refers to literary descriptions, while, for the Middle Persian and Sogdian den, there are actual images.
(3.) The main problem with this point of view, which goes back to the nineteenth century, is, on the one hand, the assumption that the Iranians had already developed the concept of "religion" in the second millennium B.C.E. and. on the other hand, the scholarly axiom that the term originally referred to the alleged new ethical religion of the Christian type resulting from Zarathustra's assumed reform. In fact, all references to the Gaoas for this late period are potentially misleading. as they reflect the modern scholarly understanding of the text, but probably not that of the Sogdians and Sasanian Persians, who relied on the traditional oral understanding. A more adequate rendering (or paraphrase) of Pahlavi den is, in my opinion, "Tradition," that is, the totality of the oral tradition derived from the Avesta. This is also the implication of Mani's den, which contained all the (genuine) oral and written traditions from all the revealed dens preceding his. See now Skjaervo, "The Zoroastrian Oral Tradition as Reflected in the Texts," in The Transmission of the Avesta, ed. A. Cantera. Iranica, vol. 20 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2013), 3-48; and B. Nongbri. Before Religion: A History of a Modern Concept (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2013).
(4.) All these representations are of peaceful young women, some holding lotus flowers or playing instruments. The Avestan descriptions of the daena as a warrior victoriously fighting the forces of darkness and evil are not mentioned. See Skjwrvo, "The Horse in Indo-Iranian Mythology," review article of Philippe Swennen, D'Indra a Tistrya: Portrait et evolution du cheval sacre dans les mythes indo-iraniens anciens (Paris: College de France, 2004), JAOS 128.2 (2008): 295-301.
(5.) P. 58 n. 18 and elsewhere: the reference to "Belenitsky/Marshak 1981" is to pp. 11-77 in "Azarpay 1981": "Part One: The Paintings in Sogdiana." In the bibliography, "Azarpay 1981" should be "Azarpay/Belenitsky/Marshak 1981."
(6.) On p. 60 n. 2. she cites the description in Videvdad 19.30, but omits the term pusauuaiti "wearing a crown (of flowers)," which agrees with the use of pasak in the Manichean Sogdian texts cited from Ch. Reck, "Die Beschreibung der Dana in einem soghdischen manichaischen Text," in Religious Themes and Texts of Pre-Islamic Iran and Central Asia: Studies in Honour of Professor Gherardo Gnoli on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday on 6 December 2002, ed. C. G. Cereti. M. Maggi, and E. Provasi (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 2003), 330, 337: [??] "crown of/with flowers." See also Skjaervo, The Spirit of Zoroastrianism (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2011). 180-81.
(7.) Note that there is no Avestan "duzdaena" (p. 67) signifying the 'bad daena'; this is an adjective qualifying the person: hudaena- 'having a good daena', duzdaena- 'having a bad daena'. For the translation of a passage from the Arda Wiraz-namag cited in n. 56 ('bandy-legged, lean-hipped'), see my review of F. Vahman, Arda Wiraz Namag: The Iranian 'Divina Commedia', in Iranian Studies 21.3-4 (1988 ): 192-94, where! rendered the epithets as "knob-kneed and flat-assed" (literally, "with protruding knees and with buttocks (going) back").
(8.) My own most recent views on most of the issues discussed here can be seen in the article "Kartir" in the Encyclopadia Iranica 15.6 (2011), especially pp. 614-16, online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kartir. A complete English translation of the vision narrative is now also available in Skjarvo, Spirit of Zoroastrianism, 182-85.
(9.) For some reason, Grenet does not cite my review of Gignoux's edition of Kerdir's inscriptions, in which I discussed several of the problems he examines here, among them this title: see Skjarvo, review of Ph. Gignoux, Les quatre inscriptions du Mage Kirdir: Textes et concordances (Paris: Association pour l'avancement des etudes iraniennes, 1991), Bibliotheca Orientalis 5/6 (1993): 690-700. He also does not mention the statement in Denkard IV, 22, which he cited long ago, that the Ohrmazd mowbed is someone who can manifestly "see in the other world" (menoy-wenisnig; see the reference in Panaino's article in this volume. p. 223 n. 87; see also appendix 2 below). My own interpretation of the title is "Kerdir, whose soul was saved by Warahran [king or god], mowbed of Ohrmazd [the god]."
(10.) On the dangers of hair getting into the fire, see Skjarvo, "Of Lice and Men and the Manichean Anthropology," in Festschrift George Buddruss zur Vollendung des 65. Lebensjahres und zu seiner Emeritierung ... , ed. R. Sohnen-Thieme and 0. von Hinuber (Reinbek: Inge Wezler, 1994), 273-75.
(11.) I do not understand the statement "ayen < *a-dayana-, the non-attested, but expected etymon of Persian ayine 'mirror'" (p. 129). That Pahlavi ewenag, Persian ayine 'mirror' contains the root day- 'to see' has, of course, never been an issue, but Persian ayin is 'custom', etc., not 'mirror'. Note also that 'dwyn is not just a pseudo-historical spelling of ayen; the two are, presumably, dialect forms: cf. Manichean 'ywyn and 'ywyng. Thus, the spelling with -w- is not necessarily pseudo-historical.
(12.) See the appendix below. Note that there is no Pahlavi ewen or Persian ayin 'mirror', only Pahlavi ewenag, Persian ayine 'mirror'.
(13.) The statement (p. 132) that the Avesta knows of no "windows" may not be quite correct. The Avestan equivalent of Pahlavi razan is found in the description of Yima's vara ('bunker') in Videvdad 2.30, where Ahura Mazda tells Yima to stroke the vara with his golden suBra to make a door and(?) a raocana, which "has its own light from the inside," an unclear phrase, but which is not unlikely to refer to the celestial doors and windows. Cf. the slightly differing translation in Skjarvo, Spirit of Zoroastrianism, 73.
(14.) A concern about some of Grenet's proposals is that they presuppose emendations of the text (p. 126: on the ezafes; p. 135 n. 34: missing preposition; and ewen 'mirror' for ewenag).
(15.) The translation of [section]29 is missing, having been replaced by that of [section]30 (which is then repeated). An interesting parallel to the use of wiseg to characterize the reluctance of the narrators to cross the bridge is found in the Epistles of Manuscihr 2.8.4: ce-m wiseg pad ab be o Cin ayab pad bum be Hrom franaftan "for I am worried about going to China by sea or to Rome by land" (the better manuscripts have <syk>; in Kerdir and other Pahlavi texts, wiseg is an adjective, here it is construed as a noun).
(16.) P. 150: for "TGDWN" read "YNGDWN." The meaning I proposed for this arameogram in P. Skjarvo and P. 0. Harper, "The Earliest Datable Inscription on a Sasanian Bowl: Two Silver Bowls in the J. Paul Getty Museum," Bulletin of the Asia Institute 7 (1993 ): 181-92, was 'stretched sheet silver', that is, 'silver hammered into a sheet' (p. 187a) and 'sheet silver' and by implication 'hammered silver' as opposed to 'cast silver' or 'double shell silver' (p. 188a).
(17.) I would like to take this opportunity to express my own admiration for Gignoux's work in this particular field; his ability to read and decipher seal inscriptions is simply astounding.
(18.) I (obviously) disagree with Huyse (p. 170 n. 45) that the "definitive" edition of the inscription of Abrifin is that of MacKenzie; in my opinion, my "L'inscription d'Abnun et l'imparfait en moyen-perse," Studia Iranica 21.2 (1992): 153-60, not in Huyse's bibliography, is the (most) definitive edition. MacKenzie, in his edition, assumes numerous graphical errors and impossible grammatical constructions, whereas, in my reading, the inscription is orthographically and grammatically correct. Several of MacKenzie's arguments were countered in my "On the Middle Persian Imperfect," in Syntaxe des langues indo-iraniennes anciennes: Colloque International, Sitges (Barcelona) 4-5 mai 1993, ed. E. Pirart (Barcelona: Editorial AUSA, 1997), 161-88.
(19.) Note also that the Gathic term vaepiia, commonly associated with Young Avestan vaepaiia- 'perform anal intercourse', is quite as likely to be derived from the same root vip- (see M. Mayrhofer, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, vol. 2 [Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1995], 583; Skaervo, "Rivals and Bad Poets: The Poet's Complaint in the Old Avesta," in Philologica et Linguistica: Historia, Pluralitas, Universitas. Festschrift fur Helmut Humbach zum 80. Geburtstag am 4. Dezember 2001, ed. M. G. Schmidt and W. Bisang [Trier: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag, 2001], 351-76).
(20.) Also discussed briefly here by Grenet (pp. 128-29).
(21.) It is not, actually, a problem, as *raeo-ya-ka by Siever's Law would be phonetically *raeo-iya-ka, which would give the expected *rehig (cf. Old Persian martiya < *mart-i-ya 'man' versus hasiya- < *hasiya- < *sat-ya-'true, truth').
(22.) We should also not forget that the entire vision narrative is likely to be based on the oral tradition and that all the scenes featured were included as "necessary" parts. Another example of this particular topos is seen in Denkard book 7 (4.77), where Wistasp fears the divine messengers, who tell him not to fear. Another topos shared by Kerdir and Denkard book 7 is in the description of Zarathustra's journey up to heaven, where Wahman leads the way in front (pes) and Zarathustra follows (pes), similar to the manner in which Kerdir is led by the prince ([pesiy]?) and followed by the den (pasiy). See Skaervo, "Kartir." 618, and Spirit of Zoroastrianism, 152.
(23.) P. 242: the three entries "Skjaervo are out of alphabetical order.
(24.) P. 259: the two Greek names are assigned to the wrong Middle Persian names and should be swapped.
(25.) Another Manichean passage on the body and the world is in W. Sundermann, Mittelpersische und purthische kosmogonische und Paraheltexte der Manichaer (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. 1973), with readings corrected in Skjaervo, "Of Lice and Men."
(26.) As a curiosity. I may mention that, in 1992. I was also approached by the holder of some of the documents, but, luckily, decided that this was not something for me. I am convinced it was the right decision and that Gignoux and Weber were the right persons for the job.
(27.) See J. J. Modi, The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, 2nd ed. (Bombay: J. B. Karani's Sons, 1937), 77-85.
(28.) For reasons unknown to me, the Houghton rare book library at Harvard possesses xerox copies of the four best manuscripts of the second part of the Dadestan i denig, which I have used to prepare a critical edition.
(29.) Edited and translated by B. T. Anklesaria, The Pahlavi Rivayat of Aturfarnbag and Farnbag-Sra (Bombay: P. K. Anklesaria and the M. E Cama Athornan Institute, 1969).
(30.) Edited by Vahman (1988) and Ph. Gignoux, Le livre d'Arda Viraz (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les civilisations, 1984).
(31.) See also Boyce and Kotwal, "Zoroastrian baj and dron-I," BSOAS 34.1 (1971): 64; R. P. Karanjia. The Baj-dharna (Dron Yasht) (Mumbai: K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, 2010), especially 75-77.
(32.) The tray recalls the bazm 'feast'(?) that is placed on a seat/table (gah) in front of the various princely characters the travelers encounter during the visionary journey.
(33.) See F. M. Kotwal and J. W. Boyd, A Persian Offering: The Yasna, a Zoroastrian High Liturgy (Paris: Association pour l'avancement des etudes iraniennes, 1991), 86 with n. 86 and elsewhere.
(34.) See the drawing in J. Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, vol. 1 (Paris: E. Leroux, 1893; repr. 1960), pl. VI (after p. LXVI). The adanvaxs is not exclusively in charge of this; in later times, at least, the zod can also perform this action at specific points in the ritual (Kotwal and Boyd, ibid.). On the *cayen, see Skjaerv[empty set], "Kartir," 615-16.
(35.) See text and translation in Y. S.-D. Vevaina, "Relentless Allusion," in The Talmud in Its Iranian Context, ed. C. Bakhos and M. R. Shayegan (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010), 215-16.
(36.) Avestan: ya[theta]a vasi asamu i[delta]a a[eta]ho asauua fraparaiia[eta]he uruuanem taro' cinuuato paraffin: vahistahe a[eta]heus asauua jaso astauuaitim ga[theta]am srauuaiio, ustatatem nimraomno. Remarkably, this passage is echoed in the Achaemenid inscriptions, notably in one by Xerxes (XPh 5.16-20): "If you who (shall be) in the future shall think: 'Let me be both happy (while) alive and one with Order (when) dead!' (then) behave according to that Law which Ahuramazda established ... The man who behaves according to that Law which Ahuramazda established and sacrifices to Ahuramazda according to the Order up on high, he becomes both happy (while) alive and one with Order (when) dead." See the analysis in Skjaerv[empty set], "The Achaemenids and the Avesta," in Birth of the Persian Empire, ed. V. S. Curtis and S. Stewart (London: I. B. Tauris, 2005). 73-74.
(37.) Cf. M. F. Kanga's edition, "Epistle I, Ch. IV of Manuscihr Gosnjaman: A Critical Study," Indian Linguistics 27 (1966): 46-57.
(38.) Cf. the apocalyptical "wonderworking" SAh-Wahram of the family of the kays, who will come from India to deliver the faithful from the Arabs (tazig); see J. M. Jamasp-Asana, ed., The Pahlavi Texts Contained in the Codex MK Copied in 1322 A.C. by the Scribe Mehr-Awan Kai-khusru (Bombay: Fort Printing Press. 1913), 160; and Wahram i warzawand nam "a kay of the den (kay-ew i denig), called the wonderworking Wahram" (Zand i Wahman Yasn 7.5, ed. C. G. Cereti, The Zand i Wahman Yasn: A Zoroastrian apocalypse [Rome: Istituto italiano per il medio ed estremo oriente, 1995]).
PRODS OKTOR SKJAERVO
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|Title Annotation:||"Maitre pour l'eternite": Florilege offert a Philippe Gignoux pour son 80e ainiversaire|
|Author:||Skjaervo, Prods Oktor|
|Publication:||The Journal of the American Oriental Society|
|Article Type:||Book review|
|Date:||Apr 1, 2013|
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