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A content analysis of problem-resolution appeals in television commercials.

A Content Analysis of Problem-Resolution Appeals in Television Commercials

The content of the television message, whether in programming or in commercials, has been a topic of periodic concern. A decade ago the way women were portrayed on television was under attack. After that, attention and subsequent legislation addressed some concerns about program content and commercials aimed at children. Then there was concern with the impact of television violence on viewers. More recently, controversy has focused on the shouting, insulting kinds of talk shows where the host is aggressive and often abusive. The common element in all these subjects is the negative impact television messages may have on the viewer. Whether in programming or advertising, the concern is about the considerable power of the repeated message. Observational learning theory supports the notion that these messages impact the perceptions of viewers (Bandura 1969, 1971).

Problem-solving portrayals in television advertisements are less controversial than the topics noted above, but they are still a concern to consumer researchers. Advertisers, in the business of selling products, use the effective problem-resolution format that focuses on quick and easy solutions. The present analysis is concerned with the notion that commercials convey the powerful messages that problems can be resolved quickly, that long-term implications need not be considered, and that careful, step-by-step decision making (problem solving) is not encouraged.

To measure the effects of media exposure, one first must understand the content of the media to which consumers are exposed. Heretofore, there has been no systematic, empirical measure of the problem-resolution structure of television advertisements. If people learn from television, they may learn not only about product characteristics, but also about deeper, more universal lessons concerning problems these products are said to solve and the depicted process by which resolutions are achieved. This study provides an initial empirical basis on which to understand better the nature of problems and their resolutions presented in television advertisements. The results of this study can help direct and focus subsequent media research that extends television's lessons to measured impacts on viewers.


Evidence accumulated over two decades suggests that television portrayals can influence a viewer's perception of reality (Budd, Craig, and Steinman 1983; Greenberg et al. 1982; Moschis and Moore 1978; Murray 1980; Ward and Wackman 1971; Ward, Wackman, and Wartella 1977; Hawkins and Pingree 1981). Research by Gerbner and the Cultural Indicators Project team at the University of Pennsylvania demonstrates the capacity of television to figure prominently as a source of input to an individual's perception of the world (Gerbner et al. 1980; Gerbner et al. 1982). On a wide range of issues Gerbner's research has demonstrated that regular users of the medium come to align their perceptions with television's depiction of life. Television, it is argued, "mainstreams" its users by channeling and focusing their views into common patterns consistent with those displayed on the medium.

Learning theorists generally agree that observational learning theory offers a plausible dynamic to explain learning from television. Observational learning theory--most associated with the work of Bandura (1969, 1971)--proposes that an individual induces, from observation of a model, a set of abstract rules governing specific behaviors displayed by that model. The substance of these rules needs not be articulated; their replication in a variety of scenarios forms the basis of the learning process. For instance, viewers may observe a variety of scenes in which the actors (models) engage in helping behaviors. After exposure to several such enactments of the "helping rule," viewers will adopt that rule for possible use in their own behavioral repertoire. The generalization of these rule-governed responses in novel circumstances suggests that a learning process, and not mere mimicking, is in operation. The validity of observational learning theory has been demonstrated in a variety of contexts (Carroll, Rosenthal, and Brysh 1972; Dominick, Richman, and Wurtzel 1979; Rosenthal and Whitebrook 1970). Improved learning through repeated exposure is also supported, though less strongly, by the low-involvement theory (Krugman 1965, 1977).

Consumer theory also provides support for the notion that problem-resolution presentation has an impact upon consumers. Expectation of outcome is considered a key aspect of problem solving (Deacon and Firebaugh 1981; Swagler 1979; Katona 1968). The time-probability rule has a large impact upon consumer decision making. An event will have more influence on a consumer's decision if it is expected to occur in the near future. Likewise, an event will have more influence on a consumer's decision if it is perceived (expected) to have a high probability of occurring (Swagler 1979). Thus, advertisements showing quick and easy solutions to problems are likely to have an impact on consumers' consumption decisions.


Content Analysis

Content analysis is especially helpful when attempting to discover underlying issues and values portrayed repeatedly in various settings and situations (Greenberg 1980). The procedure was first used in mass communications research and has also been used to analyze consumer concepts from songs and television programs (Selnow 1986; Friedman 1986; Way 1982). It is appropriate for the study of problem-resolution appeals used in television advertisements. Content analysis is a technique for making valid inferences by cataloging particular aspects of the subject being measured (Krippendorf 1980).

The subject measured in this study is the problem-resolution appeal described as the presentation of a product or service as the solution for a problem. Literature on problem solving and applications of problem solving to television analysis determined which aspects were selected for content analysis (Figure 1).


Research documents the effectiveness of problem presentation in television commercials as a means of increasing sales (White 1981; Ogilvy and Raphaelson 1982). Thus, it is hypothesized that problems are present in a majority of commercials. A problem is defined as a statement or suggestion of doubt, difficulty, or uncertainty, where there may be a state of disequilibrium between the present situation and the desired one. Variable definitions and values used for analyzing problems are presented in Table 1.

The intensity of the problem stimulates the viewer (Fowles 1982). The intensity measurement involves two dimensions: magnitude and urgency. It is hypothesized that problems would be presented with high levels of magnitude and urgency in a majority of the commercials.

Problems are classified into five types utilizing a coding scheme developed by Dominick, Richman, and Wurtzel (1979). The five types are physical, safety, social, ego, and product. It is hypothesized that ego and social problem types are targeted more frequently than any other problem types because in a developed society most consumers' physical and safety needs have been met (Assael 1984).


Resolutions represent the solutions portrayed in the advertisement. Based on problem-solving literature and studies of television's portrayal of problem solving, five resolution criteria are identified: clarity/presentation, time required, certainty, process complexity, and cost of product (Davis 1966; John 1957; Budd, Craig, and Steinman 1983). Table 2 contains variable definitions and values related to resolution analyses. Advertising literature notes that clear resolutions are an effective advertising technique (McCorkle 1982; White 1981). It is hypothesized that presentation of resolutions is explicit rather than implied in a majority of the sample. Studies have documented that advertisements often offer quick relief (Atkin 1978). Therefore, time required for resolution to occur should be seconds or minutes in a majority of commercials.

In understanding the relationship between a problem and the proposed solution, it is necessary to assess the degree of certainty with which an advertiser claimed the product would bring about a resolution. Two degrees of certainty are defined: definite and probable. No category is included for advertisements in which the capacity of a product to bring about resolution is depicted to be uncertain because none of this type is found. Davis (1966) discusses problem solving as either definite or probable. Based on his discussion and advertising-effectiveness research (White 1981), it is expected that a majority of resolutions are presented as definite.

Three categories are used to measure process complexity in terms of the number of steps to obtain the production service: one, two-three, and more than three. Budd, Craig, and Steinman (1983) found that one episode of a popular television program contained commercials that showed solutions in one easy step. Based on this small sample, it is hypothesized that a majority of resolutions present solutions obtainable in one easy step. Furthermore, the majority of commercials on television are for the type of products that lend themselves to one-step solutions, such as food, beverages, and detergents (Scott 1978).

Product cost is categorized as inexpensive, moderate, and expensive. After extensive examination of advertisements, dollar amounts are set as less than $10, $10 - $100, and greater than $100. The dollar criterion for each cost level provides a logical basis on which to categorize advertised products. This scheme proves to discriminate well among products while affording a workable basis for classification. Experience goods, such as soft drinks and shampoo, comprise a large proportion of the kinds of products advertised on television (Scott 1978).(1) These products are often inexpensive. Therefore, it is hypothesized that inexpensive products are offered as resolutions in a majority of the sample. (1) Experience goods are defined as products and/or services that possess qualifications that can be evaluated only after purchase (e.g., coffee, restaurant service).

Patterns of Problem-Resolution

Intuitively one may expect problems of larger magnitude to require more resolution time than those of average magnitude. Alcoholism, can be evaluated only after purchase (e.g., coffee, restaurant service). for instance, is a problem of greater magnitude than thirst, dull teeth, or itchy scalp. It is, therefore, hypothesized that longer resolution times are associated with problems of greater magnitude.

Intuitively, an association between the certainty of resolution and resolution time would be logical. More certain resolutions are likely to occur in less time. It is expected that resolutions presented as definite are associated with shorter times than resolutions presented as probable.

Cost is hypothesized to be related to several variables. Cost is expected to be related to the type of problem presented; however, the precise relationship has not been documented in the literature. Cost is also hypothesized to be related to process complexity. The more expensive the product is to obtain, the greater the number of steps (such as extensive information search) required to resolve the problem (Swagler 1979). Problem intensity, resolution complexity, and certainty are all hypothesized to be related to cost. It is anticipated that more expensive products have more complex but less certain resolutions. More expensive products are related to problems of high levels of magnitude but lower levels of urgency.



A sample of 1,380 different advertisements was obtained by video-taping local member stations for three national television networks (ABC, CBS, and NBC) in September of 1984. The sample includes all national commercials aired on all three networks from 7:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m. (prime access and prime time) for seven days (Sunday through Saturday), from 7:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m. for two weekdays (Monday and Wednesday) and the weekend days (Saturday and Sunday). These times were selected to obtain a sampling from all programming types and times of day. To avoid regional idiosyncrasies, the sample includes only network, commercial advertisements. Political advertisements are omitted from the sample.

Coding Procedures

Content analysis often relies on subjective measurements by trained coders. For this reason, it is imperative to conduct extensive coder training sessions and to follow specific procedures in establishing reliability. For this study three coders were extensively trained to ensure that they were relying on the same information in their coding decisions. A pilot test was conducted to gain a better understanding of the procedure and the problems that might be encountered. The commercials used for the pilot test were selected to include variations in types of advertisements. None of the advertisements used in the pilot test is part of the sample for the study.

Commercials were analyzed by the three coders using an instrument specifically developed for this study. Video tapes of the advertisements were divided into hour-length segments and were divided randomly among the coders. Twelve percent of the sample (165 commercials) was selected randomly for coding by all assistants to determine intercoder reliability. The composite reliability coefficient was 0.89 (Holsti 1969).(2)

(2)The following formula was used to compute the reliability coefficient: composite reliability = N(average interjudge agreement)/ 1 + (N - 1) (average interjudge agreement)

Only commercials that contained a problem were analyzed. If the commercial presented a second problem, information was coded on the second problem as well as the first problem. Messages presented in television advertisements tend to be straightforward, which minimizes the limitations of content analysis.



The distributions of problem frequency, intensity, and type are presented in Table 1. As anticipated, most of the advertisements in the sample contain a problem of some type (71.2 percent). In some commercials, more than one problem is found (6.0 percent). Ten percent of the problems in the sample are presented as life threatening ("enormous" magnitude). Problems portrayed as "large" in magnitude (larger than everyday problems) constituted 43.3 percent of the sample of problems presented in advertisements. "Average" magnitude (common, everyday) problems are present in 46.2 percent of the sample. In slightly over half of the sample, then, the problems are presented as larger than those that would be expected to happen every day.

Most of the time problems are presented with a considerably urgent need for resolution. Nine percent of the problems are identified as extremely urgent and 45.9 percent as urgent. Forty-five percent of the problems are presented as not urgent. As hypothesized, problems are presented with high levels of magnitude and urgency in a majority of advertisements containing problems.

The most frequent problem types are physical problems; social problems are second. Problems addressing ego make up about 14 percent of the sample. Therefore, the hypothesis that ego and social problems are the most frequently targeted is not supported.


Presentation and time required. For all advertisements in which a problem is presented, a resolution also is provided; that is, the viewer never is left with an unresolved difficulty. As hypothesized, a majority (70 percent) of the commercials explicitly state or clearly demonstrate a resolution (Table 2). Resolution is implied in the remaining cases (30 percent). As hypothesized, a majority of advertisements (81.6 percent) suggest, or imply, that resolution occurs within seconds or minutes after use of the product.

Certainty. Resolutions are depicted as certain, as hypothesized. Most of the commercials in this sample (76.1 percent) make definite claims that their products would resolve the problem. The remaining cases suggest that problem resolution is likely, although it is not proclaimed as a certainty. This category includes commercials in which it is stated or implied that something else is needed to ensure full resolution (e.g., cereal is part of a well-balanced diet).

Process complexity and product cost. A majority (76.8 percent) of resolutions could be obtained by the consumer in only one step, such as purchasing from a store. Very few products require several steps, such as sending away for information before making a purchase. The complexity hypothesis, therefore, is supported. Inexpensive items comprise nearly three-fourths (74.8 percent) of the products advertised in the sample. The cost hypothesis also is supported.

Patterns of Problem Resolution

To understand patterns within the problem/resolution structure, the next level of analysis in this study involves an examination of the relationships among several key variables. The first of these analyses considers the magnitude of a problem suggested in the advertisement and the time estimated for the advertised product to bring about problem resolution. Results presented in Table 3 demonstrate a significant relationship between problem magnitude and resolution time. As hypothesized, problems of greater magnitude are associated with longer resolution times than problems of average or large magnitude. This point is well made considering that problems of enormous magnitude are resolved immediately (within seconds or minutes) 70.3 percent of the time, while problems of average magnitude are resolved immediately 91.8 percent of the time.

As reported earlier in this analysis, television advertisements nearly always build a case for the certainty of resolution. Most (76.1 percent) suggest the product will definitely resolve a problem, and a minority (23.9 percent) suggest the product will probably solve a problem; none fails to make the point that some degree of problem resolution certainty is likely. Beyond this, the data in Table 4 indicate a relationship between the expressed degree of certainty and the time required to bring about the associated resolution. Products billed as certain to resolve a problem are significantly more likely to solve that problem immediately (87.7 percent) than those whose resolution is only probable (62.2 percent), thereby supporting the hypothesis (Table 4). Objectively, one would expect that with the intervention of time a greater probability exists for a resolution to become derailed. Consequently, the certainty that resolution will reach conclusion is diminished. This analysis clearly suggests that advertised products for which there is a claim of definite resolution are more likely to bring about an immediate resolution than those products for which there is only an expressed probability of resolution.

Another relationship examined in this study involves the nature of the problem associated with the advertised product and the relative cost of the product. Essentially, the analysis seeks to determine if there are any significant relationships between problem type and product cost. The chi-square statistic in Table 5 leads to the inference that such a relationship exists. Of the physical and social problem types, the majority of advertisements recorded are for products judged to be inexpensive (95.8 percent and 81.8 percent, respectively). Two of three (63.4 percent) product-problem advertisements are for inexpensive products. By contrast, greater portions of safety and ego products are in the moderate and expensive categories; more than a third (38.6 percent and 33.7 percent) are in the expensive category. This evidence suggests a significant difference in the costs of items dealing with products designed to remedy various types of problems. Fundamental physical and social problems, such as hunger and physical attractiveness, can be met with low-cost, off-the-shelf products readily available to the masses. Deeper human problems involving self-esteem (ego) and security (safety), also said to be remedied with television-advertised products, generally require more solution time and are more costly.

Product cost also appears to be related to the number of steps required to bring about problem resolution. The analysis, reported in Table 6, shows that inexpensive products are significantly more likely to achieve resolution in one simple step (83.8 percent) than are expensive products (55.3 percent), which are more likely to involve two or three steps. Although there are many reasons television has become a popular forum for inexpensive, mass-appeal product advertising, this finding may suggest one of the more important. Short ten-, fifteen-, and thirty-second advertisements have little time to explain the complexity of a product and so must make their point quickly and simply. Products requiring more elaborate, multiple-step consumer involvement must rely on other media. They may introduce the product on television, but they depend on other media to tutor audiences on the particulars. Thus, nearly three-quarters (74.8 percent) of all television-advertised products in this sample are inexpensive to purchase, and a similar percentage (76.8 percent) involves only a single step. These characteristics are governed by two fundamental characteristics of television mass audiences: they are economically restricted and they suffer processing limitations. The products most eligible for advertising on television are those people can afford and those people can readily understand how to use.

Finally, using a regression analysis, the relationship between cost of advertised product and four features evaluated for the problem and resolutions of the problem is examined. Table 7 displays the entry order, percent of variance explained, and standardized regression coefficients.

The first variable is complexity, which accounts for 9.9 percent of the variance in product cost. As the estimated cost of a product increases, so too does the complexity of the process required to obtain the product. With complexity controlled, all other variables, although significant at p < .001, contribute little to the explained variance. The following descriptions should be read with this in mind. The second variable entered is resolution certainty. As product cost increases, there is less certainty of the resolutions said to be brought about by the product. Problem magnitude enters third, and with complexity and resolution certainty controlled, results suggest that more costly products are likely to deal with larger problems. Finally, more costly products are identified with a less urgent need for resolution.


Several major observations and conclusions can be drawn from these data. Nearly three-fourths of all commercials present problems, and all problems are linked with resolutions. Problems are presented with intensity; a majority of the problems portrayed in the sample are high in magnitude and urgency, suggesting that problems are overwhelming and need attention almost immediately. Not only does every problem in the sample have a resolution, but also, most resolutions are presented as easy, quick, and sure, requiring little from the consumer beyond the purchase of the product or service. The resolutions are presented in ways to leave little doubt that, indeed, they could remedy the problems. Given that advertisers tend to make clear and simple cause-and-effect statements joining a problem to the proposed solution, it follows, as these data show, that advertisers further suggest a short, uncomplicated yet certain connection between product use and problem resolution. Such an approach implies for the viewer simple direct relationships and stresses the principle of immediate gratification.

Television as Reality

These data reveal several additional patterns beyond those that may be evident from an initial look at the entire, undifferentiated data set. When the data are broken into strata representing levels of resolution complexity, it is evident that more complex problems require longer resolution times than less complex problems. While we have suggested that television advertisements may imply a simplicity to life's problems that does not exist in real life, at least on this dimension there is a measure of reality. Life's experiences teach that solutions to complex problems take longer to achieve. Although all problems displayed in these advertisements may take less resolution time than one normally may expect, the relative resolution time has some resemblance to reality.

We also have seen that products for which a resolution is certain take less time than those for which a resolution is only probable. This, too, conforms to life's experiences. One may reasonably expect that an event that occurs immediately happens with greater certainty than one that takes a longer time. Here again, although in absolute terms the advertisements fail to match real life, in relative terms the certainty and duration of the resolution process suggest a relationship more attuned to reality.

The examination of product cost with (1) product type and (2) steps in the resolution process in mind also tends to confirm expectations from life experience. Problems based on fundamental physical and social needs are depicted as being met by inexpensive, readily available products. More complex problems based on self-concept and safety characteristics are associated with more costly items. One can quench a thirst with a fifty-cent cola; it takes products of a different caliber to bolster egos and to promote a feeling of stability. In terms of process, one-step resolutions are met by inexpensive products; those requiring several steps demand more costly products. This is depicted in the study and generally may be expected from lessons in life. Products requiring several acquisition steps (e.g., computers) often are more costly than those that can be obtained in a single action (e.g., toothpaste).

Several points emerge from this series of analyses. First, in absolute terms, the problem-and-resolution structure of television does not match most lessons in life. These problems are larger than life, and they are depicted as more urgent than comparable life's problems. Resolutions are faster, simpler, and more certain than life's experiences would suggest. Given these observations, then, television advertisements present a most unrealistic characterization of problems and resolutions.

Buried within these observations are some realistic representations. Difficult problems take longer to resolve than simple problems. Certain resolutions take less time than uncertain resolutions. Difficult problems require more costly product solutions. Multiple-stage resolutions are more costly than single-stage resolutions. All this makes common sense; all of these patterns match to some degree lessons from life.

At the heart of this research is concern over the tutorial capacity of television. Gerbner et al. (1979), Hawkins and Pingree (1980), and other media researchers have found that with increased media exposure, there is a concomitant increased potential for learning from the media. This learning may be unplanned and go unrecognized by the individual, but it proceeds nonetheless as a subtle, gradual, integrated process (Krugman 1965, 1977). Although the dynamics by which such learning occurs are not central to this discussion, ample evidence suggests that observational learning theory accounts for a great deal of concept acquisition through television. Replications of patterns and lessons have a cumulative effect on an individual that, over time, impart rules that serve as the basis for beliefs and expectations about the real world.

Data collected in this study provide the initial step in the important media-effects research process. They chart the patterns and paradigms available for learning. In the course of a single evening, an average viewer will be exposed to more than 100 advertisements. If the present sample is at all representative of the overall corpus, then there is reason to believe that a fairly predictable pattern of problems and their resolutions are played unceasingly before these viewers. This research charts the patterns that may serve as available lessons. The next step in this complex process of understanding media effects is to examine viewers for demonstrations of learning from these lessons.(3)

(3)Selnow is currently engaged in research on the impact of problem resolution pattern on viewers. For information write: Dr. Gary Selnow, Department of Communications Studies, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA 24061.

Consumer Behavior Implications

Literature on consumer behavior states that "consumers become familiar with their environment and come to know that certain things remain constant over time; these fixed points are used in forming expectations about the future..." (Swagler 1979, p. 59). Consumers often do not have personal experiences to draw upon in making decisions; in these cases they formulate expectations based on the experiences of others. This notion can be extended to cover the environment created through television advertisements. Experiences presented on television may help to shape consumers' expectations about a product's ability to solve a problem. Also note the importance of the time-probability rule. Events occurring soon (quickly) and with a high probability (certainty) are more likely to have an influence on consumers' current behavior. Thus, the total effect of television advertisements has less to do with the advertisement of an individual product than with the whole environment that advertisements create, namely that problems can be dealt with easily, quickly, and with certainty.

Given the considerable evidence already collected on the potential for television to instruct its viewers, the data presented in this study suggest several possibilities that must be considered by specialists in consumer affairs. First, because this study has demonstrated that a majority of the problems portrayed in the sample are high in magnitude and urgency, one may speculate that if the viewer perceives a problem as overwhelming and requiring immediate attention, he or she may feel justified in purchasing a product that remedies the problem. Consumers who adopt these high levels of urgency are more likely to act quickly in seeking a resolution through the purchase of the advertised product. This response, obviously, benefits the advertiser desiring to stimulate a quick purchase.

Consumers may extend lessons found in television advertisements to other aspects of life and come to expect easy solutions to complex problems. For instance, consumers often are criticized for not returning faulty products, preferring to absorb the loss and to avoid accompanying difficulties. Consumers may have been led to believe their problems are simple, and they are embarrassed to relate their difficulties, or they may not perceive complaining as the desired quick and easy solution. Consumers who expect to find medicine or treatment for rare or terminal diseases, as evidenced by consumers who will go to another country to obtain the "miracle drug," may be influenced similarly. Disillusionment often occurs when consumers succumb to the allure of an easy cure. Headaches, another example of a problem often presented in television commercials, may result from any number of causes, many of which cannot be treated simply by taking a pill. Social problems, such as unpopularity and low sex appeal, are presented on television as having a quick, inexpensive, and simple fix. Have viewers come to expect such resolutions in their own lives, and what happens when they are repeatedly disappointed?

The proliferation of self-help books on complex topics (from physical fitness to career management to intimate relationships) lends evidence to the notion that many consumers believe even complex problems have simple solutions. These kinds of books have increased in circulation recently and are repeatedly on the bestseller lists. Could the problem-solution environment created by television have an effect on a consumer's view of problems in general? Measuring such effects would be difficult and perhaps not feasible, but the question is worth noting in terms of consumer behavior.

Many of the problems presented in advertisements could be classified as common, everday events (e.g., ring around the collar, dust on the furniture). These common problems often are escalated into major crises, portrayed by the players with urgency and forcefulness. Have viewers (particularly frequent viewers) adopted this agenda and so assigned a comparable weight to such trivial matters in their own lives? What problems ultimately ensue from failure to maintain shiny toasters, spotless laundry, and bug-free patios?

There is abundant literature in support of the proposition that television is a persuasive teacher that imparts lessons not only about products but also about thought processes. This study has examined the engineering of problems and problem-resolution structures within the television commercials that pervade the media. These structures are clear, and they are persistent. They are designed to create an audience that not only desires a product but also recognizes a need for that product. Often the process of need stimulation casts problems as bigger than life and resolutions as simple, fast, and certain. Such findings, in light of the potential for the medium to extend lessons beyond immediate applications into more general belief structures, such as reinforcing the expectation that problems can be easily solved, imposes an intriguing set of questions.

Table : 1 Problems Presented in Television Advertisements

Table : 2 Resolutions Presented in Television Advertisements

Table : 3 Magnitude of Problem by Resolution Time

Table : 4 Certainty of Resolution by Resolution Time

Table : 5 Product Type by Problem Cost

Table : 6 Product Cost by Process Complexity

Table : 7 Stepwise Multiple Regression Analysis for Variables Explaining Product Cost
COPYRIGHT 1989 American Council on Consumer Interests
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Copyright 1989 Gale, Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.

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Author:Marlowe, Julia; Selnow, Gary; Blosser, Lois
Publication:Journal of Consumer Affairs
Date:Jun 22, 1989
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