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A case study of education and nationalism: the multicultural fight for "Souls and Minds" in Finland, 1891-1921.

This article discusses the complicated question of national education and rising nationalist ideas in multicultural Finland in the last decades of its Russian era (1809-1917) and the first years of Finnish independence (1917-1921). In choosing a multicultural approach, this study primarily focuses on the political and educational development in the Vyborg district, where around thirty percent of the entire population and most of the Russians and other foreigners residing in Finland lived in the beginning of the twentieth century. The Vyborg district was even officially called a borderland. (1)

Because the decades selected are those of significant changes in politics and educational policies in Imperial Russia (including the Grand Duchy of Finland) and the independent state of Finland, this contribution highlights Russian and Finnish (-national) administrative solutions, ideologies, policies, educational questions, and crossroads in the Vyborg district and only touches on the countrywide framework. The Swedish-speaking minority in Finland and its long historic connection with Stockholm and the Swedish throne deserve a separate treatment.

This study addresses three questions: First, what were the Russian points of view and activities of national and political development in the Grand Duchy and, particularly, in the Vyborg district? Second, how did Finnish educators and politicians see their task in creating a national educational system during this period? And in which way did the two-sided rise of contemporary Finnish and Russian nationalism clash in the borderland during the decades mentioned? Additionally, this article attempts to reflect on what one could call an ahistorical global debate about the "new" challenges of multiculturalism, diversity, and minorities in the field of education. Discussion of multiculturalism and its challenges simply did not exist a hundred, or even fifty, years ago. In the last twenty years, researchers have recognized, openly discussed, and even researched this as a major social phenomenon. (2)

In 1890, the Russian Tsar Aleksandr III (r. 1881-94) suddenly abandoned his predecessors' tradition of cooperation with the Finnish administration and the politically moderate Finnish national party known in English as the Fennomans; he decreed that state officials in the Vyborg district must also speak Russian. (3) In those days, the Vyborg district was a large and relatively rich borderland with a substantial Russian dacha--or summer-house--population, as well as Russian schools for children. Vyborg itself was a culturally multinational administrative center with a significant trade sector, which housed Russian military forces. Aleksandr's ukaz confirmed the existence of an autonomous Russian-styled zemstvo administration for the 1,400 inhabitants of Raivola village inside the Vyborg district. (4) As a Russian-speaking village community, it already had a Russian school, established in 1881 by the tsarist ministry of education (literally, "of national enlightenment"). For obvious reasons, it followed the tsarist curriculum. With regard to the teaching of religion, the Russian Orthodox Eparchy of Finland was founded to "take special care" of the population's Orthodox minority, as the tsar and his servants put it: This new Russian bishop had his see in Vyborg. (5) A Russian nationalistic drive had begun in the Grand Duchy of Finland, leading to a Finnish-Russian competition for the allegiance of the borderland population, previously administered by Finns. The culmination of this process of what has been called "Russification" came when Tsar Nicholas II (r.1894-1917) signed the February 1899 Manifesto, which changed legislative principles throughout the Grand Duchy. This manifesto awakened Finns more than any prior change. A single-minded petition against the "oppression" of the manifesto was rapidly compiled. (6) It was more of an ideological awakening, however, than an active, larger nationalist (and politically united) movement. A consequence of this response was the creation of a dual national educational system in the borderland of the Grand Duchy. (7)

What did the Russians change in terms of education as part of the Russification policy of the 1890s? Lower primary education in the Grand Duchy of Finland took its first steps in the 1860s. Initially neither a compulsory nor countrywide system, central actors such as the philosopher, journalist, and eventual senator J. V. Snellman (1806-81) saw an opportunity to create a new national mindset through education and thus forge a new nation with "superior spirit and a glorious historical task." (8) His national solution was bilingual in his advocacy of maintaining the status quo of Finnish and Swedish as the national languages of the Grand Duchy. This bilingual solution was beneficial for Finland's Swedish minority, permitting the pro-Swedish bias of the previous regime (Sweden ruled Finland until 1809) to continue: It upheld the language-based segregation of administrative positions. In addition, Snellman's ideas concentrated on men as actors and thinkers in the public arena, suggesting that women resign themselves to the private world of heir families. A statute for primary education in the Grand Duchy of Finland was issued in 1866, but school attendance was initially low: By 1869, pupils numbered only 1,300 of a population of 1.76 million. (9) In the 1870s, more than ten new lycea (secondary schools) were founded to provide for schooling beyond primary levels. These lycea presented a pathway for some students towards becoming civil servants, administrators, or senior posts in the private sector. University doors opened to female students in the late 1880s, thus ending Snellman's ideological division of tasks based on gender. In those days, academic study in the Grand Duchy of Finland was mainly pursued at the Tsar Alexander University in Helsinki. (10)

The political atmosphere during the 1870s and 1880s grew more nationalistic on both the Russian and the Finnish side. The Fennomans, who originated in the 1860s and boasted several Lutheran clerics as members, actively began to speak, write, and act for a single nation, a single language (Finnish), and a single religion (Lutheran), following the intellectual lead of Snellman. The first serious efforts to develop national history textbooks that clearly argue in favor of Finland's place in the family of nations date from the 1870s. Previously, the official language of the elite had been mainly Swedish. In order to wean this elite from its Swedish predilection, Tsar Aleksandr II (r.1855-81) agreed after a meeting with representative senators in 1863 to adopt the linguistic policy of the Fennomans, and pronounced the Finnish language equal to Swedish. (11) At the same time, however, the Russian administration closed Finnish lycea in several towns, leaving only three Finnish-language schoold against eight Swedish-language ones. Tsarist policy was confusing, but reflected the anxiety about developments in restless Poland. Altogether, nonetheless, the "soft" moderate Imperial policy of the 1870s and 1880s was a political triumph for the Fennoman movement. The national curriculum relied on Fennoman ideas. (12) The Tsarist attempt at "Russification," as it was called by politically active Fennomans at the time and by historians since, was a significant political change with large consequences; it appeared in the borderland region in the 1890s and, subsequently, was introduced throughout the country in the 1900s. (13) Postal offices and practices were changed by Tsarist orders, and the late Romanovs also wanted the borderland to have Russian-speaking civil servants.

What caused this new Russian policy of the 1890s? As an important market area and relatively prosperous borderland, the multicultural Vyborg district played a key role in the linguistic, educational, administrative, and political armwrestling of awakening national ideas. Russian dacha owners and especially the circles in St. Petersburg to which they belonged began to make the eastern areas of the Karelian Isthmus more suitable for their "little Russia" colonies by changing the domestic language, increasing the services of a local Russian-speaking administration, and diffusing the Tsarist educational and ecclesiastic systems. (14) The effort was worthwhile, since the multiethnic population of the region grew rapidly into 100,000 (or more) relatively wealthy non-autochthonous inhabitants and their families toward 1900. More precise numbers are difficult to establish, as many people often traveled under a single family passport. In addition, the tsarist Baltic Sea garrisons of Peter the Great's Naval Garrison Circle (stationed at Vyborg, Ino, Kronstadt) increased the numbers of non-indigenous military personnel in this borderland, bringing along with them their own social, medical, educational, religious, and commercial needs. Meanwhile, the Finnish population in this second largest district of the Grand Duchy was approaching 480,000 toward 1914. Finns, however, were clearly minority in the borderland dacha areas. (15)

A statute for localized Finnish schools was issued in 1898, after which to some extent elementary schools were organized in every municipality, including the multiethnic borderland. (16) At the same time, Russians were rapidly building their own schools, especially in the eastern part of the isthmus. They were supported mainly by the tsarist ministry of national enlightenment, with additional help rendered by local Russian noblemen living in the dacha areas. (17) These local activities in the isthmus intersected with the tremendous effort of Konstantin P. Pobedonostsev (1827-1907), the oberprokuror of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church from 1880 onward. (18) Pobedonostsev aimed to establish thousands of Russian parish schools around the country to support the tsar, the Orthodox faith, and imperial Russia. His predecessor as oberprokuror--who had doubled as education minister--the equally conservative Count Dmitrii A. Tolstoi (1823-89), had already established a state-controlled elementary school system with a similar curriculum in 1874, with a strong emphasis on reading and writing skills, albeit less aimed at russifying the tsar's subjects. (19)

According to Pobedonostsev's plans, millions of children in the empire were to receive education at the parish schools. The Russian education ministry was not only "russifying" Finland or the Vyborg borderland, but "saving the souls" for the Tsar throughout Imperial Russia. Locally, this meant some 500 Russian pupils and students studied in elementary, vocational, or secondary schools in the isthmus dacha area under the educational officials of St. Petersburg in 1915. On the Russian side, administrators often claimed by their effort to "save the souls" of the non-Russian to buttress the Tsarist monarchy, but also used historical arguments claiming Russian superiority with the aid of a sort of Russian version of "Manifest Destiny," the "Third Rome" doctrine. In addition, several Russian researchers, as well as newspapers, had argued for decades that Finns were a "tribe," and therefore suitable for no form of independence, but limited autonomy at the most. These rabid nationalist views became more diffused along with the growth of pan-Slavic ideas toward 1900. (20)

Both sides stigmatized each other into "us" versus "other" dichotomies of ideological thinking. To resolve matters once and for all, F. A. Seyn (1862-1918), the Russian Governor-General of Finland from 1909 to 1917, and the Konsistoriia (Board) of the newly born orthodox eparchy in the grand duchy decided on the eve of the First World War to suggest to the imperial council of ministers that the entire Vyborg district be joined to the Russian empire. (21) The inhabitants of the Raivola village had repeatedly made this same request for fifteen years, while Nikolai I. Bobrikov (1839-1904), the first open "russifier" as governor-general from 1898 to 1904 had advocated the same idea. The Finns, increasingly inspired by their own nationalism, felt threatened in the Isthmus and the Vyborg district and launched a resistance in the 1910s. Young and eager nationalist speakers such as Erkii Paavolainen (1890-1960) and Mikko Uotinen (1885-1931) crisscrossed the countryside villages, wrote and talked about the Russian danger, the Slav "aliens," and the eastern enemy, and stressed the "eternal" right that Finns had to their own land, regardless of historical treaties and changing borderlines. Finnish activists fiercely rejected any suggested attachment of the district in print and at meetings and collected 9,000 signatures for a local petition opposing annexation. (22) This growth of active and collective nationalism took place only in the Karelian Isthmus, for which Russian plans to move the border westward, combined with the region's growing population, powerful social (educational and ecclesiastic) structures, and claims for equal rights in the Grand Duchy, became an acute threat. It appears as if ordinary farmers living elsewhere in the Grand Duchy were oblivious to the proposed changes to the border zone. Finnish nationalism in the Isthmus was more aggressive than elsewhere and led to numerous acts of violence on both the Russian and Finnish sides, including arson, terror, and murder. (23) The Finns felt they were first-line ideological and civilized fighters for the whole of Western civilization against the "eastern enemy" (other) and its dubious religion, moving toward the depiction of an eastern and barbarian "subhuman." (24) On the other side, however, there was at least the danger of "russification by stealth," as an earlier Finnish researcher, Eevert Laine, phrased it. (25)

Despite the troubles, schools were left in peace. It is somewhat surprising to note that parents cared little about the nationalistic turmoil, but instead chose the most suitable school and education for their children. Prior to the Russian revolution, the Russian upper secondary school for boys in Terijoki (Zelenogorsk), for example, was very popular and had a largely mixed student body in terms of its ethnicity. The school's popularity may have stemmed from the several foreign languages its curriculum offered the students. (26) A similar popularity marked Kuokkala elementary school and private upper secondary school, the latter of which was financed by a single (politically inactive) Russian nobleman. Many Russian families enrolled their children in the nearest Finnish school. Practically, it was useful to speak at least Finnish and Russian in the multiethnic dacha area. Russian schools often added Finnish to their curricula. While politicians and activists were struggling, many people educated their children at peace with their foreign neighbors and multiethnic surroundings. An early practical vision of multicultural education and multilingual skills can be observed in in the schools' operation, even if agitators and activists fulminated in newspapers and ideological meetings. (27)

Ignoring nationalist ranting, many Finns also worked for Russians in dacha areas close to St. Petersburg, while Russians owned businesses in the Isthmus. Mixed marriages between the two main nationalities also took place. The real life of the region's inhabitants was more than complicated, comprising numerous "true" visions of otherness and so-called "aliens." (28)

What occurred elsewhere along the border between Russia proper and the Finnish Grand Duchy? North of the Karelian Isthmus, although in a different setting, the same ideological conflicts emerged from the very beginning of the mutual nationalist awakening of Finns and Russians. The inhabitants of the western coast of Lake Ladoga, as well as the more numerous populations (of up to 120,000) northward from the Lake, comprised Finns and citizens of the Grand Duchy. More precisely, they were--and are--called Karelians and spoke the Karelian dialect, which is a Finnish marked by numerous Russian-language expressions. (29)

Nationalist Finns, including the Fennomans, saw Karelians as uncivilized fellow countrymen who were in danger of falling victim to "russification" and the influence of a "non-Christian" (Orthodox) religion. The Russian official view saw Karelians, first, as a Russian tribe to be "saved" from "fennofication" and "pan-Scandinavian" ideologies. Second, the Karelian people were mostly Orthodox, and thereby regarded as "servants" of the Tsarist regime. Third, their ethnic origins became even more obscure when the Russian pan-Slavic publication Pravoslavnaia Karelia claimed that the total number of Russian-related Karelian people in the Grand Duchy exceeded a million, including those living in districts other than Vyborg. (30)

Ideological wrestling occurred along similar lines and yielded similar outcomes as in the Isthmus. From their respective viewpoints, Finnish as well as Russian actors--politicians, clerics, teachers, and self-made ideologues--sought similar goals: to save their Karelian "brethren" and their souls from the alien threat of "subhuman brutality" and to educate them to become loyal citizens and believers. Ironically, the ideological bases of Finnish and Russian nationalism around 1900 were similar. Both increasingly separated a linguistically, politically, and religiously "right," or justified "us," from the hostile and barbarian, and "wrong," "other." (31) Arguments were mostly grounded in invented historical events, stories, and writings. (32) Naturally, one should note that few contemporary people realized the falsehood of these events, stories, and writings. An ethnic, educational, and religious Karelian "question" soon changed the "battle for Karelian souls," leading to rapid school-building on both sides. (33)

How did the Russian administration impose its will? In the late 1890s, simultaneously with the issue of the Statute of Finnish municipality elementary schools, Governor-General Nikolai Bobrikov launched his campaign of russification. Whether Bobrikov was true nationalist zealot or not is moot; before all, he seems to have been a good team player for the Tsarist policy. Soon after Bobrikov took the helm of the Grand Duchy in 1898, Nicholas II issued his February Declaration and Finnish resistance turned to a more violent direction in the Vyborg District, with nationalist newspapers vehemently beginning to attack each other. (34) Administrative action was needed, provoking Bobrikov's anti-Finnish measures. Nonetheless, Bobrikov's first administrative reforms had been developed by his predecessor, Count F. M. van Heiden (1821-1900, governor-general of Finland from 1881 to 1898), while Minister of War (1898-1904) Alexei N. Kuropatkin (1848-1925), who lived in the Isthmus dacha area, exerted an influence on Bobrikov's rule. Undoubtedly, however, Bobrikov in cooperation with Archbishop Antonii, the religious chief of Vyborg and the Grand Duchy, pursued the same line, promoting the rapid increase of administratively separate Russian parish schools in Karelia around Lake Ladoga. In the eyes of the Fennomans and nationalist Finns, these activities made Bobrikov a real "russifier" of the border areas. (35)

In the spring of 1917, Russian lay and clerical nationalists seemed to be winning the battle for Karelian "souls and minds." The number of Russian schools and students in the Vyborg district, particularly in the Karelian Isthmus and Lake Ladoga region, had been growing for more than ten years, reaching 2,200 students studying in 63 schools in 1917. In addition to those numbers, purely Russian schools in the eastern multiethnic dacha area of the Isthmus had their own Karelian students, numbering about 500 in 1916. (36) An important reason for selecting a Russian school for the relatively poor Karelian people was very practical: Russian primary schools, having been established by the tsarist ministry of national enlightenment or by the Russian Orthodox Missionary Brotherhood of St. George (founded in 1907), offered better social services, as did the institutions founded by private foreigners in the Isthmus. (37) Despite this success, Finns had been active, too, and founded a national missionary organization called "Vienan Karjalaisten Liitto" (Union of Belomorsk Karelians, 1906) to educate the minds of Karelian people about their ethno-linguistic links with the Finns and propagate the Lutheran religion in 49 borderland schools, which taught 1,967 pupils in 1917. Still, after ten years these numbers indicate improvement for the Russians. (38)

The March Revolution of 1917 ended this development. It froze Russian financing, whereas Finnish national and Fennoman activists were able to continue their educational efforts. The Finnish Parliament closed Russian schools and took their property under supervision, while the post-tsarist Russian government in St. Petersburg had more than enough to do elsewhere. Most unemployed Russian teachers left Finland more or less willingly, although in some locales they were occasionally driven to the border by force, which prompted the Russian bishop of Vyborg to contact the Finnish administration for security reasons, a request that met with no response. (39) One single male teacher and Brotherhood activist, Mr. Karhapaa, was even executed during the Finnish Civil War (1918). Subsequent research found him not guilty, but a victim of nationalistic hate and anger. (40)

In addition to hasty school construction, the Vyborg district had two teacher-training seminaries by 1917: The Russian one in Vyborg closed soon after the March Revolution, whereas the Finnish Seminary in Sortavala strengthened its activities. For 27 years, the Finnish seminary served as a center of nationalist-minded education for Finnish-speaking, nationalist new teachers. Russians, however, saw it as a hostile center of pan-Finnish propaganda and agitators. A good example of an enthusiastic Fennoman in Sortavala was a teacher of Orthodox religion, Rev. S. Solntsev (1867-1933), who, according to Russian sources, made new Orthodox teachers "lose their earlier spirituality." (41)

Newly independent Finland drifted into a fierce civil war in January 1918. The so-called White "farmer army" of Finns saw Russians as faceless "aliens and undercivilized" enemies to be killed in battle, captured, or pushed back into Russia. For the first month of the civil war, Whites believed that they alone were fighting against the Russians, since they battled west-coast Russian garrisons. After the conquest of Tampere in April 1918, White troops were, in fact, surprised to count 13,000 Finnish Reds as POWs. Meanwhile, 200 Russian POWs were publicly executed. Civilian Russians were executed in various places right away or without investigations. The Whites were led ideologically and militarily in the frontiers by so-called "jaegers." Jaegers had received German military training and gained combat experience against Russian troops in the First World War. The Finnish Civil War allowed racially driven violence against "aliens." A statute placed the borderland under a military governance, where the White Commandant of the borderland region enjoyed exceptional rights. (42)

The Red Guardians of Finland were a multinational force, comprising, besides Finns, Russian and other foreign volunteers from the Baltic countries, Poland and Ukraine, in addition to Red Cross volunteers. (43) Though numbering fewer than the Whites, they also committed war crimes. In May 1918, though, it was the Whites who finally celebrated victory in Helsinki. The number of war deaths was close to 37,000. (44) In the aftermath, several Finnish Reds were executed, and more were imprisoned for years, while losing all civil rights. Their children also bore the social burden and stigma of being "red," second-class citizens in need of proper and "right" education. "The negative other" was named, classified, and condemned for a long time. With regard to the educational institutions and schools, only Finnish ones using solidly nationalistic curricula carried on their educational tasks, whereas Russian school buildings were permanently taken over for other purposes by the state. Only some Russian schools in Helsinki and Terijoki (the Isthmus) were permitted to continue after a number of applications, and only then under the supervision of the State Police of Finland. In Vyborg, this meant the end of all Russian secondary education. (45)

Post-civil-war circumstances were dictated by the Whites. Finns were to be united under a single (Lutheran) religion, political Finnish nationalism, and national single-mindedness. Military education and characteristics were considered beneficial for male students, while female students were to adopt caretaking domestic roles and produce goods, thus supporting their men. For years, no other political viewpoints were accepted socially, politically, or educationally. A strong German-oriented atmosphere diffused from the victorious Finnish Army to Finnish society, supported by many. (46) The rivalry between Russian and Finnish multinational education was finally solved in 1921 when the law concerning a common national education came into force. (47) Attending school was made compulsory and study followed a curriculum that aimed to create a single Finnish nation, a single Lutheran religion, and a single Finnish language. Minorities' educational institutions were tolerated as long as they maintained a low profile in the Isthmus and major cities. Yet, as loyal citizens and Whites, the rights that the Swedish minority had enjoyed since the Swedish era before 1809 were preserved. For the Finns, who closed the border in the summer of 1918, the alien "other" had come from the east. (48)

A largely peaceful multicultural coexistence between Russians, Finns, and Karelians in the Grand Duchy of Finland was seriously disturbed by rising nationalism and political changes during the early 1890s, especially in the Vyborg district. Educational policy could have accommodated all ethnicities, considering the foundation of both Finnish and Russian educational institutions and possible curricula. The growing number of nationalistic speeches and borderland turmoil between the Russian and Finnish "other," however, began to affect the political debate and decision-making over the next decades. A clear nationalist competition ensued over the "right education" for and "saving the souls" of Finns, their Karelian "brethen" and relatives, and Russians. The main parties waging the battle were Finnish politicians, Russian administrators, and local activists from the borderland area between Finland and Russia. Both sides insisted that they were "right", and that the other side was utterly "wrong." Russian and Finnish ideologies competed in school-building and student recruitment in the Vyborg district, which was the most multicultural region of the Grand Duchy, harboring many Russian inhabitants and Russian-style administration structures. Russians embraced their imperial tsarist mission in the borderland and Finns resisted this threatening "russification." The other districts were more tranquil. During the heyday of the fight over education (1898-1917), the Russians seemed to be slowly winning the battle for Karelian children and their "souls," but the revolutions of 1917 upturned the situation. Russian schools were mostly closed, and their property was confiscated by the State of Finland.

Ideologically, Finnish Civil-War propaganda reinforced the separation of the Finnish "us" from the Russian "others" and determined possible educational solutions. Postwar official education (for all) began in 1921 in terms imposed by the White winners, who sought one Finnish language, one Lutheran religion, and one national mind. After 25 years of existence, the earlier local multicultural interaction and educational coexistence of the Isthmus came to an end and fell victim to negatively stigmatized attitudes toward an eastern "other" in the eyes of Finns. Russian actors had their time during the tsarist era, but failed and disappeared shortly thereafter, leaving in their wake a suspected "alien" shadow on Finnish Karelian children and the descendants of the Reds in the military-governed borderland.

Dr. Jyrki Loima is Adjunct Professor in Universities of Helsinki, and of Eastern Finland, specializing in intellectual history and the history of minorities and of education.

(1.) Population tables for 1900, 1910, 1912, 1915, and 1920, Statistics Centre of Finland [from here: SCF]; Statute 29 Oct 1918, National Archives of Finland, Flelsinki [from here: NARC]. The Statute of 29 October 1918 officially delineated the border between Vyborg and the Russian border. Before the 1917 Revolutions, this borderland was an attractive and unpolluted summer dacha area for Russians and other foreigners, mainly hailing from Saint Petersburg; see Vilho Hamalainen, Karjalan Kannaksen venaldinen kesaasutus ja sen vaikutus Suomen ja Venajdn suhteiden kehitykseen autonomian ajan lopulla, Acta Universitas Tamperensiensis, Tampere: University of Tampere 1974, 6-40; Jyrki Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa. Kaaakkoisen Kannaksen vendldisseurakunnat kansallisena ongelmana 1889-1939, Helsinki: Yliopistopaino 2001, 30-117, 260-290. In the Treaties of 1940 and 1944, this borderland and Vyborg were attached to the Soviet Union.

(2.) See e.g., Samuel, P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, New York: Simon & Schuster 1996, 19-72, 81-90, 125-54.

(3.) Letter by the Administrative Board to the Civil Authorities of the Vyborg District, 28 May 1890, Archives of the Senate Economics Department [from here: STA], NARC; Statute 12 June 1890 (concerning Russian language and civil servants in the Vyborg District), NARC.

(4.) Decision of the Tsar on the Raivola Village Administration 1889, STA 1889, NARC; Klirovnaia Vedomost 1899, Archives of the Raivola Orthodox Parish, Ba 2, Archives of Mikkeli (AM). See also Hamalainen, Karjalan Kannaksen, 6-26; Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa, 30-56.

(5.) Tsarist Ukaz for the establishment of an Russian Orthodox Eparchy in the Grand Duchy of 24 October 1892 and Statute 4 December 1895.

(6.) Declaration of His Merciful Majesty, Tsar Nikolai II, 3 February 1899; see also Paivio Tommila, Suuri addressi, Porvoo: WSOY 1999, 36-8.

(7.) Tsarist Ukaz for the Russian Orthodox Eparchy in the Grand Duchy of 24 October 1892 and Statute, 4 December 1895.

(8.) For the Finnish education and early national visions, including those of Snellman on 1850s-1880s, see for example Saima (a newspaper of which Snellman was the editor-in-chief until his employment was terminated for political reasons) 4 January 1844; Saima 4 April 1844; Hamdldinen [newspaper] 4 September 1863; Hamdldinen 24 February 1865. See also Pentti Karkama, "The Individual and National Identity in J. V. Snellman's Young-Hegelian Theory," in M. Branch, ed., National History and Identity: Approaches to the Writing of National History in the North-east Region Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Studia Fennica Ethnologia, Tampere: SKS 1999, 141-52: Snellman's main philosophical publication was J.W. Snellmann, Versuch einer spekulatiuen Entwiklung der Idee der Personlichkeit, Tubingen, L.F. Fues, 1841. For more on J.W. Snellman, see http://www.kansallisbiografia.fi/english, accessed 2 December 2012.

(9.) Finlands Forfattningssamling 1865, NARC; Annual Statistics of Population, 1855, 1860, 1870, SCF.

(10.) Arola, Pauli Tavoitteena kunnon kansalainert, Department of Educational Sciences, Helsinki: University of Helsinki 2003, 1-5; Aimo Halila, Suomen kansakoululaitoksen historia I. Turku: WSOY 1949. See also Osmo Jussila, Maakunnasta valtioksi, Porvoo: WSOY 1987, 103-7, 165-7; Karkama, The individual and national identity, 141-52.

(11.) Suomen Suuriruhtinaan Asetus-Kokous 1864, no. 4; FFelsingin Uutiset [newspaper], 2 January 1863.

(12.) Jyrki Loima, Myytit, uskomukset ja kansa. Jokdanto moderniin nationalismiin Suomessa. Helsinki: Helsinki UP 2007, 102-7, 112, 117-19.

(13.) Hamalainen, Karjalan Kannaksen, 30-105; Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa, 36-120.

(14.) Tsarist Ukaz for the Russian Orthodox Eparchy in the Grand Duchy 24 Oct 1892 and Statute of 4 December 1895; Statute of 12 June 1890; The Decision of the Tsar on the Raivola Village Administration, kdl 19/12. 1889, STA; Russian villa-owners to the Governor-General, Governor-General's Archives [from here: KKK] 1916, II sect. Fb 1241.76:2, NARC. For more, see Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa, 36-63, 110-30.

(15.) See Table 1. Hamalainen, Karjalan Kannaksen, 104-105; Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa, 36, 63, 108.

(16.) Statute of 1898; Arola, Tavoitteena kunnon, 8.

(17.) Russian villa-owners to the Governor-General, KKK 1916, II sect. Fb 1241.76:2, NARC; Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa, 45-85.

(18.) A staunch conservative (or, perhaps, a reactionary) Pobedonostsev was thereby the lay chief of the Russian Orthodox Church and played a key role in determining Russian educational policy (editor's note).

(19.) D.V. Pospelovskii, Russkaia pravoslavnaia Cerkov v XX veke, Moskva: Respublika 1995, 19-23, 505 (in English published as Dmitrii Pospielovsky, The Russian Church under the Soviet Regime 1917-1982, 2 vols, Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Press, 1984); Jyrki Loima, "Nationalism and the Orthodox Church in Finland 1895-1958," in J. Loima, ed., Nationalism and Orthodoxy: Two Thematic Studies on National Ideologies and their Interaction with the Church, Helsinki: Renvall Institute Publications, University of Helsinki, 2004, 114-20. In addition, some primary schools were founded by the zemstva, the local bodies of government that were created in the 1860s. Zemstva, however, were not introduced in all parts of the Russian empire.

(20.) Pospelovskii, Russkaia pravoslavnaia Cerkov, 19-23, 504-5; Russian villa-owners to the Governor-General, KKK 1916, II sect. Fb 1241.76:2, NARC; Loima, Nationalism and the Orthodox Church, 109-14. For Russian nationalism, see for example N.M. Karamzin, Istoriia Gosudarstva Rossiiskago, 12 vols, Sankt Peterburg: A. Pliushara, 1819-26, 36-54; N. Danilevskii, Rossiia i Evropa, Sankt Peterburg: Glagol, 1995 [reprint from 1895; original, 1869] 22-23, 310-462 [in English, see N.I. Danilevskii, Russia And Europe: The Slavic Worlds Political and Cultural Relations with The Germanic-Roman West, Bloomington, IN: Slavica Publishers, 2013. See as well Geoffrey Hosking, Russia, People and Empire 1552-1917, London: HarperCollins, 1997, xxxiii, 234-45, 271-7; Keijo Korhonen, Autonomous Finland in the Political Thought of Nineteenth Century of Russia, Annales Universitas Turkuensis, Ser B. Tom 105: Turku University, 1967, 52-87.

(21.) Memorandum of the Commission for Joining the District of Vyborg to Russia 21 Apr 1914, KKK 1914, Fb 978. 104; Prime Minister P.A. Stolypin's letter to Governor-General Seyn, Office of the Governor-General to the Council of Ministers, KKK 1910, Sect. I, 535, CL, NARC.

(22.) On Finnish resistance, see for example Mikko Uotinen, Uhatut pitdjdt Kivennapa ja Uusikirkko ..., Vyborg: n.p. 1911; Memorandum on Pan-Finnish propaganda, Russian Education Board of the Grand Duchy to Mr. Borovitinov 4 Nov 1913, KKK 1912, II sect. Fb 727.55-31, NARC.

(23.) On the violence, see the General-Governor of the Vyborg District to the General-Governor Seyn 27 Jan 1913, KKK 1913, III sect. Fb 864.89-1; Protocol of 23 May 1916 (by dacha owners) to the General-Governor and the report from Police Investigations, 28 May 1916, KKK 1916, Fb 1241.76:2, NARC.

(24.) Memorandum of the Commission for Joining the District of Vyborg to Russia 21 Apr 1914, KKK 1914, Fb 978. 104, NARC. On eastern "aliens" and "sub-humans," see Outi Karemaa, Vihollisia, vainoojia syopalaisia. Vendldisviha Suomessa 1917-1923. Helsinki: SKS 1998, 10-17, 22; for more, see also Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa, 102-13.

(25.) Eevert Laine, Raivolan venalaisen kylahallinnon syntyminen, Historical Archives XLIV, Helsinki, 1939.

(26.) An application for funds from the Terijoki Russian upper secondary school, 9 January 1915, and letters from the Governor-General concerning the budget of the Terijoki Russian upper secondary school of 18 September 1914, 17 November 1914, and 18 May 1915, KKK 1915, Fb 1151.58-3, NARC.

(27.) Letters from the Governor-General concerning the budget of the Terijoki Russian upper secondary school 18 September 1914, 17 November 1914 and 18 May 1915, KKK 1915, Fb 1151.58-3, NARC; Klirovnaia Vedomost 1900-1915, Archives of Terijoki Orthodox Parish, II Bd I, AM; Metriceskie Knigi 1900-1910, Archives of Raivola Orthodox Parish, AM.

(28.) Finlandskaia Gazeta, 22 October 1912, 31 October 1912; Governor-General to the Ministry of Interior Affairs of Finland, KKK 1912, Fb 716.9-12, NARC; Klirovnaia Vedomost 1900-1915, Archives of Terijoki Orthodox Parish, II Bd I, AM; Metriceskie Knigi 1900-1910, Archives of Raivola Orthodox Parish; Records of Married Persons, Archives of the Lutheran Parish of Kivennapa 1900-1910, Eb 3-4; Metriceskie Knigi 1898-1910, Archives of Terijoki Orthodox Parish, Metriceskie Knigi 1914-1916, Archives of Kuokkala Orthodox Parish, AM.

(29.) Population Tables of 1900, 1910, 1912, 1915, and 1920, SCF; Hamalainen, Karjalan Kannaksen, 104-5; Loima, Muukalaisina Suomessa, 36, 63, 108; Pyykonen, Liisa, Terijoki vendlaisena huvila-asutusalueena, Unpublished MA thesis, University of Jyvaskyla, 1969, 40-53.

(30.) Decree 18 Feb 1904; Karamzin, Istoria, 35-59; Mr Messarosh in Tserkovnaia Vedomosti [Journal] 32, 1900, 2; Pravoslavnaia Karelia: Ocherk, Sankt Peterburg: n.p., 1914, 57-66; Pravoslavnaia Tserkov v Finliandii. Napechatano po rasporiazheniiu G. Ober-Prokurora Sv. Synoda, Sankt Peterburg: Synodalnaia Tipografia 1893, 2-4, 7-9, 47-63, 122-128; Archbishop Antonii's (served as such from 1892 to 1898) letter of 24 August 1895 to V.P. Sokolov and Antonii's application to the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church, F. 803, OP. 1, d. 341, 1895-1896, Tsentralnyi Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv (TsGA), Sankt Peterburg. For later Russian research, see O.A. Iarovoi and I.A. Smirnova, Valamskii Monastir i Pravoslavnaia Tserkov v Finliandii 1880-1930-e gg., Petrozavodsk, 1997, 43-53.

(31.) For research, see Hamynen, Suomalaistajat, venaldistajat, rajakarjalaiset. Kirkko- ja koulukysymys Raja-Karjalassa 1900-1923, Joensuu: University of Joensuu 1995, 10, 21-23: Loima, Nationalism and Orthodoxy, 118-23, 137-40, 151.

(32.) Notice such approaches to "invented history" elsewhere in Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality, Cambridge, MA: Cambridge UP 1992, 11-23.

(33.) Archbishop Antonii's letter of 24 August 1895 to V.P. Sokolov and Antonii's application to the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church, F. 803, OP. 1, d. 341, 1895-1896, TsGA. The best Finnish description of the Karelian "battle" regarding the influence on parish schools of nationalist aims (based on personal experience and later destroyed archival sources) is Kaarlo Merikoski, Taistelua Karjalasta, Helsinki: Valistus, 1939.

(34.) Tserkovnii Vestnik 35, 1900, 1-2; Archbishop Antonii's welcome speech to Bobrikov in Aamun Koitto [magazine], 11, 1898; see Tuomo Polvinen, Valtakunta ja rajamaa: N.I. Bobrikov Suomen kenraalikuvernodrind 1898-1904, Juva: Soderstrom, 1984, 36-7, 73-93.

(35.) Tserkovnii Vestnik 35, 1900, 1-2; Archbishop Antonii's welcome speech to Bobrikov in Aamun Koitto 11, 1898. For more, see Loima, Nationalism and Orthodoxy, 125, 127-8; and see Polvinen, Valtakunta ja rajamaa, 73-93, 133-4.

(36.) Bishop Kiprian and Brotherhood of St. George to the Tsar, KKK 1912, Fb 725.31, NARC; Inspector Svetlovskii's report on Russian schools and pupils 24 December 1916 (6551), 30 December 1916, Ea-Ed, Archives of Kellomaki Russian parish, AM; Inspector A. Sadovnikov to Senator E.N. Setala 2 April 1917 and 17 June 1918, Setala's Collection, NARC.

(37.) On the Karelian Brotherhood and its leader, Bishop Kiprian, see Archbishop Sergii's Report on the Karelian Brotherhood (1909-1910), F.796, Op.193, sect.VI, Protocol III, 1911, TsGIA; File "Episkopa Kipriana," KKK 1914, III sect. Fb 993.17-3, NARC, Klirovnaia vedomost of Terijoki Russian Orthodox Parish 1916, Archives of Terijoki Orthodox Parish, Archives in Mikkeli; also Hamynen, Suomalaiset, venalaiset, rajakarjalaiset, 70-71; Loima, Jyrki, Esipaimen siunaa. Suomen ortodoksiset piispat 1892-1988. Jyvaskyla: Gummerus, 1999, 117-133.

(38.) Bishop Kiprian and Brotherhood of St. George to the Tsar, KKK 1912, Fb 725.31, NARC; Inspector Svetlovskii's report on Russian schools and pupils 24 December 1916 (6551), 30 December 1916, Ea-Ed, Archives of Kellomaki Russian parish, AM. The Annual State Calendars of Finland 1908-1917; Inspector A. Sadovnikov to Senator E.N. Setala 2 April/ Apr 1917 and 17 Jun 1918, Setala's Collection, NARC; Memorandum of Hj. Basilier, inspector K. Merikoski and A. Sadovnikov, Archives of the Committee for Karelian Schools, NARC. See also Hamynen, Suomalaiset, venalaiset, rajakarjalaiset, 64-93.

(39.) Memorandum of Hj. Basilier, inspector K. Merikoski and A. Sadovnikov, Archives of the Committee for Karelian Schools; Bishop Seraphim's telegrams (March 1917) to the General Governor and Senate of Finland, the Senate of Finland to the General Governor, 11 October 1917, KKK 1917, Sect. I Fb 1293.48:4, NARC; Pravoslavnaia Karelia, 127-43.

(40.) On Karhapaa, see Mika Nokelainen, "Ryssankirkosta kansankirkoksi," Unpublished Thesis for Licenciate Diploma, Helsinki University, 2003.

(41.) Memorandum of Hj. Basilier, inspector K. Merikoski and A. Sadovnikov, Archives of the Committee for Karelian Schools; Pravoslavnaia Karelia, 127-43; Perth Luntinen, "Karjalaiset suomalaisuuden ja venalaisyyden rajalla," in Pauli Kurkinen, ed., Venalaiset Suomessa 1809-1917, Huhmari: SHS, 1985, 136-46; also Loima, Nationalism and Orthodoxy, 142-1.

(42.) Statute 29 Oct 1918; Jyrki Loima, "Genocide or Ethnic Cleansing: The Fate of Russian 'Aliens and Enemies' in the Finnish Civil War in 1918," The Historian 2, 2007, 254-74.

(43.) Loima, "Genocide or Ethnic Cleansing," 254-74.

(44.) Database War Victims in Finland 1914-22, available at: http://vesta.narc.fi/cgi-bin/db2www/sotasurmaetusivu/main?lang=en, accessed 31 May 2014.

(45.) Loima, "Genocide or Ethnic Cleansing," 254-74; Memorandum of Hj. Basilier, inspector K. Merikoski and A. Sadovnikov, Archives of the Committee for Karelian Schools, NARC.

(46.) Saara Tuomaala, "Isien jalijilla itsenaisessa Suomessa. Maamme-kirjan maskuliinmen narratiivi ja pohjalaispoikien kokemukset," Historiallinen Aikakauskirja [Historical Journal] 3, 2003, 302-9.

(47.) Law 1921 concerning common education in Finland.

(48.) Arola, Tavoitteena kunnon, 2-12; Letter from the Finnish Medical Authorities [to close the border] to the Borderland Commandant 28 June 1918, Archives of the Borderland Commandant, Military Archives of Finland, NARC; Loima, Nationalism and Orthodoxy, 106-12.
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