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A Tasawaq (Northern Songhay, Niger) Text with Grammatical Notes.

1. Introduction (1)

Tasawaq is a Northern Songhay language spoken in the oasis In-Gall about 100 km west of Agadez in Niger (for more information, see Bernus & Bernus 1972; Sidibe 2002). The language is poorly documented, (2) and only little textual material is available to the scientific community. As far as I know, only two texts have been published in Tasawaq, (3) neither of them marking tone; in the first place a relatively long text of oral history edited by Pierre-Francis Lacroix in Bernus & Bernus (1972:107-114), in the second place a 20-line text in Rueck & Christiansen (2001).

In this article, I present a Tasawaq story with glossing and comments, recorded in Agadez in October 2003, told by Mrs. Ibrahim, born Nana Mariama Aweissou, originary from In-Gall, but then living and working in Agadez. Mrs. Ibrahim speaks Tasawaq, Hausa and French; at the time of the recording her daily language was Hausa.

Since Lacroix (1971), Tasawaq is normally considered a mixed language of Songhay and Tuareg, a view that was elaborated by Robert Nicolai (e.g. 1990), as well as by Alidou (1988) and Wolff & Alidou (2001); for more agnostic views, see Kossmann (2007); Souag (2012). In the text, non-Songhay etymologies have been identified in the glossing line by means of superscript [.sup.TU] (Tuareg), [.sup.HA] (Hausa), and [.sup.AR] (Arabic).

2. Notes on Phonological Processes and Transcription (4)

Mrs. Ibrahim's language has a number of features that differ from those described in Alidou (1988), Nicolai (1979; 1979-1984; 1980) and Sidibe (2010a). While in some cases this may be due to analytical issues, at a number of points the differences clearly reflect dialectal variation within the language (Sidibe 2010a). Most salient among these is the existence of pharyngealized consonants in Mrs. Ibrahim's speech, whereas the speakers underlying the other sources do not have it (Kossmann 2012).

The transcription follows the surface phonemics of the language, writing neutralizations and assimilations wherever they lead to differences on the phonemic level, but not writing them where they lead to allophonic variants. Some of the more important segmental phonemic and phonetic issues are the following:

(a) Short /e/ and /o/ are neutralized into /a/ when not in word- or phrase-final position. Lowering of /o/ may be accompanied by labialization of adjacent velar and uvular consonants (cf. Kossmann 2012). Examples:
ba?o    'to want'  ba?a-[k.sup.w]ay  'beloved'
ize    'child'     iza-?o            'this child'
garse    'thread'  garsa m' me        'the end of the thread (lit.
                                     mouth of the thread)'


(b) Long vowels only occur in non-final open syllables. A number of morphological processes lead to the opening of a closed syllable, accompanied by lengthening (or, seen from a different angle, show the original long vowel), e.g.
a nam  'he bit'    a naam-a  'he bit him'
a dak  'it hangs'  a deek-a  'he hanged it'
a daq  'he took'   a dooq-a  'he took it'


In connected speech, long vowels sometimes appear in unexpected positions. Some of these are the result of vowel coalescence (although this mostly leads to a short vowel), others involve CV stems. The exact conditions of such lengthenings are unclear.

(c) In closed syllables with a nasal coda, the nasal is obligatorily realized as nasalization of the vowel when followed by a fricative or a glide. In other contexts, there is variation between nasalization and the presence of a nasal stop, which is not entirely predictable. Because of this, nasalization (written by superscript <n> following the vowel) and nasal consonants are transcribed differently. It is very well possible that a more elaborate study would show that the two are in fact free or idiolectally conditioned variants.
b[a.sup.n]?o    'head'
?[a.sup.n] way  'my wife'

addin           'religion'   arba?[i.sup.n]    'forty'
hin             'be strong'  n[i.sup.n]        'to drink'
misin           'what'       zirg[i.sup.n]     'be dirty'
siddirgin       'to listen'  amazarg[i.sup.n]  'a dirty person'
siggirfin       'to kneel'   asig[i.sup.n]     'place where cattle is
                                               kept'


(d) Velar stops are strongly palatalized in contact with a front vowel /i/, /e/, [ae]~[?], the latter being non-pharyngealized realizations of /a/. The outcome of palatalization is either a palatalized consonant [[k.sup.j]], [[g.sup.j]], or, in the case of /g/, a plain palatal stop [?]. As palatalization is entirely predictable, it will not be written here.

(e) There is a strong tendency to devoice vowels between voiceless consonants and in final syllables. This makes it often difficult to hear the vowel, and especially to establish its tone. Although clearly a phonetic feature, which may be an idiosyncrasy of Mrs. Ibrahim's speech, I write the devoicing in the transcription in order to indicate that in such situations both the tone and the vowel quality are uncertain. In some contexts, the tone of the devoiced segment can only be determined by its effects on downdrift.

(f) The role of consonantal length is not entirely clear. Some short grammatical morphemes are frequently geminated in intervocalic position (e.g. [.sup.H]? 'genitive'; ni 'Negative Perfective'). Vaccillating consonantal length also appears with some other morphemes, but without a clear conditioning (e.g. qa ~ qqa 'all'). I write consonantal length wherever I hear it.

Tasawaq tone has only received limited attention, and at many points my notations do not concur with existing descriptions, e.g. Nicolai 1980, Alidou 1988, Sidibe 2010a. The tone system found in Mrs. Ibrahim's speech has the following properties:

(a) There are two tones, High and Low, and one contour tone, Falling. There is, phonetically, no rising tone, except sometimes in vowel coalescence. The language has downdrift.

(b) Falling tone only occurs on long vowels, and on closed syllables with a sonorant as their coda, e.g. gaasu 'cheese'; hamni 'flour'; seeray 'friend'; alxal 'situation'. There is one case of a Falling tone on a closed syllable of a different type: yadda 'still'. As a result of vowel coalescence, in connected speech, sometimes Falling tones appear on phonetically short vowels.

(c) In isolation, there are no polysyllabic words with an all-Low tone pattern (differently Nicolai 1980:248-250). However, in a number of syntactic contexts, words do appear in an all-Low tone pattern. Such words have an initial Falling tone in isolation, or, when the syllable structure does not allow for a Falling tone, they have an initial High tone. As there are other words which keep their original tone pattern in the same syntactic contexts, I consider words with variation between all-Low and other patterns to be underlyingly all-Low.

The contexts where the all-Low pattern appears are the following:

-with nouns, when they are followed by an adjective, a numeral, the plural clitic [.sup.H]-yo, or a postposition. The isolated form is used with the demonstrative element [.sup.L]-?o.
dabde        'piece of clothing' (< dabde)  b[a.sup.n]?o
dabde siday  'red piece of clothing'        b[a.sup.n]?o ki??a
dabde hinka  'two pieces of clothing'
dabda-yo     'clothes'                      b[a.sup.n][?.sup.w]a-yo
dabda-?o     'this piece of clothing'
dabde ga     'in the piece of clothing'

dabde        'head'
dabde siday  'a little head'
dabde hinka
dabda-yo     'heads'
dabda-?o
dabde ga


-with nouns, when preceded by a possessor phrase, e.g.
a-? dabde  'his piece of clothing'  a-m' b[a.sup.n]?o  'his head'


-with verbs when they are followed by a direct or indirect object, e.g. with h[a.sup.n][g.sup.w]ay 'think of and qa?am (< qa?am) 'chew':
?a  b-h[a.sup.n][g.sup.w]ay  aaru-si
1S  IMPF-think               man-DAT
'I am thinking of the man'

a   qa?am  buuru
3S  chew   bread
'he chewed the bread'


(d) A number of elements take polar tone, i.e., their tone is the opposite of an adjacent tone. Polar tone is found on the following elements:

*Subject pronouns:

-Third person subject pronouns have a polar tone depending on the following element, e.g.
a nam-?ay  'he bit me
a kar-?ay  'he hit me


-The same is true for the marker of the plural imperative, wa, e.g.
wa nam  'bite (pl.)!'
wa kar  'hit (pl.)!'


-There is variation between stable High tone and polar tone with 1S and 2S subject pronouns; this could be a difference between isolated forms (stable high tone) and clitic forms (polar tone), e.g.
?ay ba?o            'I want'
?ay zaw-n[a.sup.n]  'I brought there'


*Oblique pronouns:

-Third person and 1S and 2S direct object pronouns have polar tone to the element preceding it, e.g.
a g[a.sup.n]ga-?ay  'she refused me'
a bara-?ay          'it is at me'


*The dative postposition -si has polar tone to the element preceding it, (5) e.g.
huway-si         'to the milk'
h[a.sup.n]si-si  'to the dog'


Other postpositions have a stable tone (e.g. ga 'in'), or the situation is unclear.

*The clitics [.sup.H]-yo 'plural' and [.sup.L]-?o 'demonstative', and probably some other clitics, have polar tone to the element preceding them, e.g.
iza-yo     'the children'(< ize-'yo)
assabi-yo  'the children' (< assabi-'yo)
gaasu-?o   'this gourd' (< gaasu-'?o)
laabu-?o   'this land' (< laabu-'?o)


(e) A number of elements are preceded by a floating tone, which attaches to the preceding element. The most common cases of this are:

*The plural clitic -[.sup.H]yo, e.g.
b[a.sup.n]?o  'head'  b[a.sup.n]?a-yo  'heads' (< b[a.sup.n]?o-'yo)


*The demonstrative element -[.sup.L]?o, e.g.
yoobu  'market'  yoobu-?o  'this market' (< yoobu-'?o)


*The genitival postposition [.sup.H]? (often geminated in intervocalic position), e.g.
aaru ? b[a.sup.n]?o  'the head of the man' (< aaru '? b[a.sup.n]?o)


Due to nasalization, and sometimes subsequent denasalization, the Low-toned MAN marker m' is often mainly realized as a Low tone. Similarly, the genitival postposition often functions as if it were a floating Falling tone; in the latter case, however, nasalization is never undone.

(f) Due to vowel coalescence or to the attachment of a floating tone, sometimes an infelicitous tone pattern is generated. Infelicitous tone patterns are either Rising tones, or Falling tones on open syllables with short vowels, or Falling tones on closed syllables with a non-sonorant consonant in the coda. The following tone rule accounts for most (possibly all) cases:

[right arrow] R and infelicitous F are reduced to H when following a Low tone, and to L when following a High tone.
bara-?o   'this person'  (< baro-?o < baro-'?o)
yoobu-?o  'this market'  (< yoobu-?o < yoobu-'?o)
iza-yo    'children'     (< ize-yo < ize-'yo)
aaru-yo   'men'          (< aaru-yo < aaru-'yo)


3. Grammatical Notes

There is relatively little available on the grammar of Tasawaq. The most comprehensive overview is found in the unpublished MA Thesis of Alidou (1988), summarized in Wolff & Alidou (2001). The latter publication focusses on the relationship between elements with a Songhay etymology and elements with a Tuareg etymology, a focus shared with Kossmann (2007). A number of more detailed questions have been treated in Sidibe 2010a, 2010b, Kossmann 2008; 2009; 2010a; 2010b; 2011. As my data are not always entirely identical to Alidou's, I think it is useful to provide some basic notions of Tasawaq morphology below. Genitival constructions, relativization and adjectives will not be treated, as they were already analyzed in Kossmann 2009, 2010a, and 2011, respectively.

3.1 Personal Pronouns

Tasawaq distinguishes between emphatic pronouns and clitic pronouns. Emphatic pronouns have their own tone, while many clitic pronouns have polar tone, i.e. they take the opposite tone of the adjacent element in the verbal complex. There is no difference between the two sets in the first and second person plural. The latter pronouns do not cause vowel lengthening in CVC verb stem, which suggests that they are not cliticized in any context. In the Imperative, a special marker for the plural addressee is used.
         Emphatic pronouns  Subject pronouns  Direct Object pronouns

1S       ?ay, ?a            ?ay, ?[a.sup.6]   ?ay
2S       ni                 ni                ni
3S       nga, inga          a                 a

1P       iri                iri               iri
2P       indi               indi              indi
3P       ngi, ingi          i                 i

2S IMPT                     [empty set]
2P IMPT                     wa


For the first person subject pronouns, the allomorph ?ay / ?ay is used when no overt MAN marker follows, while otherwise ?a / ?a is used. The clitic forms are also used in combination with postpositions. The allomorph ?a (1S) is used with the postposition si 'to'.

3.2 Nouns

There is a major divide between nouns of Songhay and nouns of Tuareg origin. Nouns of Tuareg origin have lexical (and highly irregular) plurals, while nouns of Songhay extraction use a NP-final clitic -[.sup.H]yo (polar yo preceded by a floating High tone). For details, see Sidibe 2010a; Kossmann 2007, Kossmann 2010b. Nouns of Tuareg origin denoting human beings allow for gender derivation, e.g.
aboobaz         'male cousin'  taboobaz         'female cousin'
ageelim         'male orphan'  tageelim         'female orphan'
aarab           'Arab man'     taarab           'Arab woman'
ateef[i.sup.n]  'Hausa man'    tateef[i.sup.n]  'Hausa woman'
a?ik?[a.sup.n]  'male enemy'   ta?ik?[a.sup.n]  'female enemy'


This is found with only two nouns of non-Tuareg origin:
zay-[k.sup.w]ay  'male thief' (7)  tazay[k.sup.w]at
?aayi            'sorcerer'        ?a?aaya?

zay-[k.sup.w]ay  'female thief' (< Songhay)
?aayi            'sorceress' (< Hausa).


Otherwise, natural gender is expressed by suppletion, or not expressed at all, e.g. alziray 'male or female in-law'; ize 'son, daughter'; assabi 'male or female child' (< Arabic); aaru 'man' - way 'woman'; bayna 'male slave' - ?aamu 'female slave'. With Tuareg-based nouns, gender is also found differentiating fruits from their trees, and feminine gender generally expresses language names, e.g.
aboo?aq  'fruit of the taboo?aq'  taboo?aq
aggar    'fruit of the tiggar'    tiggar
a?aafu?  'European man'           ta?aafu?
         woman)'
asawa?   'inhabitant of In-Gall'  tasawaq
         Gall)'
am?ut    'Tuareg man'             tam?ut
         woman)'

aboo?aq  'tree, sp. (Balanites aegyptiaca?)'
aggar    'tree sp. (Acacia Nilotica?)'
a?aafu?  'European language, (also: European

asawa?   'Tasawaq, (also: fem. inhabitant of In

am?ut    'Tuareg language, (also: Tuareg


3.3 Verbs

Verb stems in principle do not change. There are, however, a few processes that apply when the verb is followed by a direct object clitic.

In the first place, a number of verbs of the structure CV'nV' have clipped forms (CV'n) when followed by a first or second singular direct or indirect object clitic, e.g.
a guna  'he saw'     a g[u.sup.n]-?ay    'he saw me'
        a gun-ni     'he saw you'
a zini  'he caught'  a z[i.sup.n]-?ay    'he caught me
a sini  'he said'    a s[i.sup.n] ?a-si  'he said to me


In the second place, many verbs have vowel lengthening when followed by a third singular or plural direct object pronoun. Both these pronouns are vowel-initial; note however that the effect does not appear with the first and second person plural pronouns which also start in a vowel. The lengthening of the syllable sometimes shows underlying vowels obscured by the neutralization processes applying with short word-internal vowels. All CVC verbs have lengthening, e.g.
verb        verb with 3S object pronoun
?aq         ?aaq-a                       'to break'
bay         baay-a                       'to know'
dar         daar-a                       'to stretch out'
dab         deeb-a                       'to close'
dak         deek-a                       'to hang'
daq         dooq-a                       'to take'
das         doos-a                       'to touch'
dut         duut-a                       'to pound'
fun         fuun-a                       'to pierce'
fik         fiik-a                       'to plant, to bury'
n[i.sup.n]  niin-a                    'to drink'


Vowel lengthening is also found with some disyllabic verbs. These include pluractional derivations from CVC verbs, and verbs derived by means of the deictic element -n[a.sup.n].
?aq?aq                  ?aq?aaq-a   'to break into pieces'
[q.sup.w]a?[q.sup.w]a?  qwa?qoos-a  'to cut into pieces'
fik-n[a.sup.n]          fik-naan-a  'to bury (over there)'


Vowel lengthening is also found with a small number of underived disyllabic verbs:
ba?o           baa?-a     'to want'
kawkaw         kawkaaw-a  'to skin'
qaar[a.sup.n]  qaaraan-a  'to read'
xassara        xassara    'to destroy'


Note that with most underived disyllabic verbs, and with verbs derived by the suffix -kat(e), there is no vowel lengthening, e.g.
zaw-kat  zaw-kat-a  'to bring'
?aaray   ?aaray-av  'to change'
fa?a?    fa?a?-a    'to sweep'
kitab    kitab-a    'to write'
kurkur   kurkur-a   'to burn, to roast'
la?ab    la?ab-a    'to wet mud'
kubay    kubay-i    'to attach, to meet' (3P DO)


Mood, Aspect and Negation (MAN) are expressed by particles (some of which are grammaticalized verbs) that are put immediately before the verb stem:
              positive      negative      positive
                                          future I

perfective    [empty set]-  ni-           [empty set]-[k.sup.w]ay
imperfective  b-            si-b-         b-[k.sup.W]ay-
subjunctive   m'-, '        m'-si-, '-si

              positive         negative
              future II        future

perfective    [empty set]-ti-  si-b-[k.sup.W]ay-
imperfective   b-ti-           si-b-[k.sup.W]ay-
subjunctive


Alidou (1988:54) has <ma> instead of m'. This is probably a case of idiolectal or dialectal variation. Mrs. Ibrahim never has a full vowel with the subjunctive, and the tone is clearly Low. The element [k.sup.W]ay comes from the verb [k.sup.W]ay 'to go', while ti is no doubt related to te (underlying form) 'to come'. In the negative future, the element b is often assimilated to the following k, i.e. si-k-[k.sup.W]ay-.

The main uses of the MANs are as follows:

Perfective: punctual events that took place in the past (for examples, see the text) and states, e.g.
azeemur  a   [empty set]-?a?
ewe      3S  PRF-be.fat
'the ewe is fat'
aaru  ni-may        t[u.sup.n]fa
man   NEG:PRF-have  strength
'the man has no strength, i.e. the man is weak'.


Imperfective: habitual and progressive, e.g.
?a  b-?i?inki?  haabu-yo
1S  IMPF-comb   hair-PL
'I am combing my hair'
?a  b-si        ?akaafu?
1S  IMPF-speak European
'I speak French'.


In addition to this, some stative expressions use the Imperfective, e.g.
a   b-?ay
3S  IMPF-be.humid
'it is damp'
a   b-?ilfix-?ay
3S  IMPF-cause.pity-1S
'I pity him'.


The exact distribution of Perfective and Imperfective expressions of state is unknown.

Subjunctive: In main clauses, the subjunctive expresses a wish or an order. In subordinate clauses, it is used to express finality, e.g.
a    [empty set]-sin(i)  a-si    a   m'-si-[k.sup.W]ay
3S   PRF-say             3S-DAT  3S  SBJ-NEG-go
'he told him not to go'
?ay  [empty set]-ba?o    [.sup.m']-gun-a
1S   PRF-want  SBJ-see-3S
'I want to see him'.


Future I (< 'go') and II (< 'come') express the future. There is no obvious difference in use between the two, e.g.
a       [empty set]-sini  sibax     a   [empty set]-kway-gaw  assa?al
a       [empty set]-sini  sibax     a   [empty set]-ti-gaw    assa?al
PRF-3S  say               tomorrow  3S  PRF-FUTI/FUTII-work  work
'he said, he would do the work tomorrow'.


The expressions have become fully grammaticalized. It is not possible to have a subject marker between [k.sup.W]ay- or ti- and the main verb; moreover it is possible to combine the future marker [k.sup.W]ay with the verb [k.sup.W]ay 'to go', e.g. ?a b-[k.sup.W]ay-[k.sup.W]ay 'I shall go'.

In addition to these grammaticalized verbs in MAN constructions, there is one other multiverb constructions of a similar type, the intensive marker ?[a.sup.n] (= 'to be full'). The exact structure and meaning of this construction need more investigation (see Alidou 1988:51 for more examples). Example:
assabi  b-?[a.sup.n]-si     babo
child   IMPF-be.full-speak  much
'this child really talks a lot'.


There are a number of verbal derivations in Tasawaq:

1. The productive directional derivations ka ~ kat~ kate 'towards the speaker' (Ventive) and -n[a.sup.n] 'away from the speaker' (Itive), which historically derive from verbs (cf. Zarma kate 'to bring'; na? 'abandon'), e.g.
a [k.sup.Way]      'he went'
a [k.sup.W]ay-kat  'he went here'  a [k.sup.W]ay-n[a.sup.n]

a [k.sup.Way]
a [k.sup.W]ay-kat  'he went away'


The derivational nature (rather than considering them clitics or adverbs) of the directional suffixes is shown by two arguments:

-directional suffixes precede object clitics. In the case of -n[a.sup.n], the suffix undergoes vowel lengthening when followed by a third person pronoun, just like verbs. Examples:
a kaw-kat-a   'she took it out'
a man-naan-a  'he approached it (over there)'


-directional suffixes can be part of the verbal base of an adjectival derivation, e.g.
fur             'to throw'       fuuro             'thrown'
fur-n[a.sup.n]  'to throw away'  furnaan[a.sup.n]  'thrown away'


When the directional suffixes are attached to a CV'nV' verb stem with a final i or u, the final stem vowel is clipped before the suffix., e.g.
hunu  'to go out'  hun-kat   'to go out towards me'
zini  'to catch'   zin-kate  'to catch towards me'


One verb shows irregular changes in stem shape: (8)
te   'to arrive'  too-kat                          'to arrive here'
                  too-n[a.sup.n] ~ tee-n[a.sup.n]  'to arrive there'


2. Pluractional derivation marked by full reduplication. The examples that were collected concern monosyllabic verbs:
?aq          'to break'  ?aq?aq                  'to break into pieces'
[q.sup.w]a?  'to cut'    [q.sup.w]a?[q.sup.w]a?  'to cut into pieces,
                                                 to tear up'


3. The causative derivation -?da. (9) This is the one valency-changing derivation in Tasawaq. In the variety spoken by Mrs Ibrahim, it is restricted to a lexically determined set of verbs:
day            'to pay'                       day-inda
far?a          'to be tired'                  far?a-nda
fayfay         'to be divorced, to separate'  fayfay-inda
gooday         'to be healed'                 gooday-inda
hik            'to marry s.o.'                hik-inda
kaani          'to sleep'                     kaan-inda
kungu          'to be satiated'               kungu-nda
qaar[a.sup.n]  'to study'                     qaaran-inda

day            'to sell'
far?a          'to tire s.o.'
fayfay         'to divorce s.o.'
gooday         'to heal s.o.'
hik            'to marry off'
kaani          'to put to sleep'
kungu          'to satiate'
qaar[a.sup.n]  'to teach'


Many verbs do not allow for a derivation with -?da, although they would conceptually be proper inputs for a causative derivation. Thus gooday 'to heal' and far?a 'to be tired' allow for the causative derivation, but doori 'to be ill' does not. Different from our data, Alidou (1988:50) describes the causative derivation as regular and productive. She provides a number of examples, some of which were not accepted by Mrs. Ibrahim, such as <wanda> 'to make eat' and <nin?nda> 'to make drink'.

Note that -?da cannot be analyzed as the comitative/instrumental preposition ?da and the following object as the prepositional complement. This analysis is impossible, as -?da and the Direct Object can be separated by other elements, which could not be the case if it were part of a prepositional phrase, cf.
(b)   a [day.sub.VERB]-[inda.sub.CAUSATIVE]
      [[a-si].sub.IO] [[hugu].sub.DO]        'he sold the house to him'
(b')  ** a [day.sub.VERB] [[inda].sub.PREP]
      [[a-si].sub.IO] [[hugu].sub.PREP]
(b")  ** a [day.sub.VERB] [[a-si].sub.IO]
      [[inda].sub.PREP] [[hugu].sub.PREP]


Tuareg has a productive causative derivation, and there are some cases in Tasawaq where a Tuareg underived verb corresponds to a Tuareg causative verb, or where a Songhay underived verb corresponds to a Tuareg causative verb. Different from some other Northern Songhay languages (cf. Christiansen 2010), this takes place only sporadically, and such cases are best considered lexical causatives. Examples:
daqqa?      'to be glued'  (< Tuareg)   ?i??iqqi?  'to glue'
n[i.sup.n]  'to drink'     (< Songhay)  sissiw     'to give to drink'
tun         'to wake up'   (< Songhay)  sinkar     'to wake up s.o.'

daqqa?      (< Tuareg)
n[i.sup.n]  (< Tuareg)
tun         (< Tuareg)


Otherwise, constructions with the verb d[a.sup.n] 'to make' are used to express a causative relation, e.g.
kaani   a   b-d[a.sup.n]-?ay  ?a  b-?ifa
sleep   3S  IMPF-make-1S      1S  IMPF-yawn
'sleep makes me yawn, lit. sleep is making me I am yawning'


A certain number of verbs are labile in their syntax, i.e. they can both be employed as transitives and as intransitives, in which the element that is the direct object in the transitive construction functions as the subject in the intransitive construction, e.g.
wanha a hina
food 3S cook
'the food is cooked'

?a b-hina w[a.sup.n]ha
1S IMPF-cook food
'I am cooking the food'

seelax a yiwal
knife 3S sharpen
'the knife has been sharpened'

?ay yiwal seelax
1S sharpen knife
'I have sharpened the knife'


3.4 Verbal Nouns

There are a number of derivations that make nouns out of verbs. Some of these also apply to verbal and to nominal bases.

3.4.1 Action Nouns

The most generally found derivation is the action noun. With verbs of Songhay origin, Mrs. Ibrahim's variety mostly has zero derivation. In one class of verbs the tone changes, while there are a few residual cases of suffixation. Verbs borrowed from Tuareg have Tuareg verbal nouns.

The majority of Tasawaq verbs have verbal nouns identical to the verb. Their nominal nature can only be shown by their syntactic behavior as the head of a noun phrase, e.g.
?ay handiri ?a-?n ize  'I dreamed of my son' (verb handiri)
?a-?n handiri          'my dream' (verbal noun handiri)


Verbal nouns of Low-tone monosyllabic verbs change their tone to Falling. I have not been able to determine the tone of verbal nouns of Low-tone monosyllabic verbs which have syllabic shapes where Falling tone is excluded. Examples:
?[a.sup.n]  'to sing'  ?[a.sup.n]  'song'
?aw         'to send'  ?aw         'the fact of sending'
gaw         'to help'  gaw         'help'


A small number of Songhay-based verbs (eight in my corpus) add a suffix to the verb in order to make the corresponding verbal noun. Sometimes this suffixation is accompanied by other changes. The suffixes are -yo, (10) -ni and -[a.sup.n]ha (probably from ([.sup.H])? ha 'the thing of'):
b[a.sup.n]  'to finish'    b[a.sup.n-yo]       'end'
bun         'to die'       buu-yo              'death'
?ay         'to be humid'  ?ay-yo              'humidity'
maw         'to smell'     maa-ni              'smell'
yay         'to be cold'   yay-ni              'cold'
dab         'to close'     dab-[a.sup.n]ha     'stopper'
hambiri     'to fear'      hambir-[a.sup.n]ha  'fear' (11)
wa          'to eat'       wa-[.sup.?]ha       'food' (NB. wa 'the
                                               fact of eating')


3.4.2 Derivation of Abstract Nouns by Means of the Suffix teere

Abstract nouns can be formed by attaching the suffix teere to a substantive, an adjective, or a verb stem, e.g.
anaarag        'neigbor'              anaarag-teere
seeray         'friend'               seeray-teere
taagi          'new'                  taagi-teere
[q.sup.w]arno  'hot'                  [q.sup.w]a?na-teere
wa??a          'fat'                  wa??a-teere
sawa           'to resemble'          sawa-teere
fusus          'to be light'          fusus-teere
?a?            'to be fat (animals)'  ?a?-teere
yay            'to be cold'           yay-teere
la?an          'to be bad'            la?an-teere

anaarag        'neighborhood'
seeray         'friendship'
taagi          'novelty'
[q.sup.w]arno  'heat'
wa??a          'fatness'
sawa           'resemblance'
fusus          'lightness'
?a?            'fatness'
yay            'the cold'
la?an          'badness'


3.4.3 Derivation of Agent Nouns with the Suffix [k.sup.w]ay

The suffix -[k.sup.w]ay (polar tone) is used in order to derive agent nouns. The derivation expresses that the person involved is (habitually) closely related to, or defineable by the action or the object it is attached to. Examples:
verb/noun              derivation in [k.sup.w]ay

si         'to speak'  sii-[k.sup.w]ay            'somebody who knows
                                                  how to talk'
yilmaq     'to swim'   alamax-[k.sup.w]ay         'swimmer'
nam        'to bite'   nam-[k.sup.w]ay            'biter'
kut        'to guard'  kut-[k.sup.w]ay            'guardian, shepherd'
gaani      'louse'     gaani-[k.sup.w]ay          'lousy person'
ka?o       'prison'    ka?a-[k.sup.way]           'prisoner'
hugu       'house'     hugu-[k.sup.w]ay           'house-owner'
kanti      'shop'      kantii-[k.sup.w]ay         'shop-owner'
taskar     'claw'      taskar-[k.sup.w]ay         'scorpion'


The basis of derivation is the verbal noun, as shown by forms such as alamax-[k.sup.w]ay, which has the verbal noun alamax rather than the verb yilmaq.

The use of -[k.sup.w]ay derived nouns is common with professions, e.g.
kusu   'pot'     kusu-[k.sup.w]ay   'potter'
?a?mu  'shoe'    ?a?mu-[k.sup.w]ay  'cobbler'
?a?ab  'to sew'  ?a?ab-[k.sup.w]ay  'tailor'


In some cases, a borrowing denoting a profession has received the suffix -[k.sup.w]ay, while the basic noun was not taken over: teela-[k.sup.w]ay 'tailor' (< Hausa teela); likita-[k.sup.w]ay 'doctor' (< Hausa likita).

3.4.4 Derivation of Nouns by Means of the Prefix ama-

A number of nouns are derived by means of the originally Tuareg prefix ama-, with changes in the tonal and segmental structure of the stem. Nouns with the prefix ama- denote persons with characteristics defined by the verbal stem.
zirg[i.sup.n]  'to be dirty'  amazarg[i.sup.n]  'dirty person'


While most nouns with ama- have a Tuareg origin, derivation from a Songhay stem is attested in one case:
[q.sup.w]aq  'to be dry'  amaqa?[a.sup.n]  'avaricious person'


Nouns with the prefix ama- typically allow for feminine derivation, as is usually the case with Tuareg-based nouns referring to persons.

3.5 'be' Verbs

Tasawaq has three sets of verbs that can be translated as 'to be' in English: those expressing locality, those expressing attributes and identification, and those expressing existence. It is not clear to what extent these verbs can be combined with imperfective MAN morphemes.
           positive                negative

locality   bara (transitive verb)  ssi
existence  si                      ssi
attribute  si                      ni-si


The markers of locality, existence, and negative identity function like normal verbs, e.g.
?ay  bara   hugu   ?n   ammas  (locality)
1S   be.in  house  GEN  inside
'I am inside the house'

heeri   a   bara-?ay  (locality)
hunger  3S  be.in-1S
'I am hungry (lit. hunger is in me)'

sibax     ?a  ssi        higiyo  (locality)
tomorrow  1S  be.not.in  home
'tomorrow I will not be home'


a-?oo way kayna-fo a si, a-? naana ssi (existence) 3S-PRX woman small-one 3S be 3S-GEN mother be.not 'there was a girl whose mother was no more (had died)'

The positive form of the attributive 'be' verb has special syntax. Different from other verbs, it is placed after its predicate, and always preceded by a pronoun. Examples:
(?ay)  gandasarki  ?ay  si
1S     soldier     1S   be
'I am a soldier'

?a-?    veelo    haa    siday  a   si
1S-GEN  bicycle  thing  red    3S  be
'my bicycle is red (lit. my bicycle is a red thing)'


In the negation, it is possible to have the negated attributive marker between the subject and the predicate and still the (positive) attributive marker in final position:
?a-?n   aaru  a   nni-si      gandasarki  a   si
1S-GEN  man   3S  NEG:PRF-be  soldier     3S  be
'my husband is not a soldier'

a   nni-si      ha     qqa  a   si
3S  NEG:PRF-be  thing  all  3S  be
'this all is not the case (lit. all this thing is not)'


Probably, the negative 'be'-verb ssi is historically a contraction of a negative marker si and the positive 'be'-verb si. In the actual language, ssi functions as a verb on its own, as shown by nominalizations such as yarda [.sup.n] ssi 'doubt, lit. the not-being of belief'.

4. The Text with Annotations

The story was told in an elicitation-like context in Mrs Ibrahim's house, with only the storyteller and the researcher present. In spite of the lack of natural context, it was told with great confidence, and hardly contains any hesitations or false starts. The story is told in a very lively way and with great humor. A first transcription of the text was made with the help of Mrs. Ibrahim. The present transcription is based on careful re-listening of the recording on the basis of this first transcription.

The text presented here is a well-known story in the region, a version of which appears, for instance, in Jacques Pucheu's collection of Nigerien Hausa stories (Pucheu 1982:45ff.). There is a clear connection to Hausa stories in the name of one of the participants, the booray tree. Mrs. Ibrahim explained that she knew this tree only from traditional stories. The name clearly reflects Hausa ?auree 'fig tree' (Abraham (2) 1962:91, 'ficus gnaphalocarpa and other varieties'), which appears in Pucheu's Hausa version of the same story in the same role. Hausa influence in the story telling is also evident from the formulae opening and closing the story, which are both from the Hausa tradition.

In the transcription, // indicates a major break in intonation. Elements that I could not interpret are put between square brackets and glossed and translated as [???]; when I could not make a reasonable guess at the phonetic shape, it was transcribed [xxx]. Elements between normal brackets are either unexpected elisions, or elements whose presence is not certain.
[1] gaat[a.sup.n] gaatanku?, [taziitikum] indi '-m(a)w a assabi-yo //
    gaata[n.sup.HA] gaatank[u.sup.HA] [???] 2P SBJ-hear o
    [child.sup.AR]-PL 'Gaatan gaatanku [???] you should hear, o
    children!'


gaat[a.sup.n] gaatanku?. This is the common Hausa opening formula ga ta nan ga ta nan ku 'here it comes, here it comes for you' (Ahmad 1997:18).

taziitikum. I have not been able to make out the meaning of this phrase. It resembles the well-known north-African opening formula ?azit-kum ('I told you') fairly well.
[2] a-?oo way kayna-fo a si, a-? naana ssi, //
    3S-PRX woman small-one 3S be 3S-GEN mother not.be
    'There was a girl, her mother had died,'


way kayna. Lit. 'little woman'; this is the normal expression for 'girl'. The isolated form of 'woman' is way.

a-? naana. The isolated form of 'mother' is naana.
[3] a-m' baaba hik-ka way-fo. //
    3S-GEN father marry-VNT woman-one
    'and her father had married a(n other) woman.'

[4] ?aa?i [hi], hiigi-fo kway-d[a.sup.n],
    day [???] wedding-one FUTI-do
    'One day a wedding was going to take place,'


?aa?i. Allegro variant of za?zi 'day', which was the form given in elicitation.
[5] say i s[i.sup.n] way kayna ingi-qaa-s(i) i '-ta?a?[a.sup.m]. //
    [just.sup.HA] 3P say woman small 3P-all-DAT 3P SBJ-groom
    'and they said to all girls that they should groom themselves.'


say. This discourse marker is borrowed from Hausa. The frequency of its use may be a feature of personal style.

s[i.sup.n]. The verb sini 'to say' is often clipped to sin or sin. The exact conditioning of the choice of the tone in these clipped variants is not clear.

way kayna ingi-qaa-s(i). Doubling of the NP by an independent pronoun followed by qa is the regular way of expressing totality. The phrase clearly shows the NP-final position of the dative clitic.

ta?a?[a.sup.m]. This expresses all kinds of preparing oneself for a feast: putting on make-up, good clothes, bracelets and other jewelery. The verb and the identical noun 'grooming' look like a loan from Tuareg, but I have not been able to identify a source.
[6] say i-? naana-yo sin i-si
    [just.sup.HA] 3P-GEN mother-PL say 3P-DAT
    'And their mothers said to them'


naana-yo. From naana-'yo.
[7] say i '-[k.sup.w]ay i '-zaw-kate booray ?n ize?.? //
    [just.sup.HA] 3P SBJ-go 3P SBJ-bring-VNT [tree.sp.sup.HA] GEN child
    'that they should go and bring booray fruit(s).'


booray. The tree was only known to the speaker from stories. It represents Hausa ?auree 'fig tree'.

booray ?n ize. The genitival postposition is geminated in between (semi)vowels. The expression 'child of (a tree)' indicates fruits. The 'child' expression is also used for nuts and kernels, e.g. tayni nn ize (< tayni '? ize) 'date kernel, lit. child of the date'.
[8] ingi-qaa g(a) i [k.sup.w]ay booray i [.sup.m']-kaw ind-a,
    3P-all when 3P go [tree.sp.sup.HA] 3P SBJ-take.off with-3S
    'When they all went to the booray-tree in order to pick from it,'


ga. The element ga functions as a noun ('body'), as a postposition ('in') and as a subordinator ('when').
[9] i kaw-ka booray, s(a)y i tuuk-a. //
    3P take.off-VNT [tree.sp.sup.HA] [just.sup.HA] 3P hide-3S
    'they picked booray (fruits) and hid it.'


i tuuk-a. The form of the verb represents a vowel lengthening of tuk 'to hide'.
[10] i gisa a-?o way ki??a ? naana ssii,
     3P leave 3S-PRX woman small GEN mother not.be
     'They left this girl that did not have a mother,'


gisa. From gisi with coalescence with the following vowel.

? naana ssii. Relative clause from a genitival complement (cf. Kossmann 2010a for details).
[11] a-m' man [K.sup.w]a?nooni,
     3S-name name Kornoni
     'named Kornoni,'

[12] (i) sin? a a-si: "iri, (i)r(i) waa (i)ri-m' booray, nii za?" //
     (3P) say 3S-DAT 1P 1P eat 1P-GEN [tree.sp.sup.HA] 2P FOC
     'and said: "We, we have eaten our booray, what about you?"'

[13] a sin: "baybo." //
     3S say [no.sup.TU]
     'She said: "No."'

[14] i daan-a a wa [a-.sup.?] wane,
     3P do-3S 3S eat 3S-GEN belonging
     'They made her eat hers,'


i daan-a. From d[a.sup.n] 'to make' with vowel lengthening.

i daan-a a wa. This double predicate construction, in which the object of d[a.sup.n] is the subject of the second verb is the productive expression of the causative.
[15] gi i te higi-yo? alkul bara a kaw-kat? [a-.sup.?] wane. //
     when 3P arrive home-PL [all.sup.AR] person 3S take.off-VNT
     3S-GEN belonging '(and) when they came home each one produced
     hers.'


gi. Assimilated variant of ga 'when'.

te. The verb te 'to come' seems to be underlyingly Falling, a tone that sometimes surfaces when the final vowel is lengthened in discourse, e.g. a tee bi 'he has come yesterday'.

higi-yo. This plurale tantum form is only used in an adverbial sense, meaning 'at home'. It is clearly connected to the noun hugu 'house'.

bara. Form with vowel lowering of baro.
[16] a sabar-a a-? naana-yo?-si, // i na a-si dabda-yo,
     3S show-3S 3S-GEN mother-PL-DAT 3P give 3S-DAT cloth-PL
     'And showed it to their mothers, and they gave them clothes,'

[17] inga, i ganga a-si sin say a '-zaw-kat? e.? //
     3S 3P refuse 3S-DAT say [just.sup.HA] 3S SBJ-bring-VNT
     'but as for her, they refused to (give clothes to) her and said
     she should bring (it).'

[18] say a yatte booray ? tuguzi da,
     [just.sup.HA] 3S return [tree.sp.sup.HA] GEN tree to
     'And she went back to that booray tree,'


da ~ da?o. While no doubt historically derived from da(?o), 'place', the element da also functions as a postposition. I consider cases where da is connected to the noun by means of the genitival marker [.sup.H]? as constructions involving the noun 'place'.
[19] ga a te-nan ?da tuguzi a [q.sup.w]aq. //
     when 3S arrive-ITV with tree 3S dry
     'when she came there at the tree it was dry.'

[20] say a sini // booray ? tuguzi-si:
     [just.sup.HA] 3S say [tree.sp.sup.HA] GEN tree-DAT
     'And she said to the booray tree:'

[21] "ni da da?a ?ay te." //
     2S TOP toward 1S arrive
     '"I have come to you."'


da. This is the topic marker da, in this text especially frequent after personal pronouns. It is not entirely clear whether its tone is always Low, or rather polar.
[22] a ? sinii: // "misin ni ba?a ?a-?n ize? //
     3S say why 2S want 1S-GEN child
     'He said: "What do you want, my child?"'


ni ba?a. From ni ba?o. Note the polar tone on ni.
[23] say a sin a-si: //
     [just.sup.HA] 3S say 3S-DAT
     'And she said:

[24] "ni-?n iza-yo ?ay ba, // ?a-? naana sini,
     2S-GEN child-PL 1S want 1S-GEN mother say
     "I want your fruits, my mother said'

[25] say ?a '-zaw-naan-i gina a '-naa-?ay dabda-yo. //
     [just.sup.HA] 1S SBJ-bring-ITV-3P before 3S SBJ-give-1S cloth-PL
     'that I should bring them before she would give me clothes.'


dabda-yo. From dabde-'yo; the form in isolation of the noun is dabde (< dabde).
[26] ?a-? seeraay[a.sup.n?] ngi-qi i ta?a?am i [k.sup.w]ay
[i.sup.n]hi.? " //
1S-GEN friends 3P-all 3P groom 3P go away
'My friends have all groomed and gone away."'


seeraay[a?.sup.n]. This is a plural of the originally Songhay word seeray. It is one of the few instances where a Tuareg plural formation is applied to an originally Songhay word (cf. Kossmann 2007, Sidibe 2010a).

ngi-qi. From ingi-qa with vowel coalescence.

[i.sup.n]hi? The exact meaning of the particle is unknown, but in the text it always occurs in contexts involving movement away from the speaker. In a number of cases in the text it is used in combination with a pronoun which denotes the person(s) going away.
[27] a sin a-si:? "to, ?ay da marda ni gun ?a-?n
     3S say 3S-DAT [well.sup.HA] 1S TOP [now.sup.TU] 2S see 1S-GEN

     iza-yo? i [q.sup.w]aq. //
     child-PL 3P dry
     'He said to her: "Well, as for me now, you see, my fruits are dry.'


to. From Hausa to 'well'.
[28] say ni [k.sup.w]ay ni zaw-ka ?ay-si //
     [just.sup.HA] 2S go 2S bring-VNT 1S-DAT
     'You just go and bring me'

[29] [ha] haawi ? kakka-?oo-yo? ?aayo?." //
     [???] cow GEN excrement-PRX-PL humid
     'fresh cow dung."'


kakka-?oo-yo? ?aayo?. In elicitation, Mrs. Ibrahim would only accept the plural marker -[.sup.H]yo in NP-final position. This sentence goes against this, as did her interpretation of the sentence when transcribing the story, which was kakka-ya-?o ?aaya-yo. The form ?aayo? maybe represents a shortening of ?aaya-yo (< ?aayo-'yo), although the exact way this would lead to [?aayo?] eludes me. One way to understand a double occurrence of -[.sup.H]yo is interpreting the sentence as a relative clause, i.e. 'excrements that are humid', as in the parallel line 47.
[30] siikeen[a.sup.n], a [k.sup.w]ay-ka haawi da,
     [ok.sup.HA] 3S go-VNT cow toward
     'That's it, she went to the cow,'


siikeen[a.sup.n]. Hausa shii kee nan 'OK, that's it, that's fine' (Newman 2007:186).
[31] haawi inga da ga a te, // a-? kakka-yo i [q.sup.w]aq.
     cow 3S TOP when 3S arrive 3S-GEN excrement-PL 3P dry
     'when she came to the cow, her dung was dry.'


haawi inga da ga a te. Note the topicalisation of the prepositional phrase at a position before the subordinator ga.
[32] say a sin: "haawi, haawi, ni da da?a ? ?ay te.? " //
     [just.sup.HA] 3S say cow cow 2S TOP toward 1S arrive
     'And she said: "Cow, cow I have come to you."'

[33] a sin a-si:? "?a-?n ize, misin ni ba?" //
     3S say 3S-DAT 1S-GEN child what 2S want
     'He said: "What do you want, my child?"'

[34] "ni-? kaka ?aaya-yoo ?ay ba?o?, ?a-? naana fumba a sin(i)
     2S-GEN excrement humid-PL 1S want 1S-GEN mother stinking 3S say
     '"I want your fresh dung, my stepmother said'


naana fumba from naana fumbo lit. 'stinking mother'. This is the common expression for 'stepmother' in Songhay, e.g. Zarma nya fumbu 'stepmother' (Bernard & White-Kaba 1994:108); Timbuktu naa fumbo (Heath 1998a:93), Tadaksahak nana fumbu (Christiansen 2010:312).
[35] a si-? b-[k.sup.w]ay-naa-?ay dabda-yo, say ni //
     3S NEG-IMPF-FUTI-give- 1S cloth-PL [just.sup.HA] 2S
     'she will not give me clothes, except if you...'


say ni. One of the few false starts in the story telling.
[36] say ?ay zaw-n[a.sup.n] booray,
     [just.sup.HA] 1S bring-ITV [tree.sp.sup.HA]
     'except if I bring booray,'

[37] booray inga da sin, a si-? k-[k.sup.w]ay-naa-?ay a-?n iza-yo?
     [tree.sp.sup.HA] 3S TOP say 3S NEG-IMPF-FUTI-give-1S 3S-GEN
     child-PL 'and the booray said it will not give me its fruits'

[38] say ?ay zaw-nan? a-si ? kakka-yo?." //
     [just.sup.HA] 1S bring-there 3S-DAT excrement-PL
     'except if I bring there dung."'

[39] say haawi sini:? "to, ?ay da marda heere a bara //
     [just.sup.HA] cow say [well.sup.HA] 1S TOP [now.sup.TU] hunger 3S
     be.in 'And the cow said: "Well, as for me, I am hungry now,'


?ay da marda heere a bara. Topicalization of the Direct Object ?ay. Without topicalization the expression is heere a bara-?ay.
[40] say ni m'-[k.sup.w]ay ni [.sup.m']-zaw-ka ?ay-si // suubu da, //
    [just.sup.HA] 2S SBJ-go 2S SBJ-bring-VNT 1S-DAT grass TOP
    'so you should go and bring me grass,'

[41] a??aa kuma suubu a-?(o) firizi, ?da ni-? si mi-zi //
     [but.sup.HA] [also.sup.HA] grass 3S-PRX green, if NEG:PRF-be
     this-ANP
     'but for the green grass, if it is not like that,'


a??aa kuma. Hausa ammaa 'but' and kuma 'also, likewise'.

suubu a-?(o) firizi. Relative clause, lit. 'grass that is green'.

ni-? si. The Low tone on the marker of the Negative Perfective is unexpected.
[42] ?a si-? k-[k.sup.w]ay-naa-n[a.sup.n] kaka-yo?." //
     1S NEG-IMPF-FUTI-give-ITV excrement-PL
     'I will not give (you) the dung."'

[43] siikeen[a.sup.n], say a [k.sup.w]ay-kat,
    [ok.sup.HA] [just.sup.HA] 3S go-VNT
    'Ok, she went,'

[44] ga a te da atakas? nga-qaa suubu a [q.sup.w]aq. //
     when 3S arrive TOP [plain.sup.TU] 3S-all grass 3S dry
     'and when she arrived, (in) the entire plain the grass was dry.'

[45] a sini: "atakas, atakas, nii da da?a ?ay te." //
     3S say [plain.sup.TU] [plain.sup.TU] 2S TOP toward 1S arrive
     'She said: "Plain, plain, I have come to you."'


?ay te. The tone is unexpected, as normally underlying te surfaces as te. A possible interpretation is that the subject pronoun yay does not have polar tone here and that, according to regular tone rules, ?ay te is simplified to ?ay te.
[46] atakas sin a-si:? "?a-?n ize, mis? in ni ba?" //
     [plain.sup.TU] say 3S-DAT 1S-GEN child what 2S want
     'The plain said: "My child, what do you want?"'


ni ba. The low tone on ba is unexpected. Normally the short form of ba?o surfaces as ba. A possible interpretation is that ni does not have polar tone in this case, and that ba is underlyingly ba, so that ni ba would become ni ba. The phrase occurs several other times in the story and seems to vaccillate between ni ba and ni ba.
[47] "suubu, suubu ?ay baa, suubu-?a ?aayo. //
     grass grass 1S want grass-PRX humid
     '"Grass, grass I want, fresh grass,'


baa. Allegro form of ba?o.

suubu-?a ?aayo. Relative clause. The sentence given by Mrs Ibrahim when transcribing the text has a slightly different relative construction suubu ?ay ba?o a-?a ?aayo.
[48] ?a m'-zaaw-a haawi-si,
     1S SBJ-bring-3S cow-DAT
     'I should bring it to the cow,'

[49] a m'-naa-?ay // [a-.sup.?] kaka-ya-?o ?aaya-yoo, //
     3S SBJ-give-1S 3S-GEN excrement-PL-PRX humid-PL
     'and she will give me her fresh dung'


[a-.sup.?] kaka-ya-?o ?aaya-yoo. Relative clause, lit. 'the excrements that are fresh'.
[50] ?a m' -zaaw-i booray-si,? a m' -naa-?ay a-?n iza-yo?." //
     1S SBJ-bring-3P [tree.sp.sup.HA]-DAT 3S SBJ-give-1S 3S-GEN
     child-PL
     'and I will bring it to the booray tree so it will give me its
     fruits."'

[51] a sin: "to // marda ?ay da aari ?ay ba,
     3S say [well.sup.HA] [now.sup.TU] 1S TOP water 1S want
     'It said: "Well, now, I need water,'

[52] ni gun fat a bara-?ay, ?ay [q.sup.w]aq." //
     2S see [thirst.sup.TU] 3S be.in-1S 1S dry
     'you see I am thirsty, I am dry."'


gun. Shortened form of guna.
[53] siikeen[a.sup.n], a sin a-si:? // "say ni m' -hur-ka aari." //
     [ok.sup.HA] 3S say 3S-DAT [just.sup.HA] 2S SBJ-search-VNT water
     'That's it, it said: "You should search for water."'


hur-ka. The verb hur means 'to enter'. In combination with the ventive suffix ka(te), it has an additional meaning 'to search'.

aari. This is the only Songhay-based plurale tantum noun that I have been able to identify, cf. aari-?o ?a bwaa?-i 'this water, I boil it (lit. them)'. No doubt its inherent plurality is a calque on the Tuareg plurale tantum a?an 'water'.
[54] way ki??a [K.sup.w]a?noono [k.sup.w]ay // say a s[i.sup.n]:
     woman small Kornono go [just.sup.HA] 3S say
     'The girl Kornono went and said:'

[55] "?[a-.sup.?] [k.sup.w]ay, ?[a-.sup.?] [k.sup.w]ay ni da
      da?o ?ay te." //
     1S-GEN master 1S-GEN master 2S TOP toward 1S arrive
     '"My Lord, my Lord, I have come to you."'

[56] a sin a-si:? "?a-?n ize, misin ni ba?"
     3S say 3S-DAT 1S-GEN child what 2S want
     'He said: "My child, what do you want?"'

[57] sin a-si:? "aari, aari ?ay ba?o, aari." //
    (3S?) say 3S-DAT water water 1S want water
    'She said: "Water, water I want, water."'

[58] "ni m'-d[a.sup.n] mis[i.sup.n]?" a sini //
     2S SBJ-do what 3S say
     '"What are you going to do?", He said.'


ni m'-d[a.sup.n] mis[i.sup.n]? When transcribing, the following equivalent was given: misin ni kway-dan ?da aari 'what will you do with the water'.
[59] "atakas m'-nin a m'-kuma [.sup.m']-naa-?ay suubu firizi." //
     [plain.sup.TU] SBJ-drink 3S SBJ-find SBJ-give-1S grass green
     '"The plain may drink in order to give me green grass."'


a m'-kuma [.sup.m']-naa-?ay. The presence of the second [.sup.m'] in this construction is not certain; the nasalization could also be due to the consonantal environment, while the Low tone is only audible (when present at all) by a very subtle downstep on naa. Mrs. Ibrahim translated a m'-kuma as 'so that'.

suubu firizi. The all-Low form of suubu is used because it is followed by an adjective.
[60] siikeen[a.sup.n], siringi kar, siringi kar: // aari. //
     [ok.sup.HA] rain beat rain beat water
     'That's it, rain fell, rain fell: water.'

[61] atakas nin aari, // aafa?o hun-kat a-?a firizi,
    [plain.sup.TU] drink water [panicum.turgidum.sup.TU] go.out-VNT
    3S-PRX green 'The plain drank water, fresh afa?o-grass came up,'


aafa?o hun-kat a-?a firizi. Relative clause, lit.: 'afa?o-grass came up that was green'.
[62] a zaw-kat-a[h] // haawi-si. //
     3S bring-VNT-3S cow-DAT
     'she brought it to the cow.'

[63] haawi wa, a dan a-si ? kaka-yo.
     cow eat 3S do 3S-DAT excrement-PL
     'The cow ate and gave her the dung.'

[64] a [k.sup.w]ay a zaaw-a booray-si, booray na a-si ? iza-yo?. //
     3S go 3S bring-3S [tree.sp.sup.HA]-DAT [tree.sp.sup.HA] give
     3S-DAT child-PL 'She went and brought it to the booray tree, and
     the booray tree gave her its fruits.'

[65] ga a te yadda say // a-? naana fumbo sin a-si
     when 3S arrive still [just.sup.HA] 3S-GEN mother stinking say
     3S-DAT 'When she came back again, her stepmother said:'

[66] "inga si-? k-[k.sup.w]ay-naa-ni // dabda-yo?. //
     3S NEG-IMPF-FUTI-give-2S cloth-PL
     'I will not give you the clothes.'


inga si-? k-[k.sup.w]ay-naa-ni. Lit. 'she will not give you clothes'; the construction is halfway direct and indirect speech.
[67] say ?da ni ? m' -[k.sup.w]ay ni-[.sup.n]hi mi-zi da." //
    [just.sup.HA] with 2S SBJ-go 2S-away this-ANP TOP
    'You just go there like that (scil. in your old clothes).'

[68] way kayna ingi-qa i ta?a?am i [k.sup.w]ay ha? ? da?o?. //
     woman small 3P-all 3P groom 3P go playing GEN place
     'The girls had all groomed themselves and gone somewhere to play.'


ha? ? da?o?. Lit. '(to) the place of playing'.
[69] [laughs] ingi-qa i ta?a?[a.sup.m] i [k.sup.w]ay ha? in da.
     3P-all 3P groom 3P go playing GEN place
     'They had all groomed themselves and gone somewhere to play.'

[70] say inga-foo da, b-zida zida zida ?a??ay ga,
     [just.sup.HA] 3S-one TOP IMPF-walk walk walk [road.sup.TU] in
     'Only she alone walked and walked and walked on the road,'

[71] say a gar-ka ? // a kubay ?da afoo-yo?,
     [just.sup.HA] 3S find-VNT 3S meet with one-PL
     'and she found, she met some people,'


afoo-yo?. Plural of afo 'one'.
[72] say i sin a-si:? "way kayna // ni ba?o haawi ? gi?"
     [just.sup.HA] 3P say 3S-DAT woman small 2S want cow GEN grease
     'and they said to her: "Girl, do you want cow's grease?"',

[73] a sin: "misin ga [k.sup.w]ay-dan ?da haawi ? gi,
     3S say what in FUTI-do with cow GEN grease
     she said: "what shall (I) do with cow's grease,'

[74] ?ay ?a k-[k.sup.w]ay gingiri ? da." //
     1S 1S IMPF-go feast GEN place
     'I, I am going to a feast."'

[75] i sin a-si:? "to, siikeen[a.sup.n], iri, ir [k.sup.w]ay
     iri-[.sup.n]hi.?" // 3P say 3S-DAT [well.sup.HA] [ok.sup.HA] 1P
     1P go
     1P-away 'They said: "That's ok, we, we go away"'

[76] a [k.sup.w]ay, a [k.sup.w]ay, a [k.sup.w]ay ?a??ay ga.
     3S go 3S go 3S go [road.sup.TU] in
     'She went and went and went on the road'

[77] say a gar-kat? e way-fo //
     [just.sup.HA] 3S find-VNT woman-one
     'and found a woman,'

[78] [a-.sup.?] see-fo bara Makka, affo bara Madiina.
     3S-GEN foot-one be.in [Mecca.sup.AR] one be.in [Medina.sup.AR]
     'who had one foot in Mecca and one in Medina.'

[79] say a sin a-si:? // "way zoono, // ?a-? kaaka,
     [just.sup.HA] 3S say 3S-DAT woman old 1S-GEN grandmother
     'She said: "Old lady, my grandmother,'

[80] ni ? m' -zakat [ni-?.sup.?] soo-yo, ?a [.sup.m']-yookay? ?." //
    2S SBJ-pull 2S-GEN leg-PL 1S [SBJ-pass.sup.TU]
    'pull together your legs so that I can pass."'


soo-yo. Irregular plural of se.
[81] (a) sina a-si: "baybo. // ?a si-? k-[k.sup.w]ay-zakat [?a-.sup.?]
     soo-yo // (3S) say 3S-DAT [no.sup.TU] 1S NEG-IMPF-FUTI-pull 1S-GEN
     leg-PL 'She said: "No. I will not pull together my legs,'

[82] say ?da ni m'-daq ?[a.sup.n]zi // ni [.sup.m']-fur [?a-.sup.?] se.
     [just.sup.HA] if 2S SBJ-take stone 2S SBJ-throw 1S-GEN leg
     'except if you take the stone and throw it (on) my leg.'

[83] meeda,? meeda ni [.sup.m'] // y[a.sup.n] ?[a-.sup.?] se ? haawi ?
     gi.?" // [or.sup.TU] [or.sup.TU] 2S SBJ smear.oil 1S-GEN leg cow
     GEN grease 'Or, or if you rub my leg with cow's grease."'

[84] say a yak? -kat a b-zuru b-zuru b-zuru, //
     [just.sup.HA] 3S return-VNT 3S IMPF-run IMPF-run IMPF-run
     'And she went back running running running,'


yak? -kat. Assimilated form from yat-kat(e) 'to go back (hither)'.
[85] a te a gar-kate [xxx] //
3S arrive 3S find-VNT [xxx]
'she came and found'

[86] saa?at a-?oo-yo na ? a-si // haawi ? gi.
boy 3S-PRX-PL give 3S-DAT cow GEN grease
'the boys that had given her the cow's grease.'


saayat a-yoe-yo na a-si. Relative clause.
[87] a sin a-a-si  "indi m'-naa-?ay haawi ? gi."
     3S say 3S-DAT 2P  SBJ-give-1S cow  GEN grease
     'She said to them: "You should give me cow's grease."'

[88] i  sin a-si:  "ir  si-b-n-a  ay marda,
     3P say 3S-DAT 1P NEG-IMPF-give-3S ??? [now.sup.TU]
     'They said: "We will not give it now,'


ir si-b-n-a. Probably deriving from ir si-b-na-a > ir si-b-n-a > ir si-b-n-a.
[89] ga  ir  naa  ni-si  ni  sin  ni  si- b-kula."
     when 1P give 2S-DAT 2S say 2S NEG-IMPF-want
     'when we gave (it) to you, you said you did not want (it)."'


kula. The verb is only used in negated sentences.
[90] a  sin: "baybo,  wa  ?ay?a?  [xxx]" //
     3S say [no.sup.TU]  IMPT:P be.[patient.sup.TU] [xxx]
     'She said: "No, have patience (with me)."'

[91] say  i  na  a-si.  //
     [just.sup.HA] 3P give 3S-DAT
     'And they gave (it) to her.'

[92] ga  a  te  say  a  y[a.sup.n]  way  zoona-si,
     when 3S arrive [just.sup.HA] 3S smear.oil woman old-DAT
     'When she came she rubbed the old woman,'

[93] say  way  zoona  ?  soo-yo  kirmu?mi. //
     [just.sup.HA] woman old GEN leg-PL [crouch.sup.TU]
     'and the legs of the old woman crouched together.'

[94] a  ku??a ?a??ay,, a  yookay, //
     3S find  [road.sup.TU] 3S [pass.sup.TU]
     'She found a road, she passed,'

[95] a  [k.sup.w]ay a  [k.sup.w]ay a
     [k.sup.w]ay-[k.sup.w]ay zaama // a   ma? //
     3S go  3S go  3S FUTI-go  then  3S be.far
     'she went and went and went going and then - it was far - '

[96] say  way  zoono? a  s[i.sup.n] a-si:  "kuma  hee  way  ki??a!" //
     [just.sup.HA] woman old     3S say 3S-DAT [likewise.sup.HA] hey
     woman small 'and the old woman said: "Hey, girl!"'.

[97] say  a  yak-kate.
     [just.sup.HA] 3S return-VNT
     'And she came back.'

[98] ga  a  te  say  way  zoon(o) a  sin? a-si  //
     when 3S arrive [just.sup.HA] woman old  3S say 3S-DAT
     'When she had come the old woman said,'

[99] [wan, aha], way  zoono kaw-kat  hayni ?  tadaqqaq,
     ???  ???  woman old  take.out-VNT millet GEN [grain.sup.TU]
     '[???], the old woman took out a grain of millet'


hayni. The isolated form is hayni. The high tone on the second syllable is due to attachment of the floating high tone of the genitival adposition [.sup.[H.sup.?]].
[100] a  sin a-si:  " ?a-?  hayni ?  m[i.sup.n]-zi  ne,
3S say 3S-DAT 1S-GEN millet  GEN thing-ANP here
'and said: "This thing of millet of mine,'


m[i.sup.n]-zi. The exact meaning of this phrase is unknown; it seem to be different from mi-zi 'like that'.

ne. The element ne normally means 'here'. While transcribing, Mrs. Ibrahim paraphrased ?a ? hayni ne as 'voici mon mil', with a Hausa-like interpretation of ne.
[101] ni m'-du[t-.sup.[a]] ?a- si." //
      2S SBJ-pound-[3S] 1S-DAT
      'you should pound it for me."'

[102] [ya]  a  d[a.sup.n] hayni ?  tadaqqaq ha[m.sup.buru]
      k[u?.sup.n] // [???] 3S do millet GEN [grain.sup.TU]  mortar  in
      'She put the grain of millet in the mortar.'

[103] ga  a  kar  da  say  hamburu ?[a.sup.n].
      when 3S beat TOP [just.sup.HA] mortar  be.full
      'When she beat it the mortar became full.'

[104] a  s[i.sup.n]fik-kat-a,  a  yistab-a a  himay-a //
      3S take.out-VNT-3S 3S [sift.sup.TU]-3S 3S wash-3S
      'She took it out, she sifted it, she washed it.'

[105] a  ba?aq-qat-a  a  [h] d[a.sup.n]  aaliwa.
      3S grind-VNT-3S 3S  make [millet.drink.sup.TU]
      'She ground it and made aaliwa.'


ba?aq-qat < ba?aq-kat(e).

aaliwa is a drink based on water or milk and millet.
[106] zama a  [k.sup.w]ay a  [k.sup.w]ay  a  [k.sup.w]ay,
      then  3S go  3S go  3S go
      'Then she just went and went and went',

[107] ga  way  zoono  sin  a-si:  "kuma  hee, way  ki??a!  //
      when woman old  say  3S-DAT [likewise.sup.HA]  hey  woman small
      ayaw" //
      [come.sup.TU]
      'when the old woman said: "Hey, girl! Come!"'

[108] a  yak-kate  //  ga  a  te  say  //  way  ki??a  //
      3S return-VNT  when 3S  arrive [just.sup.HA]  woman small
      'She returned; when she came, the girl,'

[109]  [zini]  a  kaw-kat  [a-?n]  a-?n  eesan  [[a-.sup.?]]
       [i-.sup.?] ziibi [take] 3S take.off-VNT [3S-GEN] 3S-GEN
       [tooth.sup.TU] [3S-GEN] 3P-GEN filth 'she took some filth of
       her tooth'


This sentence has a number of false starts and hesitations, untypical for most of the performance.
[110] a  sin a-si:
      3S say 3S-DAT
      'and said:'

[111] "zini, daan-a // kilwa k[u.sup.n] ni m' -zaana."
      take  do-3S  gourd  in  2S SBJ-churn
      '"Take, put it in the gourd and churn."'

[112] inga way  ki??a  zaana zaana zaana, kilwa ?an  ?da  huwa. //
      3S  woman small churn  churn  churn  gourd  be.full with milk
      'The girl churned and churned and churned and the gourd became
      full of milk.'

[113] i  nin  aaliwa,  zaama a  [k.sup.w]ay yadda. //
      3P drink [millet.drink.sup.TU] then  3S go  still
      'They drank aaliwa, and then she went again.'

[114] say  ga  a  ma?,  yadda ga  way  zoono yadda saaw-a,
      [just.sup.HA] when 3S be.far still  when woman old  still
      call-3S 'And when she had gone far, the old woman called
      her again,'

[115] sin a- si:  "ayaw // way  man i?  daa  ni b-[k.sup.w]ay?"
      say 3S-DAT [come.sup.TU]  woman what GEN place 2S IMPF-go
      'and said: "Come, woman where are you going?"

[116] a  sin a-si  // "gingiri-fo ?  da  ?a k-[k.sup.w]ay-[k.sup.w]ay,
      3S say 3S-DAT  feast-one  GEN place 1S IMPF-FUTI-go
      'She said: "I am going to a feast,'

[117] ?a-?  seeraayan ngi-qi i  haw dabde taagi-yo, //
      1S-GEN friends  3P-all 3P wear cloth  new-PL
      'all my friends wear new clothes.'


ngi-qi < ngi-qa.
[118] ?ay  a-ga  ?a-?  naana  ssi,  ?a-?  naana  fumbo
      g[a.sup.n]ga-?ay." // 1S  3S-on 1S-GEN mother  not.be  1S-GEN
      mother  stinking  refuse-1S 'I, because I don't have a mother, my
      stepmother refused (to give some to) me."'


a-ga. 'on it' used in the meaning 'because'.
[119] a  sin  a-si :  "to,  a  ni- si ha-qqa  a  si, ni  m'-te."  //
      3S  say  3S-DAT [well.sup.HA] 3S NEG:PRF-be thing-all 3S be  2S
      SBJ-arrive 'She said: "Well, that's nothing, come."'


a ni-si ha qa a si. Emphatic construction: 'it is not a thing (that) it is'.
[120] way  zoono goon-a,  a  kaw-kat-a[h]  dabda taagi-yo. //
      woman old  swallow-3S 3S take.off-VNT-3S cloth  new-PL
      'The old woman swallowed her, she took her out (with) new
      clothes.'


goon-a. Lengthened form of [g.sup.w]a? before a vowel-initial direct object clitic.

dabda < dabde.
[121] a  [k.sup.w]ay a  [k.sup.w]ay a  [k.sup.w]ay yadda way  zoono
      yadda saaw-a // 3S go  3S go  3S go  still  woman old  still
      call-3S 'She went and went and went again and the old woman
      called her again.'

[122] a  yadda te  // a  yadda goon-a  //
      3S still  arrive  3S still  swallow-3S
      'She came again, she swallowed her again,'

[123] a  kaw-kat-a  // ?d(a) a-?n  i?akkaan[a.sup.n].
      3S take.off-VNT-3S  with 3S-GEN [rags.sup.TU]
      'she took her out with her rags.'

[124] a  sin a-si:  "to  marda, gingiri-?a ?  daa  ni [k.sup.w]ay,
      3S say 3S-DAT [well.sup.HA] [now.sup.TU]  feast-PRX GEN place
      2S go 'She said: "Well now, at the place of this feast where
      you go,'


gingiri-?a < gingiri '?o.

gingiri-?a ? daa ni [k.sup.w]ay. Relative clause without a relative marker (see Kossmann 2010a).
[125] assabi ni-bay  a-m'  m[a.sup.n]?"
      [boy.sup.AR] 2S-know 3S-GEN name
      'do you know the name of the boy?"'

[126] a  sin a-si:  "baybo." //
      3S say 3S-DAT [no.sup.TU]
      'She said: "No."'

[127] to  a  sin  a-si:  "?da ni  tee-nan ni [.sup.m'] -yat alaqqam. //
      [well.sup.HA] 3S say 3S-DAT with 2S arrive-ITV 2S SBJ-return
      [behind.sup.TU] 'Well she said: "When you arrive there come last,'

[128] ni  m' -gis i  ni-? seeraay[a.sup.n]  ingi-qa har i m' -yookay.
      2S  SBJ-leave  2S-GEN  friends  3P-all  until  3P
      SBJ-[pass.sup.TU] 'let all your friends pass first (lit. you
      should leave all your friends until they may pass),'

[129] assabi a-m'  m[a.sup.n]  Askandarii na  Hawwa Askandari,
      [boy.sup.AR] 3S-GEN name [Alexander.sup.AR] [of.sup.HA]
      [Eve.sup.AR]  [Alexander.sup.AR]
      'The boy's name is Alexander son of Eve,'


Askandarii na Hawwa Askandari, Askandari na Hawa may nabuusa. The entire phrase has a song-like intonation.

Askandarii na Hawa. Expression using the Hausa genitive linker; the use of a genitival construction for descent is well-known in Hausa, cf. Newman 2000:350.
[130] Askandari na  may  nabuusa.
      [Alexander.sup.AR] [of.sup.HA] [Eve.sup.AR] [have.sup.HA]? whistle
      'Alexander son of Eve with the whistle.'


may nabuusa. The construction of this part of the name is rather Hausa than Tasawaq. In Hausa, an element may is used to form modifier expressions with a noun (translatable, among others, as 'the one having') (Newman 2000:323ff.). Tasawaq, on the other hand, has a verb may 'to possess, to have', e.g. ?ay may hugu 'I own a house' ; giiri marge ni-may? 'how old are you (lit. how many years do you have)'. The similarity to the Hausa element is no doubt accidental: a verb may, mey is well-attested in other Songhay languages, and is found well outside the area of Hausa influence (e.g. in Djenne, Heath 1998b:148). Notwithstanding, some may constructions in Tasawaq may be calqued on Hausa, such as aaru may gaabi 'a strong man (lit. a man having strength)', cf. Hausa mai ?arfii 'strong (lit. having strength)'. In the expression may nabuusa, a Hausa(-like) construction seems to be found. As far as I can see, nabuusa 'whistle(s)' does not occur in Hausa, which would make the full name a blend of Hausa and Tasawaq materials. The term nabuusa was translated into French by Mrs. Ibrahim as 'sifflet(s)'; her prompt translation suggests it is a current word in the language. There is, as far as I can see, no ready Songhay, Hausa or Tuareg etymology to it.
[131] kuma ni  m' -si-? haar-a  say  //
      handa-?a ah[i.sup.n]za wan?e.."  //
      [also.sup.HA] 2S SBJ-NEG-tell-3S [just.sup.HA]  demand-PRX three
      belonging 'But don't tell it until the third demand (= until he
      has asked the third time)."'


haar-a. From har with lengthening before a vowel-initial clitic.

ah[i.sup.n]za wan?e. The normal ordinal construction consists of the cardinal numeral followed by the genitival marker wane. The element a- constructs an independent form of the numeral. When modifying a noun, the form is h[i.sup.n]za. Alidou (1988:49) gives the same construction, but writes the genitival element n between the numeral and wane, e.g. <a ?o xamsa n wane> 'the fifth'. I do not hear nasalization on the final vowel of ah[i.sup.n]za.
[132] [nigalmag] sin a-si:  "to."
      [???]  say  3S-DAT  [well.sup.HA]
      '[???] She said: "Ok."'

[133] siikeen[a.sup.n], ga  a  te  da  say  way  kayna-yo? yoofar:
      [ok.sup.HA] when 3S arrive TOP [just.sup.HA] woman small-PL
      [start.sup.TU] 'That's it, when she came, the girls started
      (to say):'

[134] "wala iri-?o  ta?a?am  iri  ni-ku??a-kat, iri  ni-bay
      [even.sup.HA] 1P-PRX groom  1P NEG:PRF-find-VNT 1P NEG:PRF-know
      a-m'  m[a.sup.n],
      3S-GEN name
      '"Even we who groomed ourselves we have not found, we don't know
      his name,'

[135] mim meera ni // tamazarg[i.sup.n]  wane.  //
      ???  [now.sup.TU]  2S  [filthy.woman.sup.TU] possessing
      'how should you, filthy one?'


mim meera. The interpretation is unclear. The whole string was translated by Mrs. Ibrahim as 'a plus forte raison toi'.
[136] wa  zinkis  nee, baybo, baybo, foo,  foo,
      IMPT:P [move.sup.TU] here [no.sup.TU]  [no.sup.TU]
      [yuck.sup.TU] [yuck.sup.TU] 'Move (from) here, no, no,
      yuck, yuck,'

[137] ni  si-k-[k.sup.w](y)-goor(o) iri-?  geere k[u.sup.n]!" //
      siikeen[a.sup.n]. // 2S NEG-IMPF-FUTI-sit  1P-GEN half
      in  [ok.sup.HA] 'you should not sit in our part." Ok.'

[138] a  [k.sup.w]ay [i.sup.n]h[i.sup.n] a  yat,  tasaga [kut]
      a  gooro. // 3S go  away 3S return [side.sup.TU] [???] 3S sit
      'She went away, she returned and sat down at the side.'

[139] i  bara naw,  i  bara naw,  i  bara naw //
      3P be.in there  3P be.in there  3P be.in there
      'They stayed there, they stayed there, they stayed there,'

[140] a-?o  way  kayna yizzaar[a.sup.n]  yookay.
      3S-PRX woman small  [preceding.sup.TU] [pass.sup.TU]
      'the first girl passed.'

[141] say  a  sini: // "har ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n], har ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n],
      [just.sup.HA] 3S say  tell  1S-GEN name tell  1S-GEN name
      'He said: "Say my name, say my name,'


The entire dialogue in l. 141-147 is sung.
[142] way  ki??a, har  ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n]. //
      woman small tell  1S-GEN name
      'girl, say my name.'

[143] ?da ni ni-bay  ?a-?  m[a.sup.n], n(i) m'-zinkis,  ?da
      alaqq[a.sup.m]." // if  2S NEG:PRF-know 1S-GEN name 2S
      [SBJ-move.sup.TU] with [behind.sup.TU] 'If you don't know my
      name,
      go away to the last (place)."'

[144] sin  a-si:  "?a  nni-bay  ni-m'  m[a.sup.n],  ?a nni-bay
      say 3S-DAT 1S  NEG:PRF-know 2S-GEN name 1S NEG:PRF-know
      ni-m'  m[a.sup.n],
      2S-GEN name
      'She said: "I don't know your name, I don't know your name,'

[145] ?aw  wane,  ?a ni-bay  ni-m'  m[a.sup.n]. //
      1S  possessing 1S NEG:PRF-know 2S-GEN know
      'my love, I don't know your name.'

[146] ammaa ?da  ni  m'-z[i.sup.n]-?ay,  //
     [as.for.sup.HA] if  2S SBJ-catch-1S
     'But if you were to catch me'


zin-?ay< zini-?ay. Mrs. Ibrahim explained that the phrase 'if you were to catch me' should be understood as 'il faut se mettre d'accord'.
[147] ni  m' -kamba-kata  ni-?  ba?a-[k.sup.w]ay."
      2S SBJ-hold-VNT 2S-GEN love-master
      'then you would obtain me as your beloved."'

[148] a  sin a-si :  "baybo // [k.sup.w]ay [ni-.sup.n]h[i.sup.n]." //
      3S say 3S-DAT [no.sup.TU]  go  2S-away
      'He said: "No, go away."'

[149] affoo  hur-ka  mi-zi  da,  mi-zi  da,
      one  come.in-VNT this-ANP TOP this-ANP  TOP
      'The next one came in, like that, like that,'

[150] say  ga  i  too-kat  [K.sup.w]a?no?o?no? da[h]. //
      [just.sup.HA] when 3P arrive-VNT Kornono  at
      'until they came to Kornono'

[151] say,  ga  a  te,  say,  a  sin a-si:  //
      [just.sup.HA] when 3S arrive [just.sup.HA] 3S say 3S-DAT
      'When she came, he said:'

[152] "har ?a-?  m[a.sup.n], har ?a-?  m[a.sup.n], way  ki??a, har
       ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n]. //
      tell  1S-GEN name tell  1S-GEN name woman small tell  1S-GEN name
      '"Say my name, say my name, girl, say my name.'


Line 152-155 are sung.
[153] a  sin: "?a ni-bay ni-m' m[a.sup.n], ?aw wane,
      3S say 1S  NEG:PRF-know 2S-GEN name 1S  possessing
      'She said: "I don't know your name, my love,'

[154] ya ni-bay ni-m'  m[a.sup.n]. //
      1S NEG:PRF-know 2S-GEN name
      'I don't know your name.'

[155] amma ?da ni [k.sup.w]ay-z[i.sup.n]-?ay, // ni mi-zi  da,  ni
m' -z[i.sup.n]-?ay." [as.for.sup.HA] if  2S FUTI-catch-1S  2S
this-ANP TOP 2S SBJ-catch-1S 'But if you were to catch me, just like
that, you should catch me"'

[156] a  sin a-si:  " ?a si- b-[k.sup.w]ay-zin-ni  mi-zi  da,  //
      3S say 3S-DAT 1S  NEG-IMPF-FUTI-take-2S this-ANP TOP
      'He said: "I will not take you like that,'


zin-ni< zini-ni.
[157] say  [day]  inda  ni- har ?a-si  ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n],
      [just.sup.HA] [???] if  2S-tell 1S-DAT 1S-GEN name
      'only if you tell me my name,'

[158] ni [m'.sup.] -zinkis  ni m'-  ni ni-bay  ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n]
      [ay[a.sup.n] wku]." //
      [k.sup.w]ay
      2S SBJ-  2S SBJ-go  2S NEG:PRF-  1S-  name ???  ???
      [move.sup.TU]  know  GEN
      'you should move away and go, you don't know my name [???]".'

[159] a  yadda yat:  "har ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n], har ?a-m'  m[a.sup.n]."
      3S still  return tell  1S-GEN name tell 1S-GEN name
      'She came back again: "Say my name, say my name."'


Line 159-163 are sung, but in a faster and less melodious manner than previously.
[160] a  sin a-si:  //
      3S say 3S-DAT
      'She said:'

[161] "?a  ni-bay  ni-m'  m[a.sup.n], ?a ni-bay  ni-m'  m[a.sup.n],
      1S NEG:PRF-know 2S-GEN name 1S NEG:PRF-know 2S-GEN name
      '"I don't know your name, I don't know your name,'

[162] assabi, ?a ni-bay  ni-m'  m[a.sup.n], //
     [boy.sup.AR]  1S NEG:PRF-know 2S-GEN name
     'boy, I don't know your name,'

[163] amma  ?da ni [k.sup.w]ay-z[i.sup.n]-?ay ni ni m'-z[i.sup.n]-?ay
      mi-zi  da." // [as.for.sup.HA] if  2S FUTI-catch-1S 2S 2S
      SBJ-catch-1S this-ANP TOP 'But if you were to catch me, you
      should catch me like that."'

[164] a  sin: "baybo, ?a si- k-[k.sup.w]ay-zin-ni."
      3S say [no.sup.TU]  1S NEG-IMPF-FUTI-take-2S
      'He said: "No, I will not take you."'

[165] say  ahinza? wane  say  a  sin?: //
      [just.sup.HA] three  possessing [just.sup.HA] 3S say
      'And the third time she said:'

[166] Askandarii na  Hawwa Askandari //
      [Alexander.sup.AR] [of.sup.HA] [Eve.sup.AR]  [Alexander.sup.AR]
      'Alexander son of Eve,'


The entire phrase 166-167 has a song-like intonation.
[167] Askandam na  Hawwa  may  nabuusa. //
     [Alexander.sup.AR] [of.sup.HA] [Eve.sup.AR]  [have.sup.HA]?
     whistle 'Alexander son of Eve with the whistle.'

[168] silili-yo  kubay k[o.sup.?]ina //
      ululation-PL meet  [everywhere.sup.HA]
      'There was ululation everywhere,'


The phrase 168-169 is pronounced by the storyteller with evident delight.

k[o.sup.?]ina. Code-switch from Hausa koo'inaa 'everywhere'.
[169] daya-y(o) ingi-qa silili-yo  // da?a-y(o) ingi-qa silili-yo.  //
      place-PL  3P-all  ululation-PL  place  3P-all  ululation-PL
      'The whole place--ululation. The whole place--ululation!'

[170] siikeen[a.sup.n], way  kayna-yo? // ?da g(a)  a-?a  s[i.sup.n]:
     [ok.sup.HA]  woman small-PL  if  when 3S-PRX say
     'That's it, the girls, when one said:'

[171] "?ay da da  [k.sup.w]ay-si saliga."
      1S  TOP FUTI-be [cesspit.sup.HA]
      'I shall be her cesspit.'

[172] say  a-?a  s[i.sup.n]: "
      ?ay da  [k.sup.w]ay-si // himay  ?  da." //
      [just.sup.HA] 3S-PRX say 1S  TOP FUTI-be  washing GEN place
      'another said: "I shall be her washing place."'

[173] " ?ay da  [k.sup.w]ay-si  sambu."
      1S  TOP FUTI-be brazier
      '"And I shall be her brazier."'

[174] " ?ay da  [k.sup.w]ay-si ?aamu?."
      1S  TOP FUTI-be slave.girl
      '"And I shall be her slave girl."'

[175] ingi-qa i  yat.  //
      3P-all  3P return
      'They all went back.'

[176] meera way  ki??a  s[u.sup.n]fu,  siikeen[a.sup.n] // inga da  a
      hik.  // [now.sup.TU]  woman small [be.at.ease.sup.TU]
      [ok.sup.HA]  3S  TOP 3S marry 'Now the girl was at ease, that's
      it, she married.'

[177] kurunku?s, kurunku?su?
      [[final formula of the story].sup.HA]


This is the Hausa closing formula ?urun?us! "it is off!" (Ahmad 1997:18).

5. References

Abraham, R.C. 1962. Dictionary of the Hausa language. London: University of London Press.

Ahmad, Said Babura. 1997. Narrator as interpreter. Stability and variation in Hausa tales. Cologne: Rudiger Koppe.

Alidou, Ousseina. 1988. Tasawaq d'In-Gall. Esquisse linguistique d'une langue dite << mixte >>. Memoire d'Etudes et de Recherches, Universite de Niamey (MA Thesis).

Bernard, Yves and Mary White-Kaba. 1994. Dictionnaire zarma--francais. Paris: Agence de Cooperation Culturelle et Technique.

Bernus, Edmond & Suzanne Bernus. 1972. Du sel et des dattes. Introduction a l'etude de la communaute d'In Gall et de Tegidda-n-tesemt (Etudes nigeriennes, n[degrees] 31). Niamey: Centre Nigerien de Recherches en Sciences Humaines.

Calame-Griaule, Genevieve. 2002. Contes tendres, contes cruels du Sahel nigerien. Paris: Gallimard.

Christiansen-Bolli, Regula. 2010. A grammar of Tadaksahak, a Northern Songhay language of Mali. Cologne: Rudiger Koppe.

Heath, Jeffrey. 1998a. Dictionnaire songhay--anglais--francais. Tome I. Koyra Chiini. Paris: L'Harmattan.

--. 1998b. Dictionnaire songhay-anglais-francais. Tome II. Djenne Chiini. Paris: L'Harmattan.

Kossmann, Maarten. 2007. Grammatical borrowing in Tasawaq. Grammatical borrowing in cross-linguistic perspective, ed. by Yaron Matras and Jeanette Sakel 75-90. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

--. 2008. The borrowing of aspect as lexical tone: y-initial Tuareg verbs in Tasawaq (Northern Songhay). Studies in African Linguistics 36/2.151-166.

--. 2009. On genitive linking in Songhay. Afrikanistik Online. http://www.afrikanistik-online.de/archiv/2009/1740/

--. 2010a. On relative clauses in Northern Songhay: Tuareg and Songhay components. Aspects of co- and subordination--Case studies from African, Slavonic and Turkic languages, ed. by Georg Ziegelmeyer and Norbert Cyffer, 251-267. Cologne: Rudiger Koppe.

--. 2010b. Parallel system borrowing: Parallel morphological systems due to the borrowing of paradigms. Diachronica 27/3.459-487.

--. 2011. Adjectives in Northern Songhay. Afrika und Ubersee 90. 109-132.

--. 2012. Pharyngealization and the vowel system of Tasawaq (Northern Songhay). Nordic Journal of African Studies 21/1. 21-33.

Lacroix, Pierre Francis. 1971. L'ensemble songhay-jerma : problemes et themes de travail. Actes du 8e congres international de linguistique africaine. Universite d'Abidjan. Societe de Linguistique d'Afrique Occidentale, 24-28 mars 1969, 87-99. Abidjan.

--. 1980. Les parlers du sous-ensemble Songhay-Zarma septentrional. Vol. I: Dictionnaire francais--tasawaq; Vol. II: Dictionnaire tasawaq--francais. (microfilm; not consulted)

Newman, Paul. 2000. The Hausa language. An encyclopedic reference grammar. New Haven & London: Yale University Press.

--. 2007. A Hausa-English dictionary. New Haven and London: Yale University Press.

Nicolai, Robert. 1979. Le songhay septentrional (etudes phonematiques). Bulletin de l'IFAN 41, serie B/1. 304-370, 539-567, 829-866.

--. 1979-84. Sur la phonologie des langues 'mixtes' du songhay septentrional. Comptes rendus du GLECS 24-28. 395-412.

--. 1980. Le songhay septentrional (etudes prosodiques). Itinerances... en pays peul et ailleurs. Melanges reunis a la memoire de Pierre Francois Lacroix I, 261-289. Paris: Societe des Africanistes.

--. 1981. Les dialectes du songhay. Contribution a l'etude des changements linguistiques. Paris: SELAF.

--. 1990. Parentes linguistiques (a propos du songhay). Paris: Editions du CNRS. Pucheu, Jacques. 1982. Contes haoussa du Niger. Paris: Karthala.

Rueck, Michael J. and Niels Christiansen. 2001. Northern Songhay Languages in Mali and Niger. A Sociolinguistic Survey. SIL International. http://www-01.sil.org/SILESR/1999/008/nsonghay.pdf.

Sidibe nee Ouedraogo, Alimata. 2002. Analyse critique de quelques opinions sur l'idiome des Isawaghan : le tasawaq. Mu ?ara sani, Revue de l'Institut de Recherches en Sciences Humaines (Universite Abdou Moumouni, Niamey) 10/1-2.185-197.

--. 2010a. Procedes de pluralisation et marques du pluriel dans une langue dite << mixte >> : le tasawaq d'Ingall. Nordic Journal of African Studies 19/2.108-123.

--. 2010b. Les extensions verbales dans le tasawaq. Etudes Saheliennes 4 (not consulted).

Souag, Lameen. 2012. The subclassification of Songhay and its historical implications. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics 33/2.181-213.

Wolff, H. Ekkehard and Manou Ousseina Alidou. 2001. On the non-linear ancestry of Tasawaq (Niger). Or: how "mixed" can a language be? Historical language contact in Africa, special volume of Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika, ed. by Derek Nurse, 523-574. Cologne: Rudiger Koppe.

Maarten Kossmann

Leiden University

(1) The field research on which this article is based was conducted in Agadez during the month of october 2003 in the framework of the NWO (Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research) project 'Tuareg and the Central Sahelian Languages: A History of Language Contact'. I wish to warmly thank Mrs. Ibrahim, born Nana Mariama Aweissou for her time and patience. I want to thank Lameen Souag and an anonymous reviewer for their pertinent remarks on different drafts of the article and Robert Nicolai for the opportunity to listen to his Tasawaq recordings. The following abbreviations are used: ANP: Anaphoric; [.sup.AR]: Arabic; DAT: Dative; DO: Direct Object; FOC: Focus; FUTI: Future I; FUTII: Future II; GEN: Genitive; [.sup.HA]: Hausa; IMPF: Imperfective; IMPT: Imperative; IO: Indirect Object; ITV: Itive; MAN: Mood-Aspect-Negation; NEG: Negation; P: Plural; PL: Plural; PREP: preposition; PRX: Proximal; S: Singular; SBJ: Subjunctive; TOP: Topic; [.sup.TU]: Tuareg; VNT: Ventive.

(2) Unfortunately, I have not been able to consult Lacroix (1980), which, as far I know, has only been distributed on microfilm.

(3) A large number of stories from In-Gall have been published in translation by Genevieve Calame-Griaule, among others Calame-Griaule 2002.

(4) The examples given in section 2 and 3 are based on the edited text and on elicitation with Mrs. Ibrahim, the same speaker that told the story.

(5) Due to the phonetic devoicing of vowels in final position and between voiceless consonants, it is often highly problematic to establish the tone of this suffix.

(6) Forms without tone marking have polar tone.

(7) The tone pattern in this form is unexpected, and may be a transcription error. In recordings made by Robert Nicolai I have heard zay-[k.sup.w]ay.

(8) In recordings made by Robert Nicolai also a variant to appears. In my data, similar vowel variations are found in the nouns se 'foot' - soo-yo 'feet' and haa 'thing' - hoo-?o 'this thing'.

(9) Nicolai (1980) and Alidou (1988) have -inda and -inda, respectively, both with a final Low tone. I have great difficulties in determining the tone of the last syllable in this morpheme and may have misheard it.

(10) According to Alidou (1988: 51) the nominalizing suffix -yo can be attached to all verbs in order to make a verbal noun. Mrs. Ibrahim accepted only very few verbal nouns with -yo.

(11) The tone pattern in this form is uncertain; possibly the suffix is -[.sup.H][a.sup.n]ha rather than all-Low -[a.sup.n]ha.
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