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(bn) agptr / (Binu) Agaptarri's House: A Functional Analysis of an Ugaritic "Archive" (PH Room 10).

In contrast to other archaeological sites of the ancient Near East that have preserved groups of tablets, generally only a single collection each, (1) Tell Ras Shamra/Ugarit offers the rare opportunity of demonstrating the existence of many so-called "archives." Some of these were recovered from topographical points (henceforth p.t.) of official importance (palaces and temples), while others belonged to private mansions. (2) It is usual to presume that both types of archives--official and private--accomplished different functions and followed different criteria of compilation, according to their owners' interests. Such criteria are clear enough in case of official archives, taking into account the requirements of public administration: commercial, financial, diplomatic, etc., on the one hand, and cultic and religious on the other. As for private or personal archives, the motivation for their compilation is more uncertain, given the variety of materials preserved in them, keeping in mind that in Ugarit there was seemingly a more or less "private" cult, (3) which might be reflected in the categories of texts preserved by individuals.

The epigrapher or commentator, even the mere text editor, has not in general up to now paid much attention to the archaeological context of the text, focusing only on its contents. Things have now begun to change in this regard. Within the complex panorama of the Ugaritic archival system we aim here to present a functional analysis of the archive found in the house complex recovered in the so-called "Tranchee Sud-acropole," consisting of three units named by the excavators "Maison d'Agipshari," "Maison du pretre-magicien / du pretre aux modeles de foies et du poumon" (Fig. 1), and "Bibliotheque de Lamashtu." (4)

Mme. Yon designates this architectural complex as an "Ensemble de batiments lies au culte et a la divination," (5) adding: "II se compose, semble-t-il, de deux batiments mitoyens, qui communiquent apparemment par une seule porte." In his turn, Courtois remarks more precisely about the "Maison du pretre-magicien": "Au total, et tout bien pense, il apparait que notre maison abritait a la fois la bibliotheque et le mobilier cultuel et liturgique d'un pretre-devin pratiquant l'hepatomancie pour des particuliers de haut rang, notament de gens du palais; ce pretre abritait egalement une ecole ou il instruisait un nombre restreint d'eleves-scribes mais, selon nous, cette activite etait secondaire par rapport a l'activite principale, relative aux divers aspects de la celebration du culte officiel d'Ougarit..." (6) We are in agreement with this view, with some doubts, however, concerning the "secondary" nature of the scribal training provided by the master.

As for the complex activity of the diviner-priest, we will return to the opposition--or rather complementarity--between his official sacrificial cultic responsibilities and his divinatory-magical practice. In any case, we already have a sketchy answer to the question put forward above on the compilation and practical criteria of a private archive. The question now is to determine to what extent and in what sense the materials collected there match these criteria. (7)

Seen from inside, the tripartite archaeological space actually forms a single intercommunicating area, which means that it constituted a unit, as regards ownership and use. The northern part can be understood as the private residence, while the southern portion would constitute the functional space devoted to the practice of the professional activities of the owners, cultic-magical as well as pedagogical, which were in all probability intimately related. The magician apprentices would have acted as "deacons" or "acolytes" in the performances of the master magician priest.

The northern part of the building offered access to the southern section through a door opening into the hall in its southwest corner; the southern part in turn had direct access from outside. In this way, the hall was a real "vestibule" through which access to the cultic and training area was afforded to people from outside--individuals requesting the performance of an oracle or the services of a magician or scribal apprentice. The professional owners thereby maintained their domestic privacy, and also had a door to the outside in the other hall.

The second space suffered complete destruction in its southeastern section and thereby became wholly unidentifiable in function (court, aula, workshop ...?). Preserved here are two sub-areas: one on its northeastern edge ("Cella des tablettes" and "Fosse aux foies"), with its own access door, and the other in the southwestern portion of the complex ("Bibliotheque de Lamashtu"), whose entrance and point of contact with the rest of the abode have been lost. Herein were recovered the tools of the performance of magic (texts and exta models) and literary texts of the Babylonian tradition that supported the prestige and efficacy of the magical practice and in addition served as pedagogical material (see Fig. 2). "Une relation etroite existait manifestament entre ces deux nouvelles bibliotheques d'Ugarit, distantes seulement d'une quinzane de metres." (8)

However it must be always taken into account, as Mme. Yon constantly stresses, that tablets were in general very likely kept on the upper floor of buildings and fell into their present spot upon the destruction of the town. This is particularly likely in the case of the second southern library. Nevertheless, as far as I know, no archaeological description of this complex mentions the remains of staircases, so abundant in other Ugaritic archaeological spaces. Is it then possible that this particular very large building had only a ground floor? (9)

We take as our point of departure the two suggestions just discussed: 1) that we are dealing with an archive/workshop devoted to magical activities, mainly divination, carried out by an officially recognized cultic functionary, and 2) that the building complex in question forms an architectural unit, the home of this functionary, named (bn) Agaptarri, (10) who gathered in his archive texts and magical implements that served to certify his claims to office and that make clear to us his activity as a magician priest. Such an archive was in need of scribes, and apprentices were trained in the course of its operations. For the time being this interpretation must remain a hypothesis.

We will first focus our attention on the analysis of the epigraphic materials found in the space designated "PH Room 10" or "Cella aux tablettes." The so-called "cella" is divided into two areas by a partition wall with a "fosse" in its eastern part opening directly into the funerary space where tomb 3709 lies, (11) and may be considered a working space for magical incantations and necromantic practices. This division lends the "fosse" special ritual importance, namely that of afavissa where exta models, texts, or vessels that had been used in personalized magical practices and were thereby "contaminated" or had exhausted their magic efficacy were buried; they could not be reused. (12) The sense of contamination / purification and sacralization / desacralization was very strong in ancient society, as shown by ritual practice regarding the monarch.


As a starting point we may take the documents in both alphabetic Ugaritic and in Akkadian found in this spot, according to their distribution in KTU, and then according to the following categories:

KTU 1: literary and religious texts: KTU 1.100-105(1. 106), 1.107-11, 1.113-45(1.146), 1.147-58

a) KTU 4: economic texts: KTU 4.689, 4.727-37, 4.815

b) KTU 5: scribal exercises: KTU 5.20-21

c) KTU 6: inscription: KTU 6.62

d) KTU 7: unclassified texts and fragments: KTU 7.134-96, 7.201-13

e) KTU 8: illegible tablets and uninscribed fragments: KTU 8.15-22

Note that that we have no texts here belonging to the categories KTU 2 (letters) or KTU 3 (legal and juridical texts). We do find a pair of Akkadian texts and a small number of Hurrian texts (in all probability Human was the magician's mother tongue and the language of his original textual material). (13) We will return later to the main corpus of Akkadian texts, preserved in the Lamashtu (14) archive.

If we take "literary" in the sense of "mythological" or "epic," there are no texts of this sort in the archive. It is true that the archaeologists speak of "textes mythologiques," (15) but the editor of these texts had already remarked on the inappropriateness of this label, calling them rather "para-mythologiques," mythological in a secondary sense. (16) On the other hand "religious" is too generic a designation, so we will distinguish:


KTU 1.118 / RS 24.264 + 24.280 (from the "cella," p.t. 3751 + 3772), also found in the archive of the High Priest (KTU 1.47). (18) For another text of the same kind see the Akkadian god list AN = Anum, perhaps a library document from outside the "cella."

KTU 1.113 / RS 24.257

KTU 1.102/RS 24.246

KTU 1.123 / RS 24.271 (prayer?)


KTU 1.100 / RS 24.244 (from the "cella," p.t. 3687): (20) the great hierbs logos that introduces and justifies magical praxis within the Ugaritic religious system, in the guise of an incantation against the snakebite of horses. (21) Here the god of magic is introduced into the Ugaritic pantheon (whose other gods do not have magical powers), thus legitimating magic as a divinely sanctioned cultic praxis. The magician thereby becomes a priest. This composition might have been recited as an introitum to any magical performance.

KTU 1.114 / 24.258 (from the "cella," p.t. 3780): hierbs logos of the marzeah, establishing the efficacy of a medico-magical remedy for an alcoholic hangover through which contact with ghosts is achieved. (22) This usage is shown to be legitimate in restricted circumstances, in particular the gatherings of the so-called marzeah cultic associations. But one can imagine that individual experiences of this sort of necromancy were also legitimate, carried out and controlled by the magician priest. The house of the latter might even have been the seat of the marzeah cultic-magical gatherings, while this text was perhaps recited in both individual and group performances.

KTU 1.119: hieros logos of the magical cultic ritual for royal purification; see below.

The combination of mythical elements and healing prescriptions recalls Babylonian incantations and their distribution between the asipu and the asu (see del Olmo Lete 2014b: 5-6). (23) KTU 1.119 is prototypical in this regard, with its clear distinction between offering and purification rituals on the seventh and seventeenth days (11. 1-3 / 4a; 4b-5 / 6ff), resuming them (in another monthly ritual?) on the reverse with a new series of offerings (11. 18-22a), and ending with the king's purification by the official purifiers (mhllm) on the seventh day (11. 22bff.). But this text belongs to the type of the functional protocol, a form in which the name and circumstances of the beneficiary and of the magical performance are to be supplied. In such protocols there is no introductory mythological story; its function is the introduction and justification of the magical formula and practice.

In this context a brief comment on KTU 1.179 / RS 92.2016 is unavoidable. Elsewhere I have written: "... lines 30-35 ... provide a surprising parallelism of motifs with KTU 1.100: 70-76, which suggests that this text, at least its obverse, is rather a mythological midras or development of the my theme of Hordnu and his wife (notice that the colophon is by >Ilimilku [the scribe of the canonical mythological texts]) as the protecting deities against snake bite." (24) The text was recovered from Urtenu's house archive and it cannot be a coincidence that KTU 1.178 / RS 92.2014, an incantation against snakebite, spoken and written down on behalf of the same Urtenu, was also found there. (25)

It seems as if this very important person was especially threatened or perhaps just interested in magic in general and therefore gathered magical defenses against snakebite or any other evil under the snake symbol. These remedies included a personal incantation provided by the magician priest and the mythical recitation, in a copy personally inscribed by the official scribe, disciple of the chief "diviner" (prlri) [??]Attanu. Other texts from this archive also document the interest of Urtenu in divinatory practices (barutu) to safeguard his maritime commercial interests. (26)


KTU 1.107 / RS 24.251 / 262 / 265 / 267 / 275 (from the "fosse," p.t. 3751 + 3784 + 3751 + 3687 [not recorded in Courtois, Fig. 1] + 3781): The text was found in five fragments and "is in many respects similar to KTU 1.100 ... and represents an incantation against snakebite, with the notable intervention of the gods Sapsu and Horanu.... It includes the well-known repetition of the entreaty formula calling on a series of gods, in pairs as in the other quoted text. The fact that both texts contain an identical sequence shows a stable functional use." (27) But in this case the text is a private incantation composed and recited in favor of a certain srgzz, who, apparently having been bitten by a snake, ybky km n[??]r, "weeps like a boy."

This feature, as well as the purpose of the text, relates it to KTU 1.82 / RS 15.134 (from the "Central Palace Archive," p.t. 181), a miscellaneous incantation / anti-witchcraft composition against snakebite, one unit of which has preserved the personal names of the beneficiaries: ppsr (Papasarru) and his sister ppsrt (Papasarratu; see del Olmo Lete 2014b: 165ff.). The text KTU 1.178 / RS 92.2014 discussed earlier is of similar type. Also belonging to this category are KTU 1.169 / RIH 78/20 (from "Northern Palace RIH"), a miscellaneous incantation against verbal sorcery (see del Olmo Lete 2014b: 109ff.), and KTU 1.96 / RS 22.225 (from "Ville Sud, Maison aux Textes Litteraires"), an incantation against the "evil eye" (see del Olmo Lete 2014b: 128ff.).

The distribution of these incantations likely reveals the existence of authorized magicians in the service of individuals or public royal institutions. That the texts were simply archival material does not seem very likely. The relative abundance of incantations against snakebite is probably due to the prototypical value of the topic, as can be seen from KTU 1.100 (see above), which symbolizes the general evil threat against which the magical text offers apotropaic protection. We may suppose that it was ritually recited by the magician priest.


Extispicy (hepatoscopy): KTU 1.141-44 / RS 24.312, 24.323, 24.326, 24.327 (liver models from the "fosse," p.t. 3781, 3781, 3743, 3751); 1.127 / RS 24.277 (lung model from the "cella," p.t. 3681) (28)

Teratomancy (summa izbu): KTU 1.103 / RS 24.247 + 24.265 + 24.268 + 24.287 (from the "fosse," p.t. 3732, 3751, 3687, 3772, 3687); 1.140 / RS 24.302 (from the "cella," p.t. 3745) (29)

Inscribed on liver and lung models, KTU 1.141-44 and 1.127 leave little space for disagreement about their magical function. The uninscribed liver models (RS 24.310, 24.311, 24.312, 24.313, 24.314, 24.315, 24.316, 24.317, 24.318, 24.319, 24.320, 24.321, 24.320, 24.321, 24.322, 24.323, 24.325, 24.326, and 24.327, all found in the "fosse") are also functional magical instruments; further models of this type have been found elsewhere at Ras Shamra. (30) The very significant aspect here is that the four inscribed liver models carry the name of the beneficiary of the particular instance of divination praxis as well as the occasion or subject of the consultation. They are therefore personal texts, like those pointed out earlier. In fact, all the liver models may be considered "personal," the difference between inscribed and uninscribed likely dependent on the price paid to the scribe for the inscription. The lung model RS 24.277, on the other hand, seems to have a "national" reference. Perhaps an echo of the approaching last days of Ugarit can be read here: hm qrt tuhd hm mt y[??]l bns (11. 25-26). (31)

In this public or general category also belong the teratomancy texts KTU 1.103 / RS 24.247+ (in four fragments) and KTU 1.140 / RS 24.302. The first comes from the "fosse," and is a copy used in a consultation already carried out, while the second, found in the western part of the "cella," was perhaps deposited there as a working copy to be used when needed. The Mesopotamian origin of this kind of divinatory texts is well known and has been repeatedly analyzed. The Akkadian originals could be consulted in the "Lamashtu Bibliotheque," located only a few meters away (see below).

In contrast, no astrological text has been found in this archaeological deposit. Perhaps such magical divination praxis was not included among the competences of this magician priest. It is attested elsewhere at Ras Shamra (see KTU 1.78 / RS 12.061; KTU 1.163 / RIH 78/14).


KTU 1.104 / RS 24.248 (from the "cella," p.t. 3680) (del Olmo Lete 2014a: 257-62) (32)

KTU 1.124 / RS 24.272 (from the "cella," p.t. 3745) (Pardee 1988: 179-92; Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 205-40; del Olmo Lete 2014a: 261-65)

Nothing certain can be said about KTU 1.104, given its fragmentary state of preservation. As we will see later, several ritual texts from this archaeological ambit repeatedly include the "transmission of the word" (ttb rgm) in the context of the king's cultic praxis. "It can be supposed that the background to this 'response' was a 'question' or cultic consultation (irst)." (33) Perhaps we have here the official protocol of this function, namely, the magician's function as a diviner (Akk. bdru; see earlier on Urtenu's use of this divinatory praxis), a classical function of the magician in the ancient Near East, in some ways similar to Israelite prophecy (cf. consultations through the [??]efod in the Hebrew Bible, as well as Assyrian "prophecy"). (34)

With the second text (KTU 1.124) we have an actual cultic consultation (ysa[??]l) for a baby's health with a magico-medical prescription and a magical performance including a purification (*mhy; see below). The setting is clearly cultic; the rite is to be performed in the temples of Horanu and Ba[??]lu. The introduction of Ditanu as the deity to whom the consultation is addressed allows us to surmise that we are dealing with necromancy concerning a royal child (yld). The text, as I wrote years ago, "could be a 'summons' in the style of 1 Sm 28:3ff. (the necromancer of Endor, ba[??][.sup.a]lat[??]ob), performed by the necromancer priest in his own house or in a private sanctuary, where the tablet was found, and to be so the protocol of an actual cultic 'consultation.'" (35) Dietrich and Loretz's conclusion was quite similar. (36)


KTU 1.119 / RS 24.266: hi mlk... yths mlk brr... w hi mlk (from the "cella," p.t. 3759) (Pardee 2000: 661-88, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 245-57, 392-95)

KTU 1.105 / RS 24.249: 19-20: yrths mlk brr (from the "cella," p.t. 3783) (Pardee 2000: 574-87, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 205-10)

KTU 1.106 / RS 24.250+: 23-27, 31-33: hi mlk... yrths mlk brr... ttb rg[m] (from the "cella," p.t. 3783) (Pardee 2000: 588-600, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 186-92, 383-85)

KTU 1.109 / RS 24.253:2: yrths mlk b[rr] (from the "fosse," p.t. 3772) (Pardee 2000: 601-14; del Olmo Lete 2014a: 225-30) (37)

KTU 1.112 / RS 24.256: 9-11,16-17, 20: hi mlk... yrths mlk brr... wrgm gtrm ytlb (from the "cella," p.t. 3771) (Pardee 2000: 630-42, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 192-205)

KTU 1.115 / RS 24.260: 6: hll ydm (from the "cella," p.t. 3745) (Pardee 2000: 643-51, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 219-25)

This set of texts recording cultic offerings or neomeniae seems out of place in this archive. One would expect to find these cultic or offering texts in an archive attached to a temple or in the archive of the High Priest, itself located in the neighborhood of the Baal temple. (Notice that (bn) [??]agptr's house is also located in the "Tranchee Sud-Acropole," close to the cultic quarter.) On the contrary, in this archive of the High Priest were kept mythological texts, above all those of the Baal cycle. Nevertheless, these texts share some non-sacrificial features: all make reference to rituals that are not offering or sacrificial rites, although closely connected with them. Thus all mention the "king's purification / sacralization" (hl mlk, ytrhs mlk brr ...). In this connection KTU 1.119 must be singled out, for it mentions, besides the purification formula hi mlk (1. 24), the officiant of such a rite (1. 23: mhll [Akk. mullilu < elelu I *hll, "der Reiniger"]) (38) and its basic element, the magical unction formula (hn smn slm b[??]l mtk mlkm risyt, 11. 24-25). The purification-unction ceremony ends with a solemn prayer.

In a certain way this text functions as the "protocol" or hieros logos of a ritual action with a strong magical component, clearly different from t[??]y's sacrificial function. The formula as well as the closing prayer refers back implicitly to Ba[??]lu's royal power, developed in the classic Baal cycle. It is obvious that the magical performance took place in the temple, fully integrated into the sacrificial liturgy. Purity and concomitant purification were categories of the highest importance in all Near Eastern religions and cults. (39)

It is significant that offering texts have turned up almost nowhere else (the most outstanding exception is the duplicate KTU 1.41 / KTU 1.87, found in the Library of the High Priest and in the Central Palace). (40) On the contrary, other non-sacrificial ritual texts, aside from those dealt with here, bear strong magico-divinatory implications.

Another magical performance found here is the oracular / divinatory cultic praxis carried out by the king. An "answer" (ttb rgm) implies a previous "consultation" (ysal). (41) This attests to the fusion of cult and magic on display in KTU 1.100. In turn, the frequent offerings of kbd(m) and nps, mainly to the ins ilm, may cover extispicy.


KTU 1.102 / RS 24.246 (from the "fosse," p.t. 3701) (dynastic pantheon and royal divine names; Pardee 2000: 520-31, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 117-29, 351-55)

KTU 1.108 / RS 24.252 (from the "cella," p.t. 3769) (royal deification; Pardee 1988: 75-118, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 149-56)

KTU 1.113 / RS 24.257 (from the "cella," p.t. 3771) (celebration of divine kingship; Pardee 1988: 165-78, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 137ff., 145ff.)

KTU 1.132 / RS 24.291 (from the "cella?," p.t. 3681) (hierogamy / enthronment: [??]rs pdry ...hl mlk; Pardee 2000: 738-44, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 168-73) (42)

RS 24.309A (from outside the "cella," p.t. 3521) (fragment of the classical Akk. god list AN = Anum) (43)

Closely related to the texts just quoted is a set of tablets listing royal names and indicating the divine character of the Ugaritic kings. We are dealing here with a "rite de passage" in whose performance the magician priest's participation was crucial. In this context KTU 1.108 stands as the likely hieros logos of royal deification. Of course, this is intrinsically related to the death of the king and his funerary celebration and burial, of which KTU 1.161 / RS 34.126 (from the "tas de deblais") is the most impressive witness. The royal naming, besides being a mythological topic (see KTU 1.1 IV 14), is clearly attested by the reverse of KTU 1.102: 15-28 (list of royal divine names) and the offerings presented to some of these "king-gods" (ydbil, yarsil, [??]mtr) in KTU 1.106 / RS 24.250+: 3-5. The possible function of these texts in a funerary context and in dynastic or necromantic practices, carried out at the magician-priest's house / workshop or at the royal palace, is obvious. (44) The magician-priest had to be well informed concerning the succession of kings and the pantheon into which they had now entered.


KTU 5.20 / RS 24.492 (from the "cella," p.t. 3745) (abecedary)

KTU 5.21 / RS 24.288 (from the "cella," p.t. 3740) (abecedary) (45)

KTU 1.101 / 24.245 (from the "fosse?," p.t. 3772) (copy of mythological text?) (Pardee 1988: 119-52)

KTU 1.133 / RS 24.293 (from the "cella," p.t. 3745) (copy of KTU 1.5 I 11ff.)

RS 25.128 (from outside the "cella," p.t. 3971) (Akkadian sign list) (46)

These texts--abecedaries, copies of classical mythological texts, and an Akkadian sign list, which come from outside the area of our focus, provide evidence of the function of the house as an eduba for the magician-scribe's apprentices. It is clear that these miscellaneous tablets were "text books" employed in the training of young scribes or are examples of their exercises.

KTU 1.101 / RS 24.245 seems to be a copy of a mythical text, especially the reverse (see KTU 1.3 II 31-33 + III 4-6); the obverse was quite likely also a copy of an unknown lost mythical motif of the main Baal Cycle or of another tablet of the minor cycle. Alternatively it might be the mythical introitum of an incantation or of the hierbs logos of a purification (note the vocabulary: smn slm ... trths ... , as well as the music and singing) of which the medico-magical application is lacking. Its recovery from the "fosse" and its structure, very similar to that of KTU 1.107, speak in favor of the first hypothesis.


KTU 4.727 / RS 24.289 (from the "fosse," p.t. 3743) (list of houses / households) (47)

KTU 4.728 / RS 24.292 (from the "fosse?," p.t. 3708) (list of persons) (48)

KTU 4.729 / RS 24.301 (from outside the "cella," p.t. 3646) (record of "shepherds") (49)

The presence of this sort of text, especially KTU 4.727 and 4.728, in the present archaeological context is also surprising. A good explanation would be to view them as lists of beneficiaries of extispicies whose names do not appear on the (un-inscribed) liver models. Perhaps these persons or families could not afford a personally inscribed liver model. KTU 4.729 is simply a record of the house's workers in charge of its flocks--perhaps of specially selected animals--that provided the necessary exta for extispicy. It might even have been a sort of salary record. But taking into account its p.t. and despite the excavation season in which it was recovered (RS 24), we can confidently conclude that this tablet has nothing to do with Agaptarru's house nor with the locus PH Room 10.


KTU 6.62 / RS 25.318 (from outside the "cella," p.t. 4058) (bn agptr) (50)

Although located at some distance from PH Room 10, the text inscribed on this lion protome has great significance because it likely provides the patronymic of the house owner. The name is of clear Hurrian origin, which, along with the finding of a set of Hurrian tablets here, has prompted its designation as the "Maison du Pretre Hourrite" in the sense of magician priest.


RS 24.309A (from outside the "cella," p.t. 3521) (fragment of Akk. god list AN =Anum) (51)

RS 25.128 (from outside the "cella," p.t. 3971) (Akkadian sign list)

According to Yon 1997: 110 only two Akkadian texts were found in this archaeological context; Bordreuil and Pardee 1989 record seven fragmentary texts from the "2[4.sup.e] campaigne," all coming from the "cella" or outside (RS 24.076, 24.273, 24.299, 24.307A, 24.309A, 24.309B, 24.657), except for one from the "fosse" (RS 24.273, p.t. 3781). But since all but one (24.309A) are still unpublished, nothing can be said about their content or function. (52)


KTU 1.116 / RS 24.261 (from the "cella," p.t. 3701) (offering text, qrat bgrn) (Ug. V: 499-504)

KTU 1.125 / RS 24.274 (from the "cella," p.t. 3781) (offering text) (Ug. V: 504-7)

KTU 1.110 / RS 24.254 (from the "cella," p.t. 3680) (offering text) (Ug. V: 507-8)

KTU 1.135 / RS 24.295 (from the "cella," p.t. 3745) (fragmentary god list) (Ug. V: 508)

KTU 1.111 / RS 24.255 (from the "cella," p.t. 3771) (offering text for the king's divinization?) (Ug. V: 509, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 161-68)

KTU 1.132 / RS 24.291 (from the "cella," p.t. 3681) (offering text, for the king's enthronement / hierogamy) (Ug. V: 509-10, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 168-73) (54)

KTU 1.128 / RS 24.278 (from the "cella," p.t. 3772) (hymn or incantation?) (see KTU: 143, Ug. V: 510, Dietrich 2004: 28-29, Dijkstra 2016: 124-26)

KTU 1.131 / RS 24.285 (from the "cella," p.t. 3687) (hymn or incantation?) (see KTU: 145, Ug. V: 511, Dietrich 2004: 30-31)

KTU 1.149 / RS 24.644 (from the "cella," p.t. 3777) (fragmentary) (Ug. V: 516-17)

KTU 1.120 / RS 24.269 + 297 (from the "cella," p.t. 3726) (fragmentary) (Ug. V: 517)

KTU 1.148 / RS 24.643: 13-17 (from the "cella," p.t. 3759) (offering text) (Ug. V: 517-18; see Lam, 2006)

All of these texts come from the "cella," none from the "fosse," which means that they are working copies to guide the performance of magical procedures. Common and exclusive to most of them is the use of the Hurrian term for sacrifice or offering athlm (KTU 1.110, 111 [+ mlk], 116, 125, 132) (Laroche 1968: 501). (55) Perhaps these rituals deal with the king's purification or some other kind of magical ritual, although purification terminology (*rhs, brr) and formulas for cultic consultation (ttb rgm) are not present in them. Our tenuous understanding of these texts makes any further speculation hazardous. In any case, the presence of Hurrian cultic texts in the workshop / archive of a Hurrian magician priest does not need further explanation.


KTU 1.117 / RS 24.263 (from the "fosse," p.t. 3784) (copy of mythological text?) (Herdner 1978: 64-74, Pardee 2000: 257-60)

KTU 1.121 / RS 24.270 (from "cella," p.t. 3727) (duplicate of KTU 1.40: 35-36, 39-41) (Herdner 1978: 73, Pardee 2000: 686-88) (56)

KTU 1.122 / RS 24.270B (from the "cella," p.t. 3727) (duplicate of KTU 1.40: 41-43) (Herdner 1978: 73, Pardee 2000: 689-90)

KTU 1.126 / RS 24.276 (from the "cella," p.t. 3759) (offering text: mlk... yttb) (Milik 1978: 138-40, Pardee 2000: 707-11)

KTU 1.129 / RS 24.282 (from the "cella," p.t. 3681) (copy of mythical text?) (Herdner 1978: 67-68)

KTU 1.130 / RS 24.284 (from the "cella," p.t. 37.45) (offering text) (Milik 1978: 135-38, Pardee 2000: 728-37)

KTU 1.134 / RS 24.294 (from the "fosse," p.t. 3743) (offering text) (Pardee 2000: 751-53)

KTU 1.136 / RS 24.290A (from the "cella," p.t. 3759) (offering text) (Herdner 1978: 69-71, Pardee 2000: 754-55)

KTU 1.137 / RS 24.296B (from the "cella," p.t. 3759?) (Herdner 1978: 69-71, Pardee 2000: 756-57)

KTU 1.138 / RS 24.298 (from the "cella," p.t. 3759) (offering text) (Pardee 2000: 758-59)

KTU 1.139 / RS 24.300 (from the "cella," p.t. 3687) (offering text: p]dry bt mlk ...; see KTU 1.132 above) (Milik 1978: 144-45, Pardee 2000: 760-62)

KTU 1.146 / RS 24.523 (from the "tombe," p.t. 3709) (offering text) (Pardee 2000: 777-78)

KTU 1.147 / RS 24.642A (from the "cella," p.t. 3753) (offering text?) (Clemens 2001: 1213)

KTU 1.151 / RS 24.647 (from the "cella," p.t. 3783) (copy of mythological text?)

KTU 1.152 / RS 24.649A + B (from the "cella," p.t. 3777?) (Dietrich and Loretz 1991: 99-101)

KTU 1.153 / RS 2.650B (from the "cella," p.t. 3777?) (Pardee 2000: 807-8)

KTU 1.154 / RS 24.652G + K (from the "cella," p.t. 3771) (duplicate of KTU 1.40: 28ff.) (Pardee 2000: 809-10)

KTU 1.156 / RS 24.656 (from the "cella," p.t. 3760?) (Clemens 2001: 1215)

KTU 1.157 / RS 28.054A / RS 24.[662] (from the "cella," p.t. 3759) (copy of mythological text: ymlk... ml[k.sup.1])

KTU 4.730 / RS 24.303 (from the "cella," p.t. 3745) (PN list) (UET: 469, Milik 1978: 146)

KTU 4.731 / RS 24.304 (from the "cella," p.t. 3694?) (UET: 469f.)

KTU 4.732 / RS 254.642E + F (from the "cella," p.t. 3757?) (UET: 469)

KTU 4.733 / RS 24.642G (from the "cella," p.t. 3757?) (UET: 469-70)

KTU 4.734+ / RS 24.651A+ (from the "cella," p.t. 3771?) (UET: 470-71)

KTU 4.735 / RS 24.65IB (from the "cella," p.t. 3771?) (UET: 471)

KTU 4.736 / RS 24.651C (from the "cella," p.t. 3771?) (UET: 471)

KTU 4.737 / RS 24.655C (from the "cella," p.t. 3760?) (UET: 471-72) (57)

KTU 4.815 / RS 24.648A (from the "cella," p.t. 3783?) (Clemens 2001: 557-59)

KTU 7.134-213 / RS 24.308B, 24.642B-1,24.648B-D, 24.649D, 24650A-L, 24.651D-F, 24.652A-R, 24.653B-H, 24.655A-0, 28.054CJ, 28.058A-H (from the "cella," p.t. 3753, 3759, 3760, 3771, 3777, 3782, 3783?) (These texts show only partial words and isolated signs; they are not even recorded in UET)

KTU 8.15-22 / RS 24.653G-1,24.28.054K-M, 24.058I-K (p.t. 3773,3759) (traces of signs)

The purpose of citing all these fragmentary texts is to convey an impression of the importance of this archive or library. "La cella aux tablettes" thus appears as an actual working library. The number of original tablets would have been just half or even one-third of the total number of fragments--in fact no single tablet is complete. But even so, the magician priest had complete information on public cultic requirements and individual requests which could require his cultic-magical services.

In this regard the first set of texts (KTU 1.117-57), the only one from which definite information can be drawn, reveals the basic categories that we would expect, given the previous analysis of the well preserved texts: copies of mythological texts, mainly as scribal exercises or perhaps as mythologemes spoken in accompaniment of the physical magic performance, and offering texts or lists in which magical activities (royal purification, cultic consultations, etc.) are mentioned.

In fact the magician priest, in possession of all these cultic texts, appears to have been the main cultic officiant of Ugarit, apart from the king, who served as the only offering and sacrificial priest and the rb khnm. But even in his undisputed prerogatives, the king had to resort to the good offices of the magician priest in order to perform the purification rites that would allow him to go in and out (hl + brr) of the sacred sphere.

In this connection we must look beyond the sacrificial function in search of a term to describe the cultic role of the magician priest. The most solid candidate is khn (Hurr. prln / Akk. baru, asipu,...), which maintains its well-known meaning "diviner," as the Arabic lexicon testifies (kahin). (58) The only other cultic personnel recorded in the administrative texts (KTU 4) are qdsm, srm, and sib mqdst. (59) Note also the famous Ilimilku's colophon signature: prln rb khnm.

Under Niqmaddu III the office of prln-high khn was held by atn (Attanu, also a Hurrian) (see DUL: 119), who lived in the same (south)-acropolis quarter, just across the road (60) from khn Binu Agaptarri, who, we may suggest, was one of his subordinates. The ceremonial weapons (axes), bearing his official title, rb khnm (KTU 6.6:1, 6.7:1, 6:81, 6.10:1), were found in this, his own house.

Misled by the Biblical Hebrew use of kohen, we have tended to understand khn as "priest" in the sense of "sacrificer," as was also the case in Greco-Roman religion and as has been inherited by Christianity. That is, we have assumed that sacrifice--literal or symbolic--is always the main cultic performance. (61) Furthermore, mhll seems in Ugaritic to be a functional descriptive designation rather than a categorical label. In fact, it does not appear in administrative lists. (62)

But the prln/rb khnm Attanu was also the t[??]y of king Niqmaddu. This term has a well-known double meaning: the civil role of "premier, vizier" (63) and the cultic function of "offerant, sacrificer." (64) In both cases the t[??]y acts as the deputy of the king, the notional sole offering priest. In this manner Attanu represents the fusion of the cultic and magical religious systems. (65) His position stands out within the social organization of Ugarit, and in no administrative record does the t[??]y(m) appear alongside the cultic functionaries (khnm, qdsm, srm) or civil officials (n[??]rm, nqdnm, etc.) discussed above. (66)


As has been already pointed out, the archaeological locus under consideration is adjacent on its southwestern side to the structure designated alternately as "Bibliotheque annexe des textes medico-magiques et literaires," "Maison aux textes medico-magiques," and "Bibliotheque (de) Lamashtu," due to the contents of many of the texts found there during seasons 25 (1962) and 26 (1963). (67) According to Mme. Yon, this spot "a fourni environ soixante-dix tablettes en accadien" (1997: 110). In fact, TEO records some 184 texts for the two seasons, but after joins were identified, the number is more or less that put forward by Yon. "A cote de lettres privees ou royales et de textes economiques ou juridiques, (68) environ cinquante textes relevent de la tradition proprement babylonienne: textes litteraires; textes lexicographiques; nombreux textes magiques ou medico-magiques, dont une version de la Lamashtou ...; des textes concernant les rituels d'accouchement, le traitement des yeux..." (1997: 110). That is to say, aside from a small quantity of the type of administrative records (letters, economic and legal material, in alphabetic Ugaritic) generated by any public institution, the greatest number of texts are copies of Akkado-Babylonian originals destined to guide the magical practice and training of young scribes and the magician apprentice.

It is a pity that up to now only a few of these texts have been published--only 26 of the total 184. In addition, TEO does not provide any definition of the contents or genre of the texts, which allows no real consideration of them. However, we must assume that in general they belong to the same categories as those already published. In the few last years, Arnaud (2007) has added some twenty pieces to the total of published texts. (69) His proposed distribution of texts from this archive-library is as follows:

1. Textes divinatoires

RS 25.452 ("fragment hepatoscopique," p. 47)

RS 25.141 ("almanach," p. 54)

2. Incantations

RS 25:422 ("fragment de l'enuru avec rituel," pp. 60-62)

RS 25.513 ("incantation contre la Lamastu," pp. 62-63) (70)

RS 25.420 + 25.440 / 445 / 447 / 45[6.sup.a] / 459C ("incantations contre la Lamastu;' pp. 63-73) (71)

RS 25.436 ("Sin et la taure," pp. 75-77)

RS 25.511A ("fragment de texte medico-magique," pp. 89-90)

RS 25.456B ("recueil de rituels et d'incantations," pp. 90-96)

RS 25.418 ("fragment de ritual magique," pp. 98-99)

3. Hymnes et prieres

RS 26.141 ("hymne bilingue a Enki-Ea," pp. 101-3)

RS 25.443 ("fragment d'hymne a Samas," pp. 108-9);

RS 25.432 ("fragment d'hymne a Samas," p. 110)

RS 25.460 ("hymne a Marduk" / "(juste) soufrant," pp. 110-14) (72)

RS 26.152 ("ritual sous les etoiles," p. 119)

RS 25.435 ("l'Epopee de Tukulti-Ninurta," pp. 120-23)

RS 25.431A ("benediction sur le roi a son entree dans le nouveau palais," pp. 123-24)

RS 25.427 ("priere privee a Enlil-Assur," pp. 124-25)

4. Textes sapientiaux

RS 25.130 ("la ballade des heros du temps jadis," pp. 142-45)

RS 25.424 ("la ballade des heros du temps jadis," pp. 145-48)

RS 25.421 + 25?.135A + ("le 'signalement lyrique'" from Bogazkoy, pp. 179-85)

RS 25.526A ("la fable du renard et du chien," pp. 186-89)

5. Fragments litteraires non identifies

RS 26.153 (pp. 195-96)

RS 25.444 (pp. 196-97)

RS 25.517 (p. 197)

RS 26.143 (pp. 197-98)

RS 26.152/159 (p. 198)

6. Gestion de Bibliotheque

RS 25.462 ("catalogue de bibliotheque," pp. 203-5)

7. Amulette

RS 25.457 ("amulette," contre la Lamastu, p. 207) (73)

KTU 6.95 / RS 25.188 (from outside, stamp seal amulet) (74)

7a. Additions (published by Nougayrol)

RS 25.438C ("liste An," fragment) (Ug. V: 324)

RS 25.511B ("fragment d'un tableau des poids") (Ug. V: 324)

RS 26.142 ("liste de divinites") (Ug. V: 321-22)

RS 26.158 ("fragment de lettre") (Ug. V: 323-24)

RS 25.133 ("Silbenalphabet") (AS 16: 31-33)

RS 25.446+ ("Syllabaire en u-a-i") (AS 16: 29-33)

8. Lexicographical texts (published by Civil, Cavigneaux, and Kennedy)

RS 25.433 (MSL SS 1: 75-89)

RS 25.442 (MSL SS 1: 75-89)

RS 25.459A-B (MSL SS 1: 75-89)

RS 25.526C (MSL SS 1: 75-89)

RS 25.526D (MSL SS 1: 75-89)

RS 26.160 (MSL SS 1: 75-89)

RS 25.415 (MSL 10: 37-50)

RS 26.137 + 26.144 (MSL 10: 37-50)

RS 25.419 (MSL 11: 169)

RS 25.455 (MSL 14: 143-44)

RS 26.139A (MSL 17: 10)

RS 25.425 (MSL 17: 44)

KTU 5.22 / RS 26.135 (from outside, list of words, scribal exercise) (75)

8a. Letters (published by Lackenbacher, LAPO 20) (76)

RS 25.131 (Fs. Sjoberg: 318, LAPO 20, 200)

RS 25.461 (Fs. Sjoberg: 317f., LAPO 20, 97)

9. Alphabetic texts

KTU 4.742 / RS 25.139 (fragmentary record of persons and payments) (UET: 450)

KTU 4.743 / RS 25.140 (fragmentary record of persons and payments) (UET: 472)

KTU 4.744 / RS 25.143? (UET: 541)

KTU 4.745 / RS 25.417 (list of professions) (UET: 453-54)

KTU 4.746 / RS 26.156 (record of dd deliveries of food to individuals) (UET: 451-52)

KTU 4.747 / RS 26.161 (fragmentary record of deliveries) (UET: 452)

This distribution of the corpus of texts found at the so-called "Bibliotheque annexe de textes medico-magiques et litteraires" thus illuminates its function: first as a reference library of classic Akkadian texts of magical performance, which may have functioned as prototypes and guides for the shaping of Ugaritic models. The second and primary set aimed at the instruction of young people entering this profession in the proper religious attitude towards the patron gods, an attitude that they would be required to exhibit most sincerely in the exercise of their activities--in magic as well as in their personal ethical behavior. Of course, the technical training of the young magician as a scribe and literate individual was of the greatest importance for the institution, because this profession was based on the correct usage of formulae, which demanded a thorough mastery of languages both classical (Akkadian) and functional (Ugaritic and possible also Hurrian).

The presence in this corpus of a number of inscribed magical objects (along with some Egyptian scarabs and seals) suggests its practical use in particular circumstances and its provision of prototypes for further elaboration, rather than a mere collection of texts. It is somewhat surprising to find texts of clear economic administrative and even private character in this scholarly context. (77) This reveals the complexity of the household under investigation and the quotidian activities carried out in the "Maison du pretre-magicien hourrite," including the support of the personnel employed there. Perhaps the workers and professionals mentioned in the alphabetic texts were saripu in the service of the magician's household (78) (< Akk. sarapu A, "to refine (metals), to fire (bricks)," or < sarapu B, "to dye red"; Ug. srp, "reddish dye"?) of RS 25.461, if Houwink Ten Cate's identification of them as "workers of a relatively low social standing" (79) is correct.

In addition to this abundant written material, a good number of beautiful utilitarian objects, more or less connected with the magical activities of the owner, have been found in this multi-roomed dwelling: a mug in the form of lion's head, (80) an ivory figurine, a Cypriot rhyton, a libation chimney-pipe, etc. A picture of (Binu) Agaptarri thereby emerges. He possessed the texts and artifacts necessary for his profession, which encompassed both theology and practical ministry.


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Veenhof, K. R., ed. 1986. Cuneiform Archives and Libraries, XXXe CRRAI (1983). Leiden.

Vita, J.-P. 2009. Hurrian as a Living Language in Ugaritic Society. In Reconstructing a Distant Past: Ancient Near Eastern Essays in Tribute to Jorge R. Silva Castillo, ed. D. A. Barreyra Fracaroli and G. del Olmo Lete. Pp. 219-31. Sabadell (Barcelona).

Yon, M. 1997. La cite d'Ougarit sur le tell de Ras Shamra. Paris. (English: The City of Ugarit at Tell Ras Shamra, Winona Lake, 2006.)



(1.) An outstanding exception is Assur; see Pedersen 1986; on "les bibliotheques d'exorciste" in particular see Jean 2006: 14ff. On ancient Near Eastern and Ugaritic archives in general see Veenhof 1986, Pedersen 1998, Brosius 2003.

(2.) For the first group note the archives of the royal palace and that of the High Priest, and for the second, the archives of Yabninu, "the scholar," Rashapabu, Rapanu, Urtenu, and "the Hurrian priest/magician" (Agaptarru); see Schaeffer 1968, van Soldt 2000: 229-45.

(3.) Consider, for example, the "Temple aux rhytons." In this connection, Yon comments: "L' integration d'un lieu de culte dans un ilot, au milieu de quartiers d'habitation, lui donne son caractere particulier" (1997: 92). In general van Soldt's remarks have been taken here as guidelines: "... the mere attribution of a certain tablet to a particular archive helps to clarify the question as to the distribution of texts over the archives..."; and "I have not gone into the question of the distribution of the different genres or the matter of the private archives. I hope this one example (the study of the Palace archives) suffices to show what one can do with the archives at Ugarit through a detailed study of the archaeological and textual material" (1986: 197, 204).

(4.) For a summary description of this archive see van Soldt 2000: 235-36: "In view of the large number of texts pertaining to the cult the house probably served as a cella and its owner probably was a priest." See also Bordreuil 2013: 133-41. I thank Dr. W. Watson for calling my attention to this paper. See also Hawley, Pardee, and Sauvage 2013; Roche 2013.

(5.) Cf. Yon 1997: 109. The designation derives from provisional excavation reports and has been adopted by Courtois. Yon's book offers a quick sketch of the archaeological remains, while for a more detailed description of the spaces and materials found therein, above all in the "cella aux tablettes," consult Courtois 1969 and 1988.

(6.) Cf. Courtois 1988: 12.

(7.) The topographic points of the relevant texts are cella: 3717, 3726, 3727, 3732, 3740, 3743, 3745, 3746, 3750, 3753, 3759, 3760, 3771, 3780, 3783, 3785, 3786, 3802, 3809, 3820; fosse: 3680, 3694, 3701, 3708, 3772, 3781, 3784, 3787; funerary chamber: 3603, 3667, 3675, 3709?.

(8.) See Courtois 1969:94.

(9.) See in this connection van Soldt 1991: 200: "The existence of an upper story in antiquity does not seem very likely."

(10.) See Courtois 1969: 91, Yon 1997: 110: "dans une petite piece au nord a ete trouve un vase en form de tete de lion qui porte une dedicace en ougaritique alphabetique citant le fils d'Agipshari (qui pourrait etre le propietaire

(11.) As van Soldt (1991: 194) rightly remarks: "The most interesting feature of PH is undoubtedly the pit ('fosse')." For a comprehensive list of texts from the "fosse," see Courtois 1988: 11; also see below notes 26 and 30. This list can also be found in the Catalogues TEO and SAU, which distinguish provenience from the "cella" and that from the "fosse."

(12.) This in turn had financial and commercial consequences; see below.

(13.) See in this regard Vita 2009.

(14.) See Yon 1997: 110-11.

(15.) So Courtois 1969, 1988: passim.

(16.) See Pardee 1988: 1: "ces textes comportaient des aspects assez differents des grandes textes mythologiques."

(17.) These as ritual working tools provide indispensable information assuring the correct ritual performance.

(18.) See also del Olmo Lete in press.

(19.) They might also be labeled protocols, mythical foundation and prototypical applications, or hieros logos texts.

(20.) So Courtois (1988: 4), who does not record it in his Figure 1.

(21.) See Pardee 1988: 193-226, del Olmo Lete 2014b: 188-211. Exorcism of an animal's poisonous bite was recorded by Philo of Byblos / Sanchuniaton as a primordial invention: [phrase omitted]. See Attridge and Oden 1991: 46-47, 62-65, on the divine and immortal nature of serpents and snakes. This is also a very common topic in Egyptian magic; see Lopez 1993: 73 on the primordial snake-god Kematef. The primordial significance of the "snake" in the Hebrew Bible is also well known. When the protagonist of the Babylonian sapiential poem Ludlul bel nemeqi was cured through divine intervention, "a snake slithered by"; see Annus and Lenzi 2010: 39 (Ludlul III 49).

(22.) See Pardee 1988: 13-74, del Olmo Lete 2015. On necromancy at Ugarit see Tropper 1989: 13ff.

(23.) See Sallaberger and Huber Vulliet 2003-2005: 632: asipu, "Beschworer, Exorcist": "Wird die rituelle Kompetenz des asipu im Tempel benotig, so ubernimmt er offensichlich die Aufgaben der Reinigungs-Priester." de la maison)."

(24.) See del Olmo Lete 2014b: 99-100; the editio princeps is by Caquot and Dalix 2001: 393ff.

(25.) See Bordreuil and Pardee 2001: 387-91, del Olmo Lete 2014b: 173-83.

(26.) See Malbran-Labat and Roche 2007: 92.

(27.) See del Olmo Lete 2014b: 157ff., Pardee 1988: 227-56.

(28.) On KTU 1.127 see Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 17-38, del Olmo Lete 2014b: 291-95; not recorded by Courtois 1988, nor is its p.t. indicated in Fig. 1, perhaps because it does not belong to the genre of texts dealt with in RSO IV. See however Courtois 1969: 102. On extispicy implements and texts see the basic study by Dietrich and Loretz 1990, as well as the cited studies by Pardee and del Olmo Lete.

(29.) See Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 87-204, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 299ff. The original Akkadian text is abundantly attested elsewhere at Ugarit; see Arnaud 2007: 47-51.

(30.) See Dietrich and Loretz 1969, Gachet and Pardee 2001: 191-230, Gachet-Bizollon 2007: 324 (catalogue: RS 20.396-401), 407-10 (planches): "modeles de foies divinatoires inscrits (en ivoire)," from the Royal Palace; see also Gachet 1995 for a discussion of the interpretation of these magical inscribed objects.

(31.) See del Olmo Lete 2014a: 73; note also the ivory liver model KTU 6.49 from the Central Palace (qrt).

(32.) This text is not recorded by Courtois 1988, nor is its t.p. indicated in Fig. 1.

(33.) See del Olmo Lete 2014a: 257. Nevertheless it must be taken into account that the correct verbal root with this function is /s[??]l/; see in this regard del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 1999.

(34.) See Sallaberger and Huber Vulliet 2003-2005: 618: "Der 'Wahrsager' steht im Dienst der Gesellschaft, er wird erlohnt, und auch Ausbildung und Erwiihlung kennzeichnen ihn als Priester; ebenso is der 'Beschworer' zu beurteilen. Selbst 'Propheten' wie der muhhum ('Rasende') in Mari gehoren dem Tempel an und sind damit als Priester anzusehen, obwohl sie aufgrund religioser Inspiration wirken..." On the Hebrew [??]efod see de Vaux 1960: 200-206.

(35.) See del Olmo Lete 2014a: 262.

(36.) See Dietrich and Loretz 1990: 226.

(37.) There is a partial duplicate of this text from "The Library of the High Priest": 1.46 / RS 1.009: 9-10: hi mlk ... yths mlk brr, see Pardee 2000: 264-87, del Olmo Lete 2014a: 230-32. KTU 1.130 / RS 24.284 is also a fragmentary duplicate. Nevertheless it is not clear why this was the only text of this category to be buried'' in the "fosse."

(38.) See on this del Olmo Lete 2017.

(39.) See in this connection Sallaberger and Huber Vulliet 2003-2005: 619: "In gottlichem Auftrag handelt der Reinigungspender und Beschworer (isib, mas-mas, asipu usw.); er sorgt dafur dass die (kultische) Reinheit, also die perfekte Ordnung, erhalten bleibt oder wieder erlangt wird"; and passim on the priest's "Reinheit," the gudupasisu's function (p. 630), the "Reinigungspriester" isib / isippu and sanga(.mah) / sangammahu (pp. 631f.); for the Hebrew evidence see Cazelles 1975-1976: 443-49; 1976: 37-47.

(40.) This exception is perhaps due to the prominent role that the king plays in this liturgy and to the different colophons with which both texts conclude. Actually, the king's purification (11. 3, 6-7, 44, 47-48, 53) and cultic "answer" (11. 45-46, 52-53) are more insistently recorded in KTU 1.41. KTU 1.46, also from the High Priest's archive, is a partial copy of KTU 1.109 and seems to be a composite text encompassing the two great ritual moments, new moon and full moon. This would justify its presence in the rb khnm's archive. The significant point is that the main body of such texts comes from the Hurrian Priest's archive. See del Olmo Lete 2014a: 230-33.

(41.) This may be the locus of the "cultic consultation." On the role of the gtrm in this connection see del Olmo Lete 2014a: 200.

(42.) This text is not recorded by Courtois 1988, nor is its p.t. indicated in Fig. 1.

(43.) See Nougayrol 1968: 213-16. Further fragments of the same list have been found in other archives (RS 17/20 / 22 / 23).

(44.) See del Olmo Lete 2014a: 175-210: "The Funerary Cult of the Palace."

(45.) For this kind of scribal tool at Ugarit, see KTU 5.12 and following numbers, with bibliography.

(46.) For archeological context see Courtois 1969: 91, n. 2, 96. This is a join of RS 14.128 (from surface, 1950, p.t. 277) and RS 26.154 (from outside the "Bibliotheque de Lamashtu," 1962, p.t. 4262); see Nougayrol 1968: 209f. ("Syllabaire [S.sup.a] paleographique").

(47.) See UET: 466f.: "do they represent households to which cultic services were given...?"

(48.) See UET: 467f.: "this document should be understood as a record of individuals who did not bring the required amount of oil, perhaps to a religious function or as a cultic requirement"; see there other interpretations. The text is neither recorded nor is its p.t. provided by Courtois 1988; but see Courtois 1969: 109.

(49.) See UET: 453. For its location see TEO 304, Schaeffer 1978: 154 (depliant).

(50.) Syl. a-gap-LUGAL; see DUL: 25 for the various administrative texts where this name appears, along with bibliography. Add KTU 3.25, where the bt agptr is mentioned; bn agptr is also found in the list of individuals KTU 4.714 / RS 22.231: 2; see UET 582f. We are no doubt dealing here with a highly important member of Ugaritic society.

(51.) See Nougayrol 1968: 213-16. Additional fragments of the same list come from other archives (RS 17/20 / 22 / 23).

(52.) For a detailed catalogue of texts from FT Room 10, "cella" and "fosse," see van Soldt 1991: 194-201.

(53.) Published by Laroche 1968.

(54.) This text clearly reveals the influence of the Hurrian cultic-magical tradition on Ugaritic royal ideology and its liturgy.

(55.) Leaving aside the fragmentary and the non-offering texts. The Hurrian text KTU 1.116 may imply some magical activity, to judge from the Ugaritic incipits: dbh [??]ttr hr qrat b grn (11. 1-2) and w b bt athlm (1. 10).

(56.) These duplicates underline the significance of KTU 1.40 for Ugaritic religious and magical practices.

(57.) KTU 24.738-41 come from court V.

(58.) In this regard Ug. khn seems to correspond to various Akkadian terms for "Wahrsager, Seher, Haruspex": baru, sa[??]ilu, apilum, raggimu (neo-Assyrian). The latter two ("Antworter," "Rufer") are noteworthy in connection with the ttb rgm rite mentioned earlier.

(59.) The word nqd(m) designates a separate civil non-cultic profession; see DUL: 630f., Bordreuil and Pardee 2001: 350.

(60.) See Ug. VII: 154.

(61.) This supposes the separation of (cultic) religion from civil power, but even in this case the holder of supreme civil power served as pontifex maximus.

(62.) See del Olmo Lete and Sanmartin 1998: 176-84; del Olmo Lete 2017. This double function is reminiscent of the "diviner, haruspex" (Akk. baru, [.sup.LU]HAL) and the "exorcist, purifier, unction priest" (Akk. ramku, [.sup.LU]MAS.MAS / pasisu), who act together in the case of the "Akkadian Job" (Ludlul II: 108-9); see Sallaberger and Huber Vulliet 2003-2005: 617-40.

(63.) See Dietrich and Loretz 1987: 19f., van Soldt 1988: 313ff. (Akk. SUKKAL).

(64.) See DUL: 881, in particular KTU 1.161: 27-30. In this connection KTU 1.90: 22 (ritual of cultic consultation [id yph]): w mlk ynsl I t[??]y could be translated: "and the king gives up his turn to the t[??]y" as his substitute, to continue with the ritual (perhaps an offering rite).

(65.) See del Olmo Lete 2015: 205ff. In KTU 1.169: 2, from the palace at Ras Ibn Hani, Attanu also appears as an "exorcist."

(66.) See, for example, the profession list 4.745, where cultic and civil professions are recorded together.

(67.) See Nougayrol 1963: 132-42, 1964: 39-45, 1968, and 1969.

(68.) These are precisely the categories of texts absent from the "cella."

(69.) Arnaud's edition includes transcriptions and copies, but no photos. In addition, Marquez Rowe (2007: 36-80), has discussed the following texts: RS 25.420+, 25.513, 25.129 + 25.456B, 25.418, 25.422, and 25.436 (new transcription).

(70.) See also Farber 2014.

(71.) See Nougayrol 1969: 393-408.

(72.) See Nougayrol 1968:265-73.

(73.) See Nougayrol 1969:404.

(74.) For bibliographic references see KTU 641.

(75.) See Dietrich and Loretz 1988: 188-94.

(76.) The other two texts from the twenty-fifth excavation season (RS 25.134 and RS 25.138), also published by Lackenbacher, did not come from Agaptarru's house.

(77.) The letters RS 25.131, RS 25.461, and RS 26.158 (fragment) must be included in this category.

(78.) Note the similarity between the sort of documents kept in this Ugaritic archive and those found in the library of the exorcist Kisir-Assur at Assur; see Jean 2006: 149.

(79.) See Houwink Ten Cate 1983-1984: 44f., 50.

(80.) See Pope 1971.

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Date:Jul 1, 2017
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