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(Re)claiming walls: the fortified Medina of Tangier under Portuguese rule (1471-1662) and as a modern heritage artefact.

Round medieval cubelos (four in total), rising somewhat above the curtain wall battlements, occupied each angle of the Castelo's pentagon except for the south one, which accommodated a square keep (torre de menagem), c. 9 m on the side (4 bracas or 8.8 m according to Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07: 009:001). Closely resembling its counterpart in Arzila, the three-storey keep was crowned with a battlemented platform and corner bartizans (matacaes). The Civitates show bartizans rising above the merlons, and a steep rectangular hip roof--a pattern also used in the modern restoration, known to most visitors, of Arzila's torre. No such roof appears in any of Hollar's views, however, and the battlements rise prominently well above the bartizans. Seller is inconclusive, even with aggressive digital enhancement, but may show a flat platform rather than a roof. The December 1675 schematic view of the old port supports both Hollar and a flat platform reading of Seller's vista. (133)

The main corps de logis lining the south-east and north-east curtain walls consisted of two floors in the south-east wing, topped in the north-east wing by a battlemented platform subsequently covered with a pitched roof (an appearance preserved all the way from the Civitates to Hollar). It is likely (despite the obscurity of the relevant passage in NA 769) that the platform was transformed into a fully roofed top floor shortly before 1514. (134) The tall Renaissance chimneys shown in the Civitates, reminiscent for instance of those in Duarte de Armas' rendering of the castles of Mertola, Arronches, and Monforte, were gone by the mid-seventeenth century. (135) Service buildings lower than the curtain walls lined the castle yard on the north, west, and south sides, although by De Gomme's time they apparently were not as tightly packed as suggested by Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001.


BNF Ge DD 2987 (8064) and Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:002 (two versions of the same base document) stand alone in attesting a fountain or well in the middle of the Castelo yard. There quite possibly was one, but originally the key local water source broke to the surface in mid-slope under the east wall of the Castelo novo, where the Civitates vista shows a "fons" (spring) under a little well-house. In January 1671, Henry Sheres considered improving water delivery to the Mole and to English vessels by tapping the "spring that breaks out under York Castle" to supply a cistern with a capacity of up to 300 tons, a project that remained stillborn. (136) It is here that a Portuguese hornwork comprising two half-bastions had been erected, long before the English takeover, to reinforce the Castelo novo's east curtain. Absent from the Civitates vista, it is featured in Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 and in all subsequent draughts, and it would be logical to ascribe it to the same modernization phase as the half-bastions of the Castelo velho citadel (i.e. the 1560s). De Gomme's NMM P43, fol. 2, and the detailed 1670 NMM F1959 P/43(7) both endow the north half-bastion with a distinctively lopsided point that almost makes it into a "bastard" full angle bastion.137

In terms of discrepancies unlikely to reflect successive architectural changes to the Castelo, the sources mostly diverge with respect to details of the landward fausse-braye (barreira) and the dry ditch. The bird's-eye view in BL Maps K.Top.117.80 arguably ranks as the least accurate, and Seller's "Royall City of Tangier in Africa" as the second least reliable. While the latter captures adequately the keep and the general layout of the inner castle, it includes a glaring misinterpretation of the dry ditch, equipping it with cubelo towers at the outer corners of the south counterscarp, and giving the Castelo a counterscarp curtain wall that apparently never existed. De Gomme's PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 21, his NMM P43, fol. 2, and the anonymous NMM F1959 P/43(7) are in fair agreement concerning the Castelo's geometry, and differ only in terms of the fausse-braye curtains. The draughts are divided about evenly in favour of either straight curtain walls or instepped ones, with no discernible chronological pattern. Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 finally tilted my reconstruction (Map 5) toward instepped walls angling inward not far from the corner cubelos, as in PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 21, and prompted me to ignore the lack of evidence for an instep in Hollar's vistas, on the strength of the fact that he sometimes neglected small features that would have called for too much additional shading work. (138)

Finally, it is worth noting that Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 departs from most other draughts in four interesting respects--a) an inward-bent north curtain wall (replicated in NMM F1959 P/43(7) but in no other English draught); b) a somewhat narrower dry ditch; c) an oversized polygonal bridgehead bastion (full barbican); and d) a fausse-braye (barreira) hugging the base of the Castelo wall from the root of the great south-east couraca past the middle cubelo (whose base it covered) to the north-east cubelo. This barreira is the same as the one featured in the Civitates and discussed by Dias. Seemingly unaware, however, of the Castelo's pentagonal layout, Dias assumed that the barreira (which he labels barbaca, reflecting standard modern Iberian usage) connected the castle's "torres extremas". (139) This misperception deserves to be corrected, for it complicates both our understanding of the 1514 auto de medicao and of the tactical concepts that underpin the composite late fifteenth-century defences of Tangier's Old Port.

The twin towers (Map 5) that Dias appears to interpret as part of the Castelo novo (counting them among the "torres extremas") in fact belonged to the town wall above the Degraos da ribeira and to the already mentioned fausse-braye. Shown in the Civitates quite accurately, the towers were located north-east of the nineteenth-century Hotel Continental. Having survived the English demolition rather well, according to Thomas Phillips' vista of "Tangier in February 1684", they were patched up and still overlooked the Old Port around 1900 (Plate 6). Hollar included them in three separate sketches of the waterfront, and the larger tower embedded in the main curtain is also shown from within the walls in his "West side of Yorke Castle". While this tower remained in fair condition in the 1660s, its lesser mate on the harbour side ("outer tower" in Plate 4) was already dilapidated, lacking its top chamber and roof (still intact in the Civitates). In Hollar's "Tangier without the Water-gate" (Plate 4) the viewer looks south and through the gateway in the base of this ruined lesser cubelo, beyond which men are seen leaning against the parapet/fausse-braye/barreira above the degraos. Early twentieth-century photographs still show remnants of a similar low fausse-braye along the base of the restored wall above the Degraos da ribeira, between the twin towers and the Hotel Continental (Plate 6).

The defences of the Castelo novo were complemented early on, before the building of the east hornwork, by two couracas and by one, possibly two, couracetas. (140) These served a triple function: they separated the Castelo promontory from the rest of the watefront, divided the enclosure into tactical "kill zones", and shielded the well-house below the castle. The main couracas are relatively unproblematic. They survived, either fully or partially, to the mid-seventeenth century, and appear in most draughts. The principal one ran from the Castelo novo's keep (torre de menagem) to the strand, and was roughly aligned with the root section of the old Portuguese breakwater. Between the keep and the entrance to the couraca proper lay a rectangular barbican, shown in a diminutive and presumably early version in 140 the Krigsarkivet draught and in a more ample form in most subsequent ones. The open sloping lane between the couraca's two parallel walls was broken up by a series of barriers, four to six in number (the count differs from source to source), which some drawings render as equipped with archways in the middle, and others with archways on alternating sides (these would have forced assailants into a costly zigzag path while fighting their way upward). (141)


Originally, this couraca ended in a standard round cubelo near the shoreline. By the early sixteenth century, (142) however, the latter had been reinforced with a squat polygonal gun tower (the evidence mostly supports a hexagon) a little more than half the height of the old cubelo. The latter became partially embedded in the gun tower's body. The Civitates endow the gun tower with antiquated crenel/merlon battlements and cross-and-orb gunports, and the walls of the polygon rise vertically from a massive tapering pediment. The Hollar drawings, in so far as digital enhacements permit any conclusion, suggest letterbox gunports and a distinctly heavier parapet, possibly with machicolations. The tower's profile is clearly trapezoidal here, with inward-sloping sides rising from bedrock and no trace of the Civitates pediment. It is impossible to confirm, for now, whether or not we are looking at successive stages of the gun tower's development, although the notion is tempting. Phillips' 1680s vistas show that the lower third (seaside end) of the couraca was never destroyed by English gunpowder charges. Somewhat adapted, with its upper stretch partially restored, the couraca survived to the late nineteenth century as a feature of the junction between the Dar el-Baroud fort and the older town walls, even though it is omitted or rendered incorrectly in some early twentieth-century plans of Tangier. (143)

The rock spur couraca (best labelled for sheer convenience, albeit anachronistically, the "Dar el-Baroud" couraca) may not have been originally double-walled (judging from its depiction in the Civitates). It ran from the Castelo's north-east cubelo to the very tip of the castle promontory, and ended in a stubby tower sheltering an artillery casemate on the ground level. Both couraca and tower are attested in most draughts, even though some show the couraca as intact and others as truncated or partly ruined. The building of the hornwork's north-east bastion seems to have involved a partial demolition of what by then was a couraca featuring two parallel walls (according to Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 and later English plans). The couraca had by then lost much of its tactical value, in fact becoming a gunnery obstacle in the area immediately adjacent to the angle of the new bastion.

The sea-front. From the East Tower to the tip of the north-east couraca, Tangier's waterfront curved around the shallow crescent of the Old Port, into which the Wadi al-Ahardan flowed at the south end of the embayment. The town, however, was set well back from the beach and by the second half of the sixteenth century an array of integrated defences complementing those of the Castelo novo protected Tangier from both attackers and the elements. The latter were in a sense the greater and more insidious threat. As the English discovered after starting work on the new breakwater (the Mole) in August 1663, the awkwardly weather-exposed location of the Old Port was unkind even to the sturdiest engineering. Such was the wear and tear inflicted by wind, salt water spray, and wave action on key structures along the waterfront that periodic repairs threatened to become a budgetary drain.

Pepys' "Notes on Tangier" both confirm and help to explain the sapping erosion, above beachline, visible at the foot of certain harbour wall sections in Hollar's "Tangier without the Water-Gate" (see Plate 4) and in the "Prospect of Tangier from the S.E." Henry Sheres, speaking from his engineering experience on the Mole, stressed to Pepys that wind and sea spray literally "ate holes" in stone walls over time, the thickness of man's body, while leaving mortar relatively intact. (144) Erosion must have in fact weighed more heavily than potential hostile gunfire in the design of the various glacis at the foot of seaside cubelos and wall sections, from the Devil's Tower and the East Tower couraca, past the "Coal Yard", and to the northeast couraca. The crumbling of exposed couracetas, attested both in Ericeira's Historia (145) and in Hollar's vistas (see e.g. Plate 3), further highlights the issue, as do the additional repairs ordered by Tangier's adail in 1514, for instance, near the Porta da ribeira, to stabilize a wall that had collapsed twice already within recent memory. (146)

Ibn Idhari's Bay an al-mughrib confirms that this was a very old and persistent issue indeed, spanning the medieval and early modern periods. It was aggravated precisely in the area of the Porta da ribeira, around the mouth of the Wadi al-Ahardan, by both inadequate storm surge protection and poor channeling of runoff from the town. In 536 AH/1141 ce, storm waves drove all the way up to the Friday mosque and thus to the vicinity of the later Marlnid madrasa (subsequently the Franciscan-TrinitarianDominican convent). Somewhat earlier, in 532 AH/1137-1138 ce, a typical Mediterranean flash flood had roared down the wadi and through adjacent sloping streets, bringing devastation and death to the same area and to the zone of what is now Rue Hadj Mohammed Torres. (147) The relatively wide open spaces left until 1684 between strand and town, as well as the distinctive degraos da ribeira terracing that so bemused George Phillips in the 1670s, thus reflected a steady concern about the destructive force of water. (148)

In the north, a considerable part of the modern Dar Baroud quarter remained vacant. The space was reserved for a broad Parade Place (the "Old Parado") that overlooked a section of the north wall and the Degraos da ribeira. From the cliff a little west of the battery known to the English as the "Three Guns", (149) and past the Castelo novo, the Parade Place extended through the modern Place de l'Arsenal area and then south past the Rue Maimouni in a narrowing wedge partly parallel with Rue Dar Baroud. South of the Degraos da ribeira and of the layered defences at the Porta do mar (Sandwich Gate), a swath of seaward slope, partly overgrown with scrub by the mid-seventeenth century, extended from the Rua da Misericordia/Rue de la Marine and the Se Catedral/Grande Mosquee, to the modern Bab Dar Dbagh and the Place de la Tannerie, and then a little beyond, to the north-west corner of the modern C.T.M. (Bus Station) block. Still structurally quite open today, the area comprised at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the Tophana Battery, the Fondak to the south of it, next to the Grande Mosquee, and the terrain by the lighthouse (1910 mapping). (150)

This second open area, strikingly resembling for instance the small walled Islamic rabad outside the Puerta de Cantarrana in Spanish Lebrija, (151) was enclosed along the strand by a Portuguese sea-wall in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. On the town side it was delimited by older fortifications, already partly ruined in the 1660s (particularly at the south-eastern end), which ran along the line Grande Mosquee-C.T.M. block. De Gomme's draught NMM P43, fol. 2 establishes their general trace quite clearly. Hollar's vistas of the "South-East Corner of Tangier," "Tangier without the Water-gate" (se Plate 4), and "Tangier from the S.E." confirm the layout, and fill in several key details: (a) a wall from the Porta do mar to the Se, completing the full enclosure of the rabad; and (b) a prominent fortified segment next to the Se, consisting of a square tower similar to the Porta do mar, a round cubelo to the north-west, probably by the rear tract of the Se, and the ruins of a truncated wall (possibly a former couraca, subsequently obsolete) between the square tower and the strand (also in BNF Ge DD 2987 (8064)).

The Portuguese sea-wall starting at the East Tower trended north-west in two prominent zig-zag steps, each c. 11 m deep. (152) The Civitates vista seems excessively schematized here, making it difficult to gauge the wall's layout, although it is clear that a sea-wall was in place by the early sixteenth century. The stepped trace is unequivocally documented from the Krigsarkivet draught no. 0406:07:009:001 onward. The arrangement worked well in terms of mutual covering fire between the East Tower and the wall, but Hollar's drawings make it clear that the parapet and battlements were designed for small arms only, with no provision for artillery. The re-entrant angle where the sea-wall met the Porta do mar was shielded by a couraceta ending in a tall round tower postdating the Civitates vista and missing from Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001. By 1669 the entire re-entrant angle had become fully enclosed, serving as a yard for the storage of coal brought over from England (see Map 5). The enclosure may have been completed before the English takeover, but certainly not before the 1560s--the Krigsarkivet draught shows only a simple couraceta here. The lower half of the round tower was reinforced sometime before 1662 with a tapering polygonal masonry glacis (a hexagon, according to Hollar) rising a little above the curtain wall of the "yard". Whether the feature was of any military value is doubtful, but it probably mitigated wave erosion near the Porta do mar. (153)

Between the mid-sixteenth and mid-seventeenth centuries, access to the Porta do mar from the strand below the Degraos da ribeira was along a sloping ramp shielded from the sea by a masonry parapet. By the 1660s the latter had been reinforced at the base by a thick surf-dissipating glacis. A little more than three-quarters of the way up the ramp a barrier wall with a gate and a guard house blocked the ascent, and beyond the guardhouse a small but structurally massive triangular bastion, documented already in Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001, provided emplacement for several artillery pieces. Renderings of the upper ramp vary, even in draughts made within a short time of each other by De Gomme himself. Most of the English ones present a rectangular bastion, but Hollar's detailed and sharply observed "Tangier without the Water-gate" picks up the blunt triangular shape found in the Krigsarkivet draught (interpreted as right-angled in the derivative Atlas de Heliche drawing). The same feature stands out in an 1894 photograph taken from much the same location as Hollar's vista--we are probably looking at the core of the same bastion, little damaged either in 1684 or in 1844 (Plates 4 and 5). (154) At beach level the ramp ended in a stubby watch-tower topped with a typical round masonry echauguette or sentry-box (guarita) apparently postdating the Krigsarkivet draught. Another gate, the Porta da ribeira, barred the lower entrance to the ramp. (155)


Tracing the town wall above the Degraos da ribeira, between the twin towers south-west of the Castelo novo and the Porta do mar (Sandwich Gate) --particularly near the junction with the Porta--also poses interesting challenges owing to discrepancies among the draughts, difficult to reconcile readily with Hollar's drawings. The problem is aggravated by De Gomme's tendency to simplify by sometimes omitting vital signpost details such as the twin towers--the latter, together with a prominent cubelo in (or west of) the Rue Dar Baroud curve (where the wall above the degraos angled toward the Porta), namely are the only stable features on which most depictions appear to agree, from the Civitates to Hollar. Furthermore, this comforting single cubelo might not in fact be one and the same through time. The issue is whether the depth of the degraos' westward indentation remained constant from the sixteenth century to 1684. Document-based reconstruction helps only provisionally here, pending targeted archaeological verification.

Most English draughts (with the exception of NMM F1959 P/43(7)), as well as BNF Ge DD 2987 (8064) and Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:002, show a deep westward indentation, which in the latter two opens up as the north-west wing of a generous esplanade in front of the Porta do mar, comprising seamlessly both the rectangular corridor between the Porta and the barrier gate (with its gun battery), and an angled wedge to the west (as if no separating wall joined the Porta to the barrier gate on the landward side, Map 5). De Gomme, while showing the wall that peels off uphill from the Porta at a sharp angle, omits the short wall segment running almost due west from the barrier gate uphill and appearing to close the wedge to the north. This puts him in sharp contradiction with Hollar, who clearly shows in several instances, from different vantage points, a prominent northward wall segment from the Sandwich Gate to the barrier, ending in a distinctly higher section at the barrier gate--the wall then turns almost at a right angle to climb up the flank of the degraos to the cubelo at the apex of the inland salient.

The entire inland salient is the deepest in De Gomme's draughts, extending the degraos well past the Rue Dar Baroud, while in draughts related to BNF Ge DD 2987 (8064) De Gomme's indentation into the fabric of today's medina is blunted to a more gradual line emulating more or less the modern street--albeit apparently somewhat further west. In Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001, however, no esplanade at all opens up in front of the Porta do mar--the space between the latter and the barrier gate battery is confined to the rectangular corridor subsequently highlighted by De Gomme, Hollar's sharp westward turn in the town wall at the barrier gate is absent, and the wall curves uphill and to the west gently, at first very much in line with the town-side retaining wall. This is in essence the modern Rue Dar Baroud line. Either the later draughts exaggerate, or the sixteenth-century Portuguese walls in this area emulated the shoreline curve more closely. If we are to trust Hollar, however, this no longer was the case by 1669. (156)

From the Civitates vista to Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 and to the BNF-type plans, a stubby tower or redoubt (traves) (either round or more probably square--on the strength of the Krigsarkivet draught) dominated the middle of the curtain wall above the degraos, with a corresponding low traves in the middle of the fausse-braye (barreira). Hollar's "Prospect of Tangier from the East" rasises the possibility, on very close examination, that a square salient in the main wall (although not in the fausse-braye) was still in place in the 1660s, even though no such feature appears in the English draughts. Decaying remnants of the fausse-braye are visible in almost all of Hollar's views of the port, as well as in those by Thomas Phillips. Phillips' rendering suggests that whatever remained of the fausse-braye was only lightly damaged in the 1684 demolition of the curtain wall. During the subsequent Moroccan refurbishing the fausse-braye was probably rebuilt.

Originally (in the Civitates vista), no structures cluttered the strand at the foot of the degraos, between the future access ramp and the tip of the delimiter berm (or possibly couraceta) running downslope from the twin towers. By July 1514, a low strand wall at least 117 m long (with some sections in zig-zag) protected the bottom step of the degraos, and we still find it in Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001. (157) Subsequently, the ribeira was remodelled, and part of the strand wall may even have been torn down. The space between the access ramp and the delimiter berm now accommodated the buildings of the Alfandega and its annexes. The core three-storey structure with its north and south two-storey wings, captured in some detail by Phillips and Hollar, may be provisionally attributed on stylistical grounds to the first half of the seventeenth century. It stood in the Bab elBahar area, at the inland edge of the modern tractor-trailer parking lot of Tangier's commercial port. Around 1900, Tangier's customs facilities still huddled in the same spot, at the foot of the degraos, overlooked by the Hotel Continental.

The town land-front and the Porta do Campo (Catherine Gate)

The town land-front (as opposed to the north-west land-front of the Kasba, discussed below) remained largely unaltered from Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07: 009:001 to De Gomme's 1660s draughts. Together with the north wall (see pp. 188-9 below) it was the most archaic stretch of the fortifications, dating in many parts back to the fifteenth century and earlier. (158) It received only perfunctory maintenance during the English occupation. The most conspicuous new element was a ravelin in front of the Porta do campo (Catherine Gate, the original Bab Fits of Islamic Tangier), added by the Portuguese between 1647 and 1657. (159) As Hollar's "View from Peterburgh Tower" eloquently demonstrates, most of the complex layered attached and detached bastioned works envisaged by De Gomme remained on the drawing board. The English defence in depth relied instead on forward redoubts, sconces, and blockhouses, backed up by partially completed soft "lines"-palisades, retrenchments, and covered-ways ensuring contact between town and redoubts.


The Porta do campo was located slightly past the far north-east corner of the modern Place du 9 Avril (Grand Socco, Sir q al-Barra) and just north of the New Market halls on the old Rue de Tetouan/former Rue de la Plage (now Rue Salah ed-Dine al-Ayoubi) (Maps 1 through 4)). (160) It was a sturdy medieval complex, a multi-component bent-axis gateway with full outer bailey. Its typological siblings, from as early as the ninth century, include precursor gateways in the qasba of Merida, at Madina al-zahra, Malaga, Granada, Tarifa and elsewhere, as well as the Bab Agdal in Fez (Fas aljadid). The latter is to some extent an "inside-out" homologue of Tangier's former Porta do campo--the main gateway of Bab Agdal extends back from the town wall, instead of projecting into the bailey between the curtain and fausse-braye as at Tangier. (161) Otherwise, the design is quite similar--a smaller gate tower in the fausse-braye or outer wall (barreira), a fortified open-space bailey (matching the lice feature in French medieval military architecture) and then a more massive bent-axis or double-bent axis gateway in the main wall. (162)

As documented in all the military draughts and in Hollar's vistas (see e.g. Plate 7), the Porta do campo preserved its basic appearance from the mid-sixteenth century to the 1660s. The lower, straight-axis front gate, accessed across a drawbridge and opening into the bailey, was crowned with heavy overhanging machicolations. Having broken through, an attacker would face the blank front wall of the main gate, a three-storey keep with plain crenel/merlon battlements. Ingress required a left turn through the open space, followed by a right turn to reach the keep's outer gate. Once inside the ground floor, another left turn led to and through the inner gate and thus to the Rue des Siaghines (Catherine Street). All renderings of the Porta do campo based on or related to the three-dimensional depiction in Seller's "Royall City of Tangier in Africa" must be dismissed--Seller namely blended the two separate components into one block, misleadingly equipping the latter with a non-existent town-side corner tower. The only correct feature of Seller's version is the seventeenth-century ravelin (triangular detached work) outside the Porta, located before the 1683-4 demolition in the area where much later a gated street space would conjoin the converging parts of Rue d'Italie and Rue Semmarines, half a block NNE of the modern Bab Fahs.


North-west and south-east of the Porta do campo, De Gomme proposed to reinforce the land-front wall, in fact picking up on previous sixteenthcentury Portuguese solutions documented in Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009: 001. The already reinforced sixteenth-century sections, three bracas (6.6 m) wide, ran from the Porta do campo down to the Irish Battery in one direction, and in the other direction up the Rue de la Kasba, from just shy of the third cubelo NE of the Porta to or beyond the top of Rue Gzennaia. (163) De Gomme's sketches suggest that the old outer wall was some nine feet thick at most. The proposal in PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 20 expanded this to 24 feet, and in PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 43 De Gomme even contemplated 30 feet (c. 2.5 m more than the sixteenth-century reinforcing). This was to be accomplished by doing what the Portuguese had already done--building a parallel retaining wall, partitioning the gap with traverse walls (12 feet apart in De Gomme's proposal--something that the sixteenth-century engineers did not do systematically, according to the Krigsarkivet draught), and filling up the compartments with dirt to provide a broad and stable platform for field guns stationed 20 feet apart. Hollar's detailed view of the area from the Kasba ("View from Peterburgh Tower"), attests that by 1669 this work had been carried out neither consistently, nor to the extent envisaged by De Gomme. Only the stretch south of the Porta do campo was equipped with artillery.

The land-front curtain wall began to rise uphill toward the qasba roughly at the modern junction of Rue d'Italie, Rue de la Kasba and Rue Dr. Cenarro. The Wadi al-Ahardan entered the town here, and the corresponding low ground (referred to in the past simply as the "Valley" or "O Vale" and well marked in relevant draughts and views), was the last relatively level stretch. It was here that on 20 September 1437, during D. Henrique's notoriously disastrous siege, troops under the banner of the Bishop of Evora were assigned the task of breaking in through a postern gate. The postern was presumably the same as the "postigo de Gurer" or "Guyrer", later mentioned in connection with the second unsuccessful Portuguese attempt in January 1464. (164) Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 indeed suggests that a small gate was located just north of the wadi, around the upper stretch of Rue Gzennaia. Care had been taken to reinforce it already prior to 1437--Pina's Cronica do Rei D. Duarte stresses that the postern's doors were clad or at least banded with iron and therefore resisted Portuguese attempts to set them on fire. (165) Subsequently the postern was shielded by a prominent Portuguese gun tower, already present in the Krigsarkivet draught and sketched from several vantage points by Hollar. The Krigsarkivet evidence raises the possibility that a square traves reusing an Islamic tower was built here first and then augmented to a U-shaped gun-tower bastion.

The culvert through which the wadi traversed the town wall was known to the Portuguese as the Abobada, and so was the corresponding branch of Tangier's irrigation and water-supply system, the Acequia da Abobada. (166) A Porta da Abobada is the only other land-front gate mentioned by Ericeira besides the Porta do campo, and locational, narrative, and military draught evidence all points rather convincingly to the just discussed Rue Gzennaia postern (the fifteenth-century "postern in the valley" or Postigo de Gurer). While the postern gate played a role in 1437 and 1464, the culvert itself was briefly discussed in 1462 as a possible covert entry point, until D. Duarte de Meneses, the governor of Alcacer Seguer, curtly dismissed the notion as mere "bogeerya" (monkey-business).167 The entire stretch of wall across the "valley", with its notorious weak points--culvert and a postern gate initially designed for defensive sallies against enemies seeking entry into the culvert--was considered enough of a liability for the wall to be reinforced already before the 1560s, as we have seen. Both the wall and the gun-tower attest to Portuguese worries about this portion of the enceinte, which they themselves had persistently probed as a conveniently vulnerable assault zone before 1471.

The Portuguese chronicles confirm that in the 1430s-60s, before the digging of the land-front's large dry ditch so dramatically featured in Hollar's "View from Peterburgh Tower", a fausse-braye (barreira) stretched in front of the medieval main curtain wall (just as it did along the south wall). The only section devoid of a barreira was the one ultimately picked for the second Portuguese attack in 1464. As the ground began to rise from the "valley" towards the qasba, the main wall gained in relative defensibility, given the more rugged character of the ground. In the early 1460s, the Muslim garrison of Tangiers deemed the south-western corner of the qasba and the adjacent curtain wall (comprising some five towers along the Rue de la Kasba) to be inherently so strong that it needed only a light complement of night sentries. (168) In a sector probably about three cubelos north-east of the postern gate, at the level of the Rue Jnane al-Captan, the Cronica do Rei D. Duarte even suggests that the curtain wall was lower than usual--this was the combat sector entrusted on 20 September 1437 to the marechal Vasco Fernandes Coutinho. South of here, down by and past the postern gate in the Bishop of Evora's sector, lay the focal point of the enthusiastic but confused general assault that took place on 13 September 1437, the first day of the siege, sparked off by premature rumours of the town's surrender. (169)

After 1662, the urban space behind the higher-lying north-western stretches of the land-front remained largely open, covered with gardens and orchards. The "green belt" included, in particular, the slope between the Castelo velho citadel/qasba and the modern Rue Jnane al-Captan, as well as a large quadrilateral between the western half of the latter, the Rue Ben Abdessadak and the top of Rue Gzennaia. Portuguese chronicles suggest that little had changed here since the 1460s or earlier. Relevant details can be recovered from narratives of the surprise infiltration attempted in January 1464, under the command of D. Afonso V's brother, the Infante D. Fernando. After the culvert scenario had been rejected, Diogo de Barros proposed to focus on a stretch of the western land-front wall ("da parte do sertao") comprising five towers and running from the qasba "down" ("seguindo para fundo") to the tower of "Gillahare" or "Gil hayre". (170) The location was successfully reconnoitered at night by Barros and his companions at some point in 1462. Having disembarked where the terrain would conceal their ascent to the, they climbed the town wall using ropes or a rope ladder, remained there undetected for a while, and left after defiantly picking handfuls of herbs growing among the stones. Barros had gained knowledge of the stretch of wall and adjacent urban orchards while captive in Tangier. During the 1464 attack a Muslim sentry scuffling with Joao de Sousa on top of the wall stumbled and fell into the apple trees below, giving the warning shout that roused the garrison and doomed the Portuguese. (171)

Too little is known, for now, about the articulation between the town wall and the fifteenth-century qasba. As Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 shows, the junction had been torn down before or during the 1560s modernization. The 1464 narratives imply that the south-western corner of the abutted on the adjacent land-front town wall in such a way as to permit passage between the two only across a drawbridge (obviously on the inside of the parapet). (172) This tells us nothing about the's land-front, however, nor do sources relating to the 1437 siege. The Civitates present a view from the sea, strongly foreshortened precisely in the critical area, and the relevant corner of the qasba is fully obscured by the oversized and detailed rendering of the Castelo's residential quarters (the Domus Praefecti or the "Governor's House" of English sources). The earliest detailed evidence is thus Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001. Here the town wall and greatly modified remnants of the land-front blend into each other and a reinforced muralha congruent with the later English draughts is already mostly in place.

The Castelo velho (Qasba)

While the pre-Roman and Roman occupation of the qasba hill is well documented,173 its subsequent history as a fort or hilltop refuge has yet to be fully clarified. The first clear mark of military use on an achitecturally significant scale is a solid tenth-century stone fortification built under caliph 'Abd al-Rahman III (v. 889-961), following the extension of 'Umayyad power from al-Andalus to northern Morocco and the attendant surrender of Tangier (950-1 C.E.) to the 'Umayyads by the Banu Muhammad partisans of the Idrisids. (174) A portion of the tenth-century wall some 25 meters long has been identified thus far, embedded at the base of the later Portuguese rampart. (175) This or related segments along the Rue de la Kasba, "very thick old strong wall[s] at bottom founded upon a rocke", are almost certainly the ones reported to have given English sappers considerable trouble in 1683-4--they were by no means effectively dismantled. (176) It remains unknown whether the 'Umayyad qasba was a detached fortress or one fully integrated into the urban defences of Tangier by c. 1068, when the geographer al-Bakri described the entire town as surrounded by a sturdy wall. (177) Accounts of the surrender of Tangier to the Almoravids in 470 ah/ 1077-8 ce unfortunately focus almost entirely on the vivacious octogenarian governor Suggut al-Barghwatl and on his decision to take the battle to the enemy, outside Tangier, and say nothing about the town itself besides stressing the population's considerable willingness to welcome incoming Almoravid troops. (178)

The outline of the old Islamic/Portuguese qasba has now become partially known in some detail thanks to Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001, which includes in faint but clear lines an almost complete trace of the south and east walls of the medieval fortress. Leonardo de' Ferrari unfortunately omitted this particular element from his drawing for the Atlas de Heliche. The north wall simply remained in place, embedded as an outer shell within the post-1566 modernized citadel, although the orientation of its westernmost segment remains in doubt (see pp. 181-2 below). The qasba covered the same area as the citadel minus its angle bastions, half-bastions, and north-western bastioned landfront (see Map 2).

The south-east corner was defined, at the latest by the mid-fifteenth century if not earlier, by the residence of the governor/qeid, which after 1471 became the residential tract (Domus Praefecti in the Civitates vista) of the Portuguese Castelo velho. From the residence, the south wall of the qasba, later partly obliterated by the new bastioned trace, ran west and then, just behind the new south-west half-bastion's orillion, tracked slightly north. It probably joined the town's land-front wall at an old tower (cubelo) some 17 bracas (37 metres) south-east of the modern Porte de la Kasba. (179) Seller's "Royall City" and plans of the Ge DD 2987 (8064) type feature a segment of this old wall, with two round cubelos, stretching across the neck of the half-bastion and serving by then as a retaining wall for the landfill platform to the north. One of the old towers, with a stretch of wall, also appears as an architectural isolate in BL Maps K.Top. 117.80. The qasba's east wall followed the line of the later citadel's curtain, between the new bastions. The old main east (town-side) gate, destroyed in the 1560s or earlier, seems to have stood some 33 metres (15 Portuguese bracas) north of today's Bab el-Assa gate. (180)

In the mid-1560s Governor Lourenco Pires de Tavora (1564-6) presided over finally equipping the original qasba with a new trace italienne for tification. Ericeira, looking back at the results from the vantage point of the mid-seventeenth century, characterized the outcome as half-cocked and blighted by "little interest in finishing it". (181) Whether the opinion is justified really hinges on one's degree of military engineering purism--the compromise in fact struck decent balance between normative design and the vast expenditure of money, labour and time required to raze some of the old rock-anchored walls and cubelos that embarrassed English sappers in 1683-4. Without removing them, however, the work could never be made geometrically perfect. (182)

Plans for the corner bastions and half-bastions had been gestating since the late 1540s, partly with input from the prominent military engineer Miguel de Arruda, who was charged with inspecting Tangier's defences in 1549. The ultimate impetus came, however, from Arruda's acquaintance, the mestre de obras Andre Rodrigues, from the town's titular mestre de obras Jorge Gomes (a Cavaleiro da Ordem do Cristo), and from the brothers Cristovao and Vasco da Cunha. In 1558, during the minority of D. Sebastiao, Rodrigues drew up plans for making the qasba "impregnable" and better suited to dominate the town, concurrently with Cristovao da Cunha's rather optimistic assessment of prospects for refortifying both the "castelo amtiguo dos mouros & nouo dos cristaos". (183) Mentioned in a letter to the regent D. Catarina and apparently tendered to the Crown amid bitter rivalry between Rodrigues and Gomes on the one hand, and on the other hand the royal mestres Isidoro de Almeida and Diogo Telles, the plans do not seem to have survived, unless Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 is indeed one of them. (184) The model of Tangier's walls that Jorge Gomes prepared around 1559-60 to support his competing arguments is also apparently lost. (185) Another five years were to pass before the three town-side bastions and adequate terrepleins within the modernized fortress were completed. (186)


An extensive sloping "green belt", similar for instance to the open spaces between qasba and structured urban fabric in Lebrija, Malaga, or Santarem, separated the qasba from both town and port. (187) By the early sixteenth century the houses had crept only halfway or so up the slope between the qasba and Wadi al-Ahardan. Large stretches of the "green belt" endured into the seventeenth century and accommodated parcelled and terraced gardens. Habitations encroached on the belt only close to the governor's residence. Seller's "Royall City" and Ge DD 2987 (8064) confirm that the Rua dos Clerigos (Priests' Street) and the lane the English called the "Pavement", climbing uphill from the Rua Deaos e Conegos (Dean and Canon Street), constituted the two main thoroughfares. These converged just south-east of the modern-day square in front of the Bab al-'Assa, a space corresponding in location to the innner platform of the south-east bastion demolished in 1683-4. A lane equivalent to Seller's "Pavement", probably dating back to the fifteenth century, appears in the Civitates vista, largely uncluttered by houses along its uppermost part. It would have provided the most direct access from the port and the marketplace to the and the governor's residence prior to the building of the citadel's angle bastions in the mid-1560s. (188)

The Domus Praefecti (Governor's House). Contrary to claims that linger in tourist guides and even in official heritage site inventories, the seventeenthto eighteenth-century Dar al-Makhzen palace located west of the modern Sahat al-Kasba square did not rise on the 1684 ruins of the old Muslim/ Portuguese qasba/Castelo residential complex. The core of the Dar alMakhzen (Dar al-Sultan--since 1922 the Musee al-Kasba or Musee des Arts Marocains de Tanger), (189) built by pasha Ahmad, son of 'Ale b. 'Abd Allah al-Hamaml al-Temsamanl al-Rlfl, occupies together with its annexes the location of the post-1560s citadel's storehouses and armoury, and spills over generously into the larger of the two former inner yards, surrounded before the English demolition by garrison houses and workshops and filled with garden plots. Georegistered overlays of satellite photography, modern street plans, and seventeenth-century military draughts confirm that the old governor's residence (Domus Praefecti) and its adjoining garden (to the north) lay on the east side of the Sahat al-Kasba square, opposite the museum. Inclusive of the garden, the residence filled the space between today's Bab Haha and Bab el-'Assa gates, while its south wing extended into the throat of the Portuguese south-east bastion, between the orillions. Much later on, part of this building lot was allocated to the stables facing, across the Sahat al-Kasba, the Dar al-Makhzen's Treasury annex (Bait alMal) (configuration documented in 1904-10). The Bait al-Mal itself was raised on the site of the former citadel's armoury, in the great yard's southeast corner.

The original Muslim qaid's residence began to morph into its Portuguese successor (depicted in Braun and Hogenberg's Civitates) already during the reign of D. Afonso V (i.e. before 1481). The building's sixteenth--and early seventeenth-century architectural history remains a blank, but there can be no doubt that characteristic fifteenth-century and Manueline features survived into the early 1670s. George Phillips, writing in 1676, credited its ultimate beautification (by contemporary north-western European standards) to the volatile, choleric and drink-loving John, first Earl of Middleton (governor of Tangier during two terms, 1669-70 and 1672-4), who "made the Governours House, of a Portuguese-Dungeon, to become a very Noble Palace". (190) Despite his all too ready disparagement of things Portuguese, Phillips does not really mean to say "dungeon" here, but "donjon" in the sense of "medieval castle keep", highlighting the structure's alien and outdated traits. Yet pictorial evidence attests that as early as the first decades of the sixteenth century the residence was indeed a much more substantial affair.

Phillips' "dungeon"/donjon did, however, form part of the residential complex. It was a four-storey (if the evidence can be adequately deciphered) torre de menagem surmounted by a crenellated platform, in the south-east corner of the concatenated buildings. Located virtually astride the later Bab al-'Assa, the torre rose half a storey or a full storey above the rest. The Civitates endow it, as one would expect from the Castelo novo pattern, with a rectangular hip roof no longer extant in the seventeenth century. From the torre de menagem corner, the residence extended along the east side of the modern Sahat al-Kasba, in a shallow and elongated square "U" with stubby westward wings at the north and south ends (respectively larger and smaller in size). The Civitates show no wall or even fausse-braye at the foot of the east facade, and seventeenth-century views suggest that the latter rose flush with the curtain wall of the qasba (later east curtain of the citadel) even after the 1560s modernization. (191) Hollar's drawings suggest that in the mid-seventeenth century the residence, necessarily composed of elements accreted and/or modified throughout time, comprised three contiguous tracts (besides the torre and the wings), each lower than its southern counterpart. This impression contrasts with the tall and schematically uniform blocks shown in the Civitates and in Seller's "Royall City".

The least controversial component, in terms of agreement among the sources, was the imposing main corps de logis. Crenellated like the torre de menagem and still apparently crowned with a Civitates-type pitched roof by 1669, it featured a spacious hall taking up much of the third floor--this was probably the "great hall" mentioned by John Luke. (192) The southernmost of its four large and tall east windows documented in the Civitates was partly walled up by 1669, suggesting that the south end of the old hall had by then been partitioned into smaller spaces. The facade between the lintels of the great hall windows and the crenellations above is generally shown blank, but an isolated smaller "service room" window in Thomas Phillips' vista suggests the presence of attic space for storage, or servants' quarters. The tall Renaissance chimneys of the Civitates era had been removed before Hollar's time. Nothing is known of the tract's western facade, making it impossible to establish whether a formal main entrance (from the later Sahat al-Kasba) was located here or further north. The seventeenth-century written sources are silent, and no useful views are extant.

The next tract north, lower and less extensive, is oddly "misisng" from Thomas Phillips' vista. It is in fact subsumed within his delineation of the next wing, with only the southernmost two windows positioned correctly. Hollar, by contrast, takes great care to differentiate this tract from the adjacent ones. Although it is the "wrong" height by a storey in the seventeenth-century views, it almost certainly corresponds to the northernmost part of the Civitates-era building. Two-thirds of the second floor apparently accomodated a small formal hall (perhaps the "state room" of the English sources) whose two east windows, only slightly smaller than those of the "great hall", appear distinctly in Hollar's "Tangier from the East". In the sixteenth century, the windows opened on an eye-catching roofed balcony (either masonry or wooden hoarding), subsequently removed. The Civitates pitched roof was still in place in 1669, and so were the tall antiquated chimneys on the west side, although they are clearly visible only with aggressive digital enhancement of Hollar's "Tangier from the East".

The early sixteenth-century residence reached no further. According to the Civitates, the north-east corner included a tall, narrow, square tower conspicuously absent from all seventeenth-century views. We must therefore suppose, for now, that it was demolished when the next two-storey tract was added. At the very least matching in length the old "great hall" and designed with smaller and more "modern" windows, this tract and the adjacent and higher (three-storey?) wing presumably dated to the later sixteenth or seventeenth centuries. It is impossible to say much more beyond the fact that in the seventeenth century the east facade had no crenellations and the buildings were covered with sections of pitched roof. The tall chimney at the far north end, a tiny detail in Hollar's "Tangier from the East", seem to have belonged to the north-west wing. The regularly spaced small windows on the second floor, under the eaves, suggest small service or storage rooms. (193)

The Citadel and the north-west land-front. West of the residential complex, the Castelo velho consisted for the most part of a large open expanse sloping gently upward to the west and partially levelled into a more or less even platform. In the middle were located two large lopsided rectangular yards of unequal size, filled as already mentioned with garden plots and surrounded by houses, sheds, and workshops. The Dar al-Makhzen and the adjacent Riad Sultan gardens occupy the better part of the larger east yard. Traces of the north and north-west rows of houses, in so far as still extant, should be sought under the open grounds of the Riad (see Maps 1 and 3). The yard's eastern edge comprised three large storage halls (shown in bird'seye view by Seller), including the main armoury (identified as "maison de munitions" in BNF Ge DD 2987 (8064)) in the south-east corner (roughly the location of the later Bait al-Mal). Early twentieth century maps of Tangier sometimes label "ruins" the entire storehouse plot stretching north of the Bait al-Mal and along the west edge of the Sahat al-Kasba, although the presence of residual pre-1684 features is unlikely. Traces of the smaller yard's houses lie today under a welter of Kasba housing west of the Riad Sultan. (194)

Between the west yard and the north-western land-front there stretched a broad open space whose only vestige (less than a third of the original extent) is the present-day square Sahat Tabor Espagnol. By the 1670s, a discontinuous row of sheds, barns, and storehouses or barracks cut through the southern part, along a slanting line from today's Porte de la Kasba to the near corner of the west yard. Another row stretched parallel to the citadel's south curtain, between the rampart and the south edge of both yards. The date of these structures remains unknown. Hollar's "View from Peterburgh Tower" belies Seller's excessively tidy rendering of the space near the future Porte de la Kasba and shows that it was partly cluttered with orchard plots separated by a maze of low dry-laid stone walls or plank fences. (195)

The precise shape of the Portuguese late fifteenth and early sixteenth century land-front remains to be established. In the Civitates vista the Domus Praefecti/Governofs House obscures, as already mentioned, the entire area except for the far north-west corner, whose dominant feature is a stout round medieval cubelo equipped with signal apparatus (facho). No such corner torre do sino (facho) figures in later sources and this raises questions unlikely to be answered without the help of archaeology. If the old north wall indeed followed the slanting line shown in the Krigsarkivet draught, abutting on a cubelo located as one would expect at the junction of the north and north-west curtain walls (let us call this "configuration A"), then sometime after c. 1500 but before the making of the Krigsarkivet draught this cubelo was either torn down or embedded in a large rectangular tower-bastion, later known to Ericeira as the Torre principal. Given that this new bastion was mainly an artillery platform (as highlighted clumsily but explicitly in BL Maps K.Top.117.80) the signalling and lookout function would then have logically devolved to another torre do sino--a precursor of the so-called Peterborough Tower near the midpoint of the north west curtain. (196)

If on the other hand the qasba's old north wall ran virtually straight, as in the Civitates (a hypothesis unfortunately not supported by Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001), then it would have connected almost precisely with 195 196 the north-west curtain's midpoint ("configuration B"). In this case, no need to postulate an earlier signal tower's encapsulation within the Torre principal bastion, accompanied by a devolutiuon of signal tower functions. The corollary of B would be a multi-stage scenario of extending the original north-west corner to close the gap between walls and shore, reducing the vulnerability of the vital postern gate in the north wall, the Porta da traicao, very likely dating back to the fifteenth century or earlier. Stage 1--assumed extension of the wall angle and addition of the Torre principal (before 1514 (?); for discussion see next page); Stage 2--securely dated addition of a couraca wall (1543-4); Stage 3--documented but only tentatively dated (1627-44) orillion-less north bastion (Ericeira's Baluarte do Cangrejo). (197) Only excavations in the north-west of the Kasba can confirm the validity of either scenario.

The earliest detailed source for the north-west zone is Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001. By this time the land-front had in the main reached the general layout documented by De Gomme in 1664, minus the Baluarte do Cangrejo and the torre do sino/Peterborough Tower in its specific seventeenthcentury incarnation. Correlations between Ericeira's Historia and the various draughts render quite unequivocal the identification of one key element--the Torre principal rectangular tower-bastion. Ericeira's Torre (a) was immediately adjacent to the large new Baluarte do Cangrejo and close to the seventeenth-century Porta da couraca, and (b) figures repeatedly in accounts of military operations involving the Porta da traicao. (198) Only the small rectangular north-west tower-bastion of Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 and later draughts satisfies the criteria (see Maps 1 through 4). The Tangier portion of the IAN/TT NA 769 auto de medicao, dated 17 July 1514, raises the question, however, whether this bastion may have carried a name other than just Torre or Torre principal. The issue happens to be relevant to the architectural chronology.

Having discussed counterscarp repairs at the Porta da traicao postern, the 1514 auto proceeds to detail scarps and counterscarps at the foot of two mutually adjacent towers--Torre do sino and Torre dos bizcainhos (Tower of the Biscayans). The reference to the torre do sino (there was only one at Tangier, as far as we know) confirms that we are indeed dealing with the north-west land-front. Although secure relative directions cannot be estab--197 198 lished from the document, the following hypothesis feels tempting. Both scenarios discussed above, A and B, ultimately involve a torre do sino at or near the emplacement of the later Peterborough Tower. The Torre dos bizcainhos as the nearest structure brings to mind the stationing in Tangier, in 1511, of 300 Cantabrian masons/crossbowmen from the contingent recruited by the military contractor Francisco Danzilho to refurbish the defences of Ceuta, Alcacer Seguer, Tangier, and Arzila. If the Torre towerbastion was built during Danzilho's contract, just after the 1511 Moroccan siege of Tangier, it would have been natural to call it the Torre dos bizcainhos in 1514. (199) As time passed, mere Torre would have sufficed, for before the building of the seventeenth-century improved signal tower the Torre was the Tower par excellence and the main key to the land-front. Its ground plan as shown in Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 at least does not contradict a 1511-2 date.

The Krigsarkivet draught also documents the already mentioned north couraca, which originally ran down to the strand from a small round cubelo at the north-east corner of the Torre. (200) A single cubelo stiffened the couraca's middle stretch, and the tactically well sheltered angle where the latter met the Torre harboured a gate--the Porta da couraca in its sixteenthcentury shape (close to, functionally equivalent to, but not to be confused with the Porta da couraca of Ericeira's Historia). Erected in 1543-4, twenty years before the citadel's angle bastions, the couraca served a double function. Firstly, it interposed an additional line of defence between the Marchan Plateau and the Porta de traicao postern, where isolated Muslim fighters had scaled the qasba/Castelo velho wall at least twice under the cover of night, on 26 September 1533 and in November 1543. Secondly, it protected access to the postern from a convenient shallow cove in the old shoreline, mentioned by Ericeira and shown in De Gomme's 1664 draught (NMM P43, fol. 2). (201)

Whether an equivalent Islamic couraca in the general vicinity of the 1543-4 structure had fulfilled a similar function earlier on is a difficult question. Rui de Pina's Cronica do Rei D. Duarte certainly mentions a couraca in connection with the evacuation of the Portuguese forces in mid-October 1437, during the last days of D. Henrique's failed Tangier expedition. The Portuguese camp (arraial), as is well known, was "em um outeiro contra o cabo de Espartel onde estavam grandes hortas e pomares e muitos pocos de boas aguas". The location that seems to match all known parameters is the crest of the Marchan Plateau facing the Kasba, between the zone of Phoenician-Roman tombs and the town wall (i.e. the area of the modernday Institut Pasteur, Hopital al-Kartabi, and the Centre de Protection de l'Enfance de Tanger, somewhere along the Rue Assad Ibn al-Fourat). The evacuation terms proposed to the Portuguese between 17 and 19 October 1437, after the surrender of Infante D. Fernando as hostage, involved entering an albacar (walled outer bailey), marching through it, and embarking "pela coiraca". The problem is that the location of this couraca is indeterminate--it could lie anywhere between the Kasba and the later Castelo novo. (202)

The 1543-4 couraca was truncated and a new Porta da couraca made (the Porta of Ericeira's later chapters) when the Baluarte do Cangrejo was built. Exact dating must remain contingent on further archival or achaeological evidence. The Baluarte was demonstrably in place by 1644, but its inner platform (terreplein) remained unfinished. (203) Ericeira's Historia is less precise than one might wish, but suggests a date of 1627-8 for the Baluarte's origin, i.e. during the governorship of D. Miguel de Noronha, the fourth Count of Linhares (June 1624-June 1628). The governor's command style was highstrung, optimistic, almost frantic at times. His brusque tendency to bypass cumbersome official procurement went as far as a less than felicitous attempt to remedy defects in Tangier's artillery park by having suitable pieces (re)cast on the spot, simply importing the craftsmen and the neces sary firewood (from Spain and elesewhere). The sheer momentum finally rallied committed support behind an extensive remodelling of the northwest land-front, reputedly spearheaded by D. Miguel in person, who led by example and hauled earth using his own horse "con tanta alegria y desenfado, que nadie sentia el trabajo ante este modo de conducirse el jefe". (204)

The Torre was substantially modified during this construction campaign. The argument advanced by D. Miguel or his advisors was that the structure (as we have described it thus far) was too low to serve as an adequate vantage point. The Torre was thus raised to the level subsequently depicted by Hollar, somewhat higher than the Baluarte do Cangrejo. Later opinion, however, condemned the work as hasty and ill-considered. Firstly, while the added height of the artillery platform increased range, effectiveness against close-quarters attack decidedly suffered. Secondly, the rebuilding seems to have caused serious structural problems. It is unfortunately difficult to decide whether or not to construe Ericeira's comments as an indication that the Torre's lower level was packed solid with rubble and earth in raising the artillery platform. On the one hand, the Historia reads as if all the structural remarks pertained to the Torre principal. On the other hand, the large volume of fill reportedly required for the "muralla nueva" surely does not relate to the original Torre alone, which also would not be alluded to as "muralla". The most plausible interpretation is that Ericeira's "muralla" referred to the whole improved north-west land-front dating to the 1620s (and probably including the Baluarte do Cangrejo)--a muralha conceptualized as a coherent defence line reminiscent of Ceuta's muralha real at the Foso Sao Filipe. (205)

As Ericeira attests, the 1620s rebuilding included the old Torre do sino. (206) It has been commonly assumed that the seventeenth-century signal tower-Peterborough Tower--Tangier's most picturesque landmark after the Castelo novo, was erected under the governorship of Henry Mordaunt, Lord Peterborough. Saunders, for instance, echoes this version without invoking any evidence, despite his trenchant and fitting characterization of Peterborough's administration as "timorous" and marked by "defeatism", and despite noting that the first infusion of significant building funds had to await the arrival of Lord Andrew Rutherford, Earl of Teviot, appointed governor in February 1663. (207) The tower, in the shape documented in 1669 by Hollar, in fact appears in fine detail (including the typical farolero mentioned by Ericeira) already in the Maps K.Top.117.80 bird's-eye view. (208) It thus clearly predated any construction conceivably ordered or seen to completion by Lord Peterborough. Unless sources turn up that would substantiate early English work on the Torre do sino of a more involved nature than repairs or additions, the attribution must be dismissed as one more instance of the English relabelling of Portuguese Tangier's features to make them more congenial (and pronounceable), and we should probably refer to the so-called Peterborough Tower more appropriately as the Noronha Tower. (209)

The last notable feature of the north-west land-front was a small simple angle bastion whose footprint closely matched the bastion shielding the Porte de la Kasba today (Plate 9). Hollar's "View from Peterburgh Tower", as well as the Krigsarkivet draught, make it clear that what might appear to be merely a wing of the land-front wall (Map 2, feature labelled "L") was in fact treated as a whole with the bastion and the emerging muralha-a single artillery platform. The latter extended from south of the angle bastion all the way along the muralha to the Torre at the north end. The embrasures, at least in the seventeenth century, accommodated field artillery pieces, and in between them double firing steps (banquettes) were masoned in, high enough to permit small arms fire over the parapet. The presence of a firing step along the parapet facing the inside of the Castelo suggests that the entire muralha was conceptualized as a self-contained fortification capable of repelling attack from all sides. By 1669, if Hollar is to be trusted, additions to the land-front consisted mainly of a complex counterscarp with tenaille heads, covered-way, and a lozenge-shaped redoubt toward the shore, closely emulating the works proposed in PRO [NAL] MPH 1 fol. 43. (210)


The north wall. The defences in this sector retained an archaic appearance all the way to the English demolition. The 1560s bastioned trace of the Castelo velho was simply retrofitted within the old enceinte line, without any attempt at further improvement. The seventeenth-century Baluarte do Cangrejo established adequate control over the sector, and De Gomme's proposed bastioned forward reinforcements were never even attempted. There was indeed hardly any need to do so--the escarpment whose crest the wall followed (the falaise facing today's Bouknadel beach) made assault from this quarter a questionable proposition. Although Muslim fighters made various dare-devil attempts, at infrequent intervals, to seize control of the north wall postern gate and/or adjacent works (1533, 1643, 1641, 1644), neither they nor the Portuguese in the fifteenth century, nor anyone else to the best of my knowledge, planned or attempted a serious attack straight up the falaise.

Both Seller's "Royall City" bird's-eye view and BL Maps K.Top.117.80 overstate the wall's archaic character (in terms of the number of purportedly round medieval cubelos), while BNF Ge DD 2987 (8064) drastically understates it by omitting all detail other than the postern gate tower. The truth lies in the middle. The best available view, Phillips' 1683 "Tangier from the West, Before it Was Demolished", is closest to the best English draughts and to the Krigsarkivet one: the qasba/Citadel wall included five irregularly spaced square traveses between the postern and the north-east half-bastion. The only old-style round cubelo stood near the angle of the latter, next to Seller's "Stayner's Battery" gun emplacement. The most prominent and tactically valuable feature was the Porta de traicao postern, comprising a torre over a double-bent axis gateway. Between the postern and the Torre principal, the sixteenth-century wall originally included one square traves and one round cubelo, still shown in Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009: 001 but demolished later on. (211)

From the Citadel's north-east half-bastion down the slope to the Parade Place ("Old Parado") there ran a plain curtain wall topped with a narrow sentry path and a solid parapet with loopholes for small arms only. From the Braun and Hogenberg vista through the Krigsarkivet draught to the De Gomme and Hollar documentation, hardly any design change can be detected. In the lowest portion the curtain was no higher than about fifteen courses of stonework--this particular section lay at the end of the downhill stretch, before the wall met a commanding round cubelo at the western tip of a spur wall or pseudo-couraca (double walled according to Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001) extending westward from the Castelo novo. The foot of the escarpment below had been reinforced by the 1660s with a massive sloping stone revetment, probably both to deter escalade and to protect against damage inflicted by surging surf. (212) Here the edge of the Parade Ground provided in the seventeenth century solid support for a small battery (Hollar's "Three Guns in the Old Parado") (Plate 3) whose location closely matched that of the subsequent nineteenth-century Reisha Battery. None of the pre-1660s sources document corresponding earlier gunnery arrangements.


Tangier does not quite compare with Azemmur (Azemmour), Arzila, Safi, Ceuta, or Melilla--not to speak of Mazagan (El-Jadida)--in terms of the structuring presence of a coherent "stone palimpsest" of the past within a living urban fabric. Neither extant nor vanished, the composite of pre-1471 Islamic Tangier, post-1471 Portuguese Tangier, and post-1662 English Tangier is one part "stone" (buried, or ingested by later structures) and many parts of discontinuous but surprisingly ample "memory". Despite limitations, this old Tangier is rather well documented within the Portuguese/English timeframe--on a basic planimetric level and, albeit sparsely and imperfectly, in three dimensions. Its remnants are partially reconstructible (in our minds), and verifiable (or would be so, given time, opportunity, and resources). Its outer shell (the enceinte) both is and is not "there"--yet it has not become a mere abstract break between old and new urban texture. The notes to the present study intimate a pattern shared with other places around the ancient-medieval-early-modern Mediterranean--even in this deliberately "destroyed" urban core the more distant past, in particular elements of the enceinte, receded with a more abrupt finality only in the early twentieth century, not in 1683-4.

How may this liminal heritage be (re)claimed? As Angelo Bottini emphasized in his 2002 preamble "La Carta Archeologica come strumento di tutela" and as the European Union's EUROMED Heritage "Inventories" background paper stressed again in December 2008, one cannot effectively manage, protect, enhance, or make into a value-added asset something merely surmised or outright unknown. (213) A platitude--yes, of course, as Bottini conceded--but perhaps a useful one, in the light of current vocal agonizing about the "principle of precaution", "preventative action", or "patrimonial potential" in dealing with shared human heritage. In Tangier's medina, the vagueness and conjecture reflecting an opaque, confused, and contested correlation between historical data and observable features have not made any such precaution or preventative action easier. The conservation and interpretation of any accidentally or deliberately recovered traces of pre-1684 Tangier, especially in the medina's high-density traditional architectural environment, depends to no small degree on handling all available evidence as an organic body of data (albeit incomplete), not as a mere sampler of discrete illustrative items.

In this context, the present study satisfies the criteria for a EUROMED Level 3 ("Specific or Specialized Study") partial heritage inventory tool (pre-1684) for the historic medina of Tangier. (214) It might also be considered a precursor to Tangier's version of the pre-modern section of the "Carta per la qualita urbana" (Urban Quality Features Map) within the New Regulatory Plan (Piano Regolatore) for the city of Rome, for instance. (215) Like the "Carta", the study locates and identifies heritage features, contextualizing them with respect to historical trends and today's urban fabric. Like the "Carta", it does not seek to stand in for an archaeological survey. It simply blends what can thus far be documented (using plans, maps, vistas, photographs, and standard written sources) into a systematic instrument establishing more fully and precisely than before the possible presence of historic remnants in certain parts of the medina, whether underground or embedded in later structures. (216) Much more modest than the "Carta", it stops short, however, of effective integration into a formal planning and conservation GIS database--after all, it is merely a product of unfunded lone-wolf research.

The attached maps, rigorous as they are within their specified limitations, do not constitute a formal (quasi)archaeological mapping of Portuguese/English Tangier. The matrix of source analysis, interpretation, and critical scrutiny of hypotheses in which the maps are embedded nonetheless offers adequate support, at a preliminary level of detail, for future integration with both urbanistic and archaeological data. The matrix, and the assembled body of research, also provide at this point the strict minimum of information required to start work on tentative three-dimensional artistic renderings akin to the imagery created by Inklink Studio for such projects as the comprehensive study of historic fortified sites and localities in the Province of Siena (Italy). (217) Beyond its usual didactic and museological role, such imagery can provide a valuable testing environment in which to refine research hypotheses and calibrate expectations of results from small-scale spot excavations likely to be feasible in the congested environment of the medina.

The full range of the study's implications for planning, development, conservation, and restoration within the medina cannot be viably discussed here. Suffice to say that specific legal and conservation challenges may arise, as is well known, in the case of heritage complexes that include extensive or fragmentary fortified perimeters. This is especially true in situations where, as in Tangier, significant portions of a partially surviving enceinte have long since become structurally embedded within modern private property. (218) Although relevant Moroccan legislation concerning historic sites and monuments, such as the Dahir no 1-80-341 of 17 Safar 1401 (25 December 1980) (Loi n 22-80), (219) have often been perceived as inadequate in many respects, the associated issues are certainly not limited to Morocco's legal environment. To invoke once more the example of the Province of Siena, entrenched patchworks of private and public ownership along historic urban enceintes can greatly complicate research, protection, restoration, and maintenance, even though the only truly efficient and methodologically sound approach would be to treat the entire artefact--i.e. the enceinte--as a coherent whole subjected to consistent measures. As M. Preite and others have stressed, public-private partnerships are a possibility in this context. (220) The mixed results that attempts to leverage such partnerships have yielded for instance in the partial rehabilitation of the medina of Fez (1996-2005) leave nonetheless ample room to explore alternatives. (221)

Martin Malcolm Elbl

Trent University

(1) A disclaimer is in order, given the politics of heritage, zoning, and public works in the greater Tangier area (2005-9 and near future). The present study is purely independent. No aid or grant was solicited or received from any person, firm, public or corporate entity, government or associated agency. The author supplied all technical support. Thanks go to: the Bibliotheque Nationale de France for outstanding online access to varied resources; the IAN/TT (Lisbon); the Biblioteca Nacional (Lisbon); the NASA Landsat Program, the Global Land Cover Facility (GLCF), and NGA/NIMA for public access to data; other research libraries, above all at the university of Toronto; BIBAR (Universita di Siena); the Library of Congress; and both the National Maritime Museum (UK) and the Krigsarkivet (Stockholm) for public access to limited-resolution images.

(2) Chronica d'El-Rei D. Affonso V, 66-7. Marmol later affirmed, however, that the refugees merely damaged what they could, and did not set any fires for fear of this being spotted from afar (Marmol, L'Afrique, trad. Nicolas Perrot d'Ablancourt (Paris: Louis Billaine, 1667), 2: liv. 4, cap. 53, 230).

(3) For Algeciras see Antonio Torremocha Silva, "El fenomeno urbano portuario en el Estrecho medieval," in Actas del II Congreso Internacional "La Ciudad en al-Andalus y el Magreb" (Granada: Fundacion El Legado Andalusi, 2002), 320, and Antonio Torremocha Silva et al., "Estructuras defensivas de Algeciras islamica. Su analisis desde las fuentes escritas y el registro arqueologico," Actas del II Congreso Internacional "La Ciudad en al-Andalus y el Magreb", 453-4, 468.

(4) Extracts from "Peterborough's Reports to the Lords of the Council and Others," 12 Feb. 1662-17 Feb. 1662, in E. M. G. Routh, Tangier, England's Lost Atlantic Outpost, 1661-1684 (London: John Murray, 1912), 15.

(5) See Budgett Meakin, The Land of the Moors: A Comprehensive Description (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1901), 130, Routh, Tangier, 262-5, and G. Salmon, "La Qacba de Tanger," Archives Marocaines 1 (1904): 98-9, 101-3, 105-6. Also Samuel Pepys, The Tangier Papers, ed. Edwin Chappell, Publications of the Navy Records Society 73 (London: Navy Records Society, 1935), "Appendix I: Captain's Log of HMS Grafton," 285-6. Further see Dias, Arquitectura, 90. Thomas Phillips, "A Prospect of Tangier Coming from the Westward Before it was Demolished," is easily available in Routh, Tangier, plate facing p. 264, and the companion plate "A Prospect of Tangier Coming from the Westward After it was Demolished" (facing p. 266 [Routh's plates are tipped in and not paginated]) shows the extent of damage along the north wall, as well as the explosion of a charge in the area of the Castelo Novo (York Castle).

(6) The most sanguine claims foresaw a time-frame of c. two weeks (Routh, Tangier, 262-3). By 21 Sep. 1683 the engineer Henry Sheres estimated, however, that over three months would be needed to wreck the Mole (the new English breakwater) alone. The task-force commanded by George Legge, Lord Dartmouth, was notably short of victuals and tools. See e.g. Pepys, The Tangier Papers, 19, 24-5, 57; Routh, Tangier, 259-60.

(7) Charles Mullie, Biographie des celebrites militaires des armees de terre et de mer de 1789 a 1850 (Paris: Poignavant, 1852), 2: 89-90. The Suffren, Jemappes, and Argus are usually given as the lead vessels, subsequently supported by the Triton, Belle Poule, and Rubis.

(8) For a gossip version, see Maximilien de la Martiniere, Journeys in the Kingdom of Fez (London: Whittaker, 1889), 26, 28. For a recent study of Hay's period in office, see Khalid Ben Srhir, Britain and Morocco during the Embassy of John Drummond Hay, 1845-1886, trans. M. Williams and G. Waterson (London/New York: RoutledgeCurzon, 2005). Martiniere, oddly enough, downplayed the English demolition of 1683-4--the sappers had blown up only "the principal defences of the jetty" (p. 27). He ascribed the lack of Portuguese architecture, particularly in the Kasba, not to the English but to Joinville's "devastation" (p. 26). On both counts he was wrong, but no worse than his seventeenth-century English predecessors penning official "mission accomplished" accounts of Tangier's destruction. See also Meakin, The Land of the Moors, 131-2.

(9) See e.g. "Tanger Expo 2012" (; "Tanger Expo 2012-Elues, elites et simples citoyens emettent leurs points de vue," La Chronique, 12 Apr. 2008 (; "Gibraltar, le grand defi d'un ingenieur suisse," SwissInfo, 29 Sep. 2006 (; Tahar Abou El Farah, "Le projet du tunnel Maroc-Espagne avance," 5 Oct. 2006 (http://www.Madi. net).

(10) ODEP, "Tangier Port to be Converted to Pleasure Station," Morocco Times (12 Jun. 2006).

(11) For basic information on the Alkantara project, with links to pilot publications, see For the Musee al-Kasba, see e.g. Qods Chabaa, "Le musee de la Casbah se refait une beaute," Le Maroc Aujourd'hui (7 Aug. 2006) (http://www.; Abdelaziz El-Idrissi, "Le Musee de la Kasbah, Tanger, Maroc," Medelhavsmuseet Focus 1 (2004), Papers from the Colloquium "Cultural Heritage and New Challenges for Museums", Alexandria (Egypt), October 2002.

(12) European Community Project TEMPUS (MEDA). For further information see project contacts at

(13) See the brief overview and guide by Jose Antonio Martinez Lopez and Mansour Akrache, eds., Fortificaciones en el Norte de Marruecos: TangerTetuan (Murcia: Consejeria de Educacion y Cultura, 2005).

(14) Surveys conducted by Athena Trakadas and Stefan Claesson. In 2003-4, Athena Trakadas, in co-operation with the RPM Nautical Foundation and George Robb, Director of INA, completed the second season of a two-year run of archaeological surveys along the coasts of Morocco.

(15) This conceptualization of the Place du 9 Avril is of course relevant from the viewpoint of modern history only. The Grand Socco occupies the open space extra muros, outside the old Fez Gate/Porta do campo, structured in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by the counterscarp of the town ditch and by the outer defences blocking approach to the gate. See Map 1 and Plate 7.

(16) The organizations supporting the endeavours of Al-Boughaz at the wilaya session of 10 July 2001 included the Inma'e Tanja, the Fondation Abdellah Guennoun, the group of Anciens Parlementaires et Elus de Tanger, the Royal Automobile Club, and finally the Fondation Tanger Al-Madina. A provisional list of Tangier's heritage assets was compiled in 1992, and revised in 2002. For the association's website, see http:// A good summary of the issues and of the cooperative project between Al-Boughaz and COSPE (Florence, Italy) was presented by Al-Boughaz at the colloquium "La culture pour le developpement des villes mediterraneennes," Venice, 30 Nov. 2003. The desiderata, as outlined, should be interpreted against the background of the rehabilitation project carried out in the medina of Fez (1996-2005) and partly financed by loans from the World Bank (SCL-44020; SCL-44030; TF-29646). See also the "Conclusion" to the present study.

(17) See e.g. press summaries from April 2002 at, "Tanger: Vers une rehabilitation des sites historiques?". Dar Ghaylan, located 2.5 km east of the medina, at Malabata and on the right bank of Oued al-Halk, has been degrading ever since 1969. For the Perdicaris project, see htm. The well-known domain belonged from 1872 to the rich Greek-American entrepreneur Ion H. Perdicaris, whose kidnapping in 1924 by Raissouni provoked an American intervention. It was acquired in the 1930s by Al-Mezouari al-Glaoui.

(18) The panoply of strategic targets icluded pollution control in the Bay of Tangier, beach erosion counter-measures, and a relaunch of the Tangier artificial lake project, as well as the improvement and maintenance of roads and green spaces. The urbanistic aspects were expected to involve, among other, the Ministere du Tourisme, the Wilaya, the Agence pour la Promotion et le Developpement Economique et Social des Prefectures et Provinces du Nord du Royaume (APDN), the Agence Urbaine, the Conseil Regional du Tourisme (CRT), the Conseil de la Ville de Tanger and the Chambre du Commerce, de l'Industrie, et des Services. See for instance SNABT's report at http:// (June 2006).

(19) See e.g. Abdellatif El Azizi's "Un crime contre l'humanite," Maroc-hebdo Internet (589) ( page24.pdf)

(20) The fountain "Sir Reginald Lister" (restored by Jul. 2001), "Siyaghines", "Jama'a el-Kebir", "Dar Dbagh", and "Qasbah" (

(21) See e.g. "Demarrage des activites import-export des conteneurs au port de TangerMed," (6 Mar. 2008); Najat Fa'issal, "La voie ferree desservant le port Tanger-Med sera operationnelle fin 2008," Aujourd'hui Le Maroc (31 Mar. 2008); and also official updates and announcements on For a compact general overview, see Corinne Langevin, "Dossier: Tanger et le Nord," Conjoncture 873 (2006): 15-25. The complex opportunities and challenges were highlighted at the Al-Boughaz round-table "Tanger, patrimoine et developpement: La place de la Medina dans les mutations urbaines, quel role pour la societe civile?" 16 Feb. 2008 (Tangier, El Minzah Hotel). Although not overtly discussed at the time, the lukewarm World Bank project completion report on the rehabilitaiton of the medina of Fez may have been at the back of the participants' minds (World Bank Report No. 35074, "Rapport d'achevement," 2 Jun. 2006).

(22) "Forum Marocain du Tourisme," (22 Jul. 2005), at php?id=1667. Temsamani served prominently as moderator in several sessions of the AlBoughaz Feb. 2008 round-table (see previous note).

(23) See e.g. MAP, "Un programme d'urgence pour rehabiliter l'espace urbain de Tanger," LeMatin-Maroc, 19 Jul. 2008 (; and the AUT's online project updates since 2004-5. Also Luigi Zumbo, "Gli spazi di relazione delle citta del Mediterraneo. Processi di modernizzazione e salvaguardia dell'identita mediterranea," PhD Thesis, Universita degli Studi di Napoli "Federico II" (Naples, Nov. 2005), 155-9.

(24) See e.g. Zumbo, "Gli spazi di relazione," 152-3, in lieu of a more lengthy listing of selected sources.

(25) Amendis, a subsidiary of Veolia Water (under the brand Veolia Environnement Maroc), is tied into Vivendi Universal (Paris), through Vivendi Environnement, within a system of subsidiaries that include Vivendi Water, Vivendi Water Systems and CGSP-Onyx. For a glimpse of Vivendi's positioning in the municipal services market in Morocco, see e.g. "Vivendi Environnement Takes Over African Company," WaterTech Online (30 Oct. 2002), at asp?print=i&mode=4 &NID=35690&UniqueURL=926947811-2006-7-13-10-57-52. At Tangier, Vivendi initially went into the deal in partnership with the Groupe ONA (Morocco), the Compagnie Generale des Eaux (member of Vivendi), and Canada's Hydro-Quebec International. The project's initial feasibility study (alternative outlet sites, bathymetry, marine currents) was carried out by SOGREAH (see htm). The plant will be in operation at least until 2027. See e.g. Liberation (Casablanca), (11 mars 2005) (reproduced at 200503140054. html). For project parameters, see Arrondissement Tanger Medina, "Note concernant le projet d'assainissement liquide de Tanger," at Gprojets.htm. For broader socio-economic context and discussion, see Claude de Miras, Julien Le Tellier, and Abdelmalik Saloui, Couvernance urbaine et acces a l'eau potable au Maroc. Partenariat public-prive a Casablanca et TangerTetouan (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2005).

(26) For a recent generalized, introductory analysis of the Tangier medina, see Zumbo, "Gli spazi di relazione," 135-62.

(27) Mohamed Cherif, Ceuta aux epoques almohade et merinide (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1996); Antonio Bravo Nieto and Jesus Miguel Saez Cazorla, Melilla en el siglo XVI a traves de sus fortificaciones (Melilla: Servicio de Publicaciones del Ayuntamiento, 1988); Antonio Bravo Nieto, Ingenieros militares en Melilla: Teoria y practica de fortificacion durante la edad moderna: Siglos XVI a XVIII (Melilla: Servicio de Publicaciones de la UNED de Melilla, 1991); Salvador Moreno Peralta, Antonio Bravo Nieto, and Jesus Miguel Saez Cazorla, Melilla la Vieja: Plan especial de los cuatro recintos fortificados (Melilla: Consejeria de Cultura, Servicio de Publicaciones, 1999).

(28) Guillermo Gozalbes Busto, "Tanger medieval," Cuadernos de la Biblioteca Espanola de Tetuan (1980): 199-265; reprinted in Guillermo Gozalbes Busto, Estudios sobre Marruecos en la Edad Media (Granada: Marracena Juberias & Cia, 1989), 153-210.

(29) Michel Ponsich, Recherches archeologiques a Tanger et dans sa region (Paris: Editions du CNRS, 1970). Older studies that remain useful include J. Marion, "Note sur le peuplement de Tanger a l'epoque romaine," Hesperis, 35 (1948): 125-30. Further Mostafa Azouga, "La Qasba de Tanger," Memoire de 2e cycle, INSAP (Rabat) (1990); Ahmed Siraj, "Note sur l'urbanisme de Tanger a l'epoque romaine et arabe," LAfrica romana: Atti del X Convegno di studio, Oristano 11-13 dicembre 1992 (Sassari, 1994), 221-9; Ahmed Siraj, "De Tingi a Tandja. Le mystere d'une capitale dechue," Antiquites Africaines 30 (1994): 281-302; Ahmed Siraj, L'image de la Tingitane. L'historiographie arabe medievale et l'antiquite nord-africaine, Collection de l'EFR, 209 (Rome: Ecole francaise de Rome, 1995); A. Akerraz, "Les murailles de Tanger," Nouvelles archeologiques et patrimoniales, Bulletin semestriel publie par les enseignants chercheurs de l'INSAP, Rabat (1997): 11-12; Abdelatif El-Boudjay, "La muraille califale de la qasba de Tanger," Caetaria (Revista del Museo Municipal de Algeciras) 3 (2000): 151-62.

(30) Jose de Esaguy, Tanger sous la domination portugaise (1471-1663) (Tanger: Internationales, 1937); see also e.g. Marise Periale, Maroc lusitanien: 1415-1769 (Paris: Revue des Independants, 1938).

(31) Afonso de Dornelas, "Tanger. Subsidios historicos," Historia e genealogia, vol. 2 (Lisbon: Liv. Ferin Tip., 1914); Vieira Guimaraes, Marrocos e tres mestres da Ordem de Cristo, Comemoracao do Quinto Centenario da Tomada de Ceuta, 3a ser., Memorias (Lisbon: Comissao dos Centenarios de Ceuta e Albuquerque, 1916).

(32) Robert Ricard, Etudes sur l'histoire des Portugais au Maroc (Coimbra: Universidade de Coimbra, 1955); see also Adel Yussef Sidarus, "Complementos a bibliografia iberoafricana e islamica de Robert Ricard," Al-Qantara 10 (1) (1989): 277-90.

(33) Antonio Dias Farinha, "Correspondencia de D. Jorge Mascarenhas, Governador de Tanger (1622-1624)," in Actas do IV Congresso de Estudos Arabes e Islamicos, CoimbraLisboa, 1968 (Leiden: Brill, 1971), offprint in the holdings of the Biblioteca Nacional, 17 pp.; Carlos Posac Mon, "La rebelion de Tanger en 1643," Cuadernos de la Biblioteca Espanola de Tetuan 6 (1972): 80-112; Carlos Posac Mon, El epilogo de la dominacion portuguesa de Tanger (1643-1662) (Tanger: Instituto Politecnico Espanol, 1974) (38 pp.).

(34) Antonio Dias Farinha, Os Portugueses em Marrocos (Lisbon: Instituto Camoes, 1999); Antonio Dias Farinha, "Portugal e Marrocos no seculo XV," Doctoral thesis (Lisbon, 1990) (note, however, that the ground plan of Tangier in Farinha's thesis [p. 125, Fig. 6] is an inaccurate derivative of modern general-purpose plans, and is seriously misleading with respect to the pre-1684 layout). Further see e.g. Antonio Dias Farinha, "As relacoes luso-marroquinas: Identidade e historia"; Pedro Dias, "As construcoes portuguessas na cidade magrebina de Azamor"; and Rui Carita, "A arquitectura abaluartada de origem portuguesa," all published in the "Relacoes luso-marroquinas" issue of Camoes 17-18 (2004), honouring the Luso-Moroccan treaty of 1774.

(35) Paulo Drumond Braga, "Portugal e o cativeiro do Infante D. Fernando: 1437-1443," Al-Qantara 13 (1) (1992): 47-61; Isabel Maria Ribeiro Mendes and Paulo Drumond Braga, "Andaluzes em Tanger: Seculos XVI-XVII," in Actas del II Congresso de Historia de Andalucia, Cordoba, 1991 (Cordoba: Consejeria de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucia, 1995), 551-9; Rui Miguel da Costa Pinto, "Catarina de Braganca e a entrega de Tanger," Callipole 2 (1994): 89-101; Otilia Rodrigues Fontoura, Portugal em Marrocos na epoca de D. Joao III: Abandono ou permanencia? (Funchal: Centro de Estudos de Historia do Atlan tico, 1998); Rafael Moreira, "L'architecture militaire portugaise au Maroc," presented at the I Coloquio de Historia Luso-Marroquina (Casablanca, 2005); Joao Figueiroa-Rego, "Tanger, Mazagao e Azamor nos Livros de Matricula de Moradores da Casa Real (seculo XVII)," presented at the II Coloquio de Historia Luso--Marroquina (Lagos, 2006). The III Coloquio (Marrakech, 2007) tabled no papers directly relevant to this study, and neither did the IV Coloquio (Lisbon and Lagos, 2008), although the boook version of Jorge Correia's thesis (see note 37 below) was formally launched at the 7th session of the IV Coloquio. For a recent detailed analysis of Alcacer Seguer, see Martin Malcolm Elbl, "The Master-Builder, the Bureaucrat, and the Practical Soldier: Protecting Alcacer Seguer/Qasr al-Saghlr (Morocco) in the Early Sixteenth Century," Portuguese Studies Review 12 (1) (2004, publ. 2005): 33-73.

(36) Pedro Dias, A Arquitectura dos Portugueses em Marrocos (1415-1769) (Lisbon: Livraria Minerva, 2000), 75-93, superseding Jean-Louis Miege, Georges Bousquet, Jacques Denarnaud and Florence Beaufre, Tanger. Porte entre deux mondes (ACR Edition, 1992).

(37) Jorge Correia, "Urban Models and Concepts in Portuguese Tangier (1471-1660)," Planning History [Bulletin of the Planning History Group] 26 (3) (2004): 11-16 (the paper was also presented at the 11th International Planning History Conference in Barcelona, 2004); idem., "Ceuta, Tangier and El Jadida: Muslim Cities 'Interrupted'," paper presented at the 61st Annual Meeting of the Society of Architectural Historians, 23-27 April 2008; idem., "Implantacao da cidade portuguesa no Norte de Africa: Da tomada de Ceuta a meados do seculo XVI," Doctoral Thesis, Faculdade de Arquitectura da Universidade do Porto (2006); idem., Implantacao da cidade portuguesa no Norte de Africa: Da tomada de Ceuta a meados do seculo XVI (Porto: FAUP, 2008). Although not pertaining directly to Tangier, see also Jorge Correia, "Early 16th-Century Mercantile Structures in Northern Africa: The Portuguese City of Safim," paper presented at the 60th Annual Meeting of the Society of Architectural Historians, 2007.

(38) This resonates with the notion of Piero Ostilio Rossi's "town as theatre of unfolding events" ("la citta come teatro dello scorrere degli avvenimenti"), in turn invoking Italo Calvino's haunting mythical city of Zaira in the much quoted Le citta invisibili (Rossi, "Roma: Una carta per la qualita urbana. La memoria in formazione," in Andreina Ricci, Archeologia e urbanistica, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Universita degli Studi di Siena, International School in Archaelogy, Certosa di Pontignano (Siena), 26 Jan.-i Feb. 2001 (Florence: Edizioni All'Insegna del Giglio, 2002), 125-45; Italo Calvino, Le citta invisibili (Turin: Einaudi, 1972), 18-9). Related notions echo even through Zumbo, "Gli spazi di relazione," 140 (unfortunately in a passage otherwise blighted by factual errors).

(39) See pp. 134, 139-40, 146, 170 n168, and 172 n175 below.

(40) E. M. G. Routh, "The English at Tangier," English Historical Review 26 (103) (1911): 469-81; Clyde L. Grose, "The Anglo-Portuguese Marriage of 1662," Hispanic American Historical Review 10 (3) (1930): 313-52; Gerald L. Belcher, "Spain and the AngloPortuguese Alliance of 1661: A Reassessment of Charles II's Foreign Policy at the Restoration," Journal of British Studies 15 (1) (1975): 67-88; J. D. Davies, "The Navy, Parliament and Political Crisis in the Reign of Charles II," Historical Journal 36 (2) (1993): 271-88; G. E. Aylmer, "Slavery under Charles II: The Mediterranean and Tangier," English Historical Review 114 (456) (1999): 378-88.

(41) Guillermo Guastavino Gallent and Francisco Cuevas Garcia, Tanger ingles. Un folleto del siglo XVII referente a la dominacion inglesa en Tanger (Tangier: Imp. Bosca, 1939); Chantal de la Veronne, Tanger sous l'occupation anglaise: D'apres une description anonyme de 1674, Documents d'histoire maghrebine 1 (Paris: Geuthner, 1972) [annotated edition of MS no 3170, Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid].

(42) Walter Bulmer Tate Abbey, Tangier under British Rule, 1661-1684 (Jersey: J. T. Bigwood, 1940).

(43) Patrick Trunbill, "The British in Tangier," British History Illustrated 5 (5) (1978-1979): 47-55.

(44) Peter Boxhall, "Tangier: An English Military Outpost," Army Quarterly and Defence Journal [Great Britain], 119 (3) (1989): 327-35; 119 (4) (1989): 442-52

(45) F. C. Springell, "Unpublished Drawings of Tangier by Wenceslaus Hollar," Burlington Magazine 106 (731) (1964): 68-74; Gillian Williams, "Wenceslaus Hollar in Tangier," History Today 33 (March 1983): 36-41.

(46) Andrew Saunders, Fortress Builder. Bernard de Gomme, Charles II's Military Engineer (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2004).

(47) Linda Colley, Captives: Britain, Empire, and the World, 1600-1850 (New York: Anchor --Random House, 2004), Chap. 1.

(48) Colley's "long, fortified walls" that "began to coil around the settlement 'one without another, as there are [skins] to an onion'" reflect a double misunderstanding--of Tangier's fortifications and of the "onion skins" metaphor coined by Sir Richard Fanshaw, Ambassador to Lisbon (Sir R. Fanshaw to Sir Henry Bennet, 19/29 Jun. 1663, Heathcote MSS, Hist. MSS, Com. Rep., p. 119; cited in Routh, Tangier, 38). Fanshaw did not refer at all to the walls of Tangier, but to entrenchments put up by the Earl of Teviot, who " ... in a fortnight space [sic] hooked in a little piece of country by two new erected forts and a circular trench to the town [my italics], and I do verily believe that in process of time he will add as many skins to it, one without another, as there are of an onion." This was only after the affable but ineffectual first English governor had stepped down in the spring of 1663 (with a golden handshake of 1,000 [pounds sterling] per annum), yielding command to Andrew Rutherford (newly made Earl of Teviot).

(49) For the basic range of issues and challenges involving the Mole and the anchorage, see e.g. Sir Hugh Cholmley, Bart., An Account of Tangier ([London]: n.p., 1787 [privately printed, original MS dated 1653]), 40-63.

(50) For analysis of the auto's Alcacer part, see Elbl, "Protecting Alcacer Seguer," 33-73.

(51) Dornelas, "Tanger," Historia e genealogia, 2: 87-9. For a basic synopsis of D. Pedro Manuel's career, see e.g. Ricard, "Inscriptions portugaises de Tanger, " in Etudes, 417.

(52) Pepys, The Tangier Papers, 91.

(53) Anonymous, A Brief Relation of the Present State of Tangier, and of the Advantages which His Excelence the Earl of Tiveot [sic] has obteyned against Gayland (London: T. Mabb, 1664); Anonymous, A Description of Tangier, the Country and People Adjoyning, etc. (London: Samuel Speed, 1664); G. P. [George Phillips], The Present State of Tangier (London: Henry Herringman, 1676); Cholmley, Account of Tangier; John Luke, Tangier at High Tide. The Journal of John Luke, 1670-1673, ed. by Helen Andrews Kaufman (GenevaParis: Librarie Droz-Librarie Minard, 1958); Pepys, The Tangier Papers.

(54) A. Boato, "Fonti scritte e archeologia," Noticiario di archeologia medievale 59-60 (1992): 33-4; P. Bernardi, "Sources ecrites et archeologie du bati," Archeologia dell'architettura, 2 (1997): 141-5; A. Boato, "Fonti indirette e archeologia dell'architettura: Una proposta di metodo," Archeologia dell'architettura 3 (1998): 61-74. The approach fits, on a broader scale, under Boato's heading of "indirect sources archaeology" (see A. Boato, "Building Archaeology: A Non-Destructive Archaeology," in Online Proceedings of the 15th World Conference on Non-Destructive Testing, 15-21 Oct. 2000 (Rome), http://www.ndt. net/article/wcndt00/papers/idn365/idn365.htm).

(55) Draughts not strictly consistent when digitally superimposed after simple rotation and scaling.

(56) Throughout the present study, modern toponyms in and around Tangier (e.g. street names) will be rendered as most commonly presented in non-Arabic documents. No attempt has been made to add transliteration diacritics.

(57) Vague concerning the Portuguese and English periods, current discussions of urban structure around the Petit Socco, e.g. in Zumbo, "Gli spazi di relazione," 146-7, jump from a tentative Roman layour straight to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

(58) Such English outworks partly followed the lines of previous Portuguese ones.

(59) Saunders, Fortress Builder, 14-18, 88-98.

(60) This is not a criticism of the monograph's production quality. NMM P43 fol. 2 is simply of a size (125.5 x 184 cm) that will not reduce usefully to a book page. Correspondingly, no attempt has been made to reproduce it here (besides, for an unfunded study, the NMM's copyright fees were prohibitive).

(61) Saunders, Fortress Builder, 342. The selective details only cover certain areas.

(62) PRO [NAL] MPH 1 fol. 43 is dated 1678, but apparently not by De Gomme. Saunders' explanation--that it may simply have been bundled and dated with other related drawings made that year--seems satisfactory for now (Saunders, Fortress Builder, 94).

(63) Saunders, Fortress Builder, 93.

(64) The specifications are not uniform (24' max. thickness as opposed to the recommended 30'), but it is to be presumed that the difference relates only to the tactically vital sectors that are labelled A, B, and C in PRO [NAL] MPH 1 fol. 43. See also discussion below, pp. 168-9.

(65) Subsequently Sir Martin Beckman, knighted 20 March 1685. For Beckman's act of naturalization, see Journal of the House of Lords, vol. 14 (1685-1691), 636-38 (URL:, "Die Sabbati, 7 Novembris ... Hodie ia vice lecta est Billa, intituled, 'An Act for naturalizing Sir Martin Beckman Knight and others' ... "; and Journal of the House of Commons: vol. 10 (1688-93) (1802), pp. 551-2. URL: asp? compid=2944), "Veneris, 13 Novembris; 3[degrees] Gulielmi et Maris ... An ingrossed Bill from the Lords, intituled, 'An Act for naturalizing Sir Martin Beckman, Knight, and others,' was read the First time. Resolved, That the Bill be read a Second time."

(66) BL MS Add. 33233, fols. 16-21 (this, at least, was the original shelf-number: an attached note used to state "Transferred to the Dept. of Prints and Drawings, B.M., Oct. 1932").

(67) It is currently ascribed in the digital listings to De Gomme, although it is unclear on what grounds--De Gomme was at this point mostly busy at Portsmouth and Plymouth. For the schedule of De Gomme's assignments, see Saundres, Fortress Builder, 124-5.

(68) Plate facing p. 354 in Routh, Tangier. See also the subsequent (1675) "Plan of the Mole of Tangier," by Laurentius Curbus, included among the plans and vistas in BL MS Add. 16371.

(69) Krigsarkivet (Stockholm), samling 0406, Utldndska kartor, sect. 0406a, Utldndska stads--och fdstningsplaner, no. 0406:07:009:002, "Planta von Tanger," anonymous, no date.

(70) The rather dense grid of soundings inside the new and old harbour of Tangier, virtually identical in both versions, most probably reflects Lord Sandwich's initial survey in the spring of 1662. See below, pp. 129-30. The Paris plan ("Plan de Tanger sur le Destroit de Gibaltar [sic] au Royaume de Tanger", 49 x 64.5 cm) includes two scales, one in French toises (probably a later addition, given the discordant ink and style) and the other (ink and hand matching rest of draught) in the widely used Rhineland rods (Rheinldndische ruten, 1 rod = 12' = 3.6 m). The Stockholm version is scaled in ruten only.

(71) Thus in front of Peterborough Tower the plan includes the same but narrower crownwork counterscarp proposed in NMM P43 fol. 2. At the opposite end of town, a detached bastioned work virtually identical to that in PRO [NAL] MPH 1 fol. 21 is positioned in front of the Old Gate, together with a suggested palisade half-bastion (toward the shore and the East Tower). The outer bastioned work in front of the Catherine Gate is also present, as is the attached bastion against the curtain wall between Catherine Gate and the Upper Castle, closer to the latter. The re-entrant angles are filled with redans, albeit larger than the similar palisade redans in PRO [NAL] MPH 1 fol. 21.

(72) Braun and Hogenberg, Civitates orbis terrarum (1572), 1: 56.

(73) Fernando de Menezes, 2o Conde da Ericeira (1614-99), Historia de Tangere, que comprehende as noticias desde a sua primeira conquista ate a sua ruina (Lisbon: Imprenta Ferreiriana, 1732); Span. vers. Buenaventura Diaz, Historia de Tanger durante la dominacion portuguesa (Tangier: Tipografia Hispano-Arabica de la Mision Catolica, 1940).

(74) Cholmley, Account of Tangier, 16, explicitly claims that the process of renaming, as a signifier of transition, began as early as 16 Jan. 1662, after the first stationing of English seamen in the Castelo novo. See p. 130 below.

(75) Krigsarkivet (Stockholm), samling 0406, Utlandska kartor, sect. 0406a, Utlandska stads--och fastningsplaner, no. 0406:07:009:001 (utan titel) (Tanger), MS, anon., no date; and Krigsarkivet (Stockholm), Handritade Kartwerk, vol. 25 (Atlas del Marques de Heliche [Plantas de diferentes plazas de Espana, Italia, Flandes y las Indias. Todas de mano hechas hazer de orden del Exmo. Sr. D. Gaspar de Haro y Quzman, Conde de Morente, Marques de Heliche, Gentilhombre de la Camara de Su Magestad, Su Montero Mayor y Alcaide de los Reales Bosques del Pardo, Balsahyn y Zarzuela. En Madrid, Ano de 1655]), "Planta de Tangere," plate 54 (orig. no.).

(76) See Rocio Sanchez Rubio, Isabel Teston Nunez, and Carlos M. Sanchez Rubio, "Plantas de diferentes plazas de Espana, Italia, Flandes y las Indias" in Rocio Sanchez Rubio, Isabel Teston Nunez, and Carlos M. Sanchez Rubio, eds., Imagenes de un imperio perdido. El atlas del Marques de Heliche (Extremadura: Presidencia de la Junta de Extremadura, 2004), 19-40. If I were at all to speculate how these particular draughts, including those of Lagos and Tavira (now lost), ended up in Spain, I would put my bets, without being able to prove it for now, on D. Pedro Mascarenhas, vedor da Casa de El-Rei, who chose the Spanish side in 1641 and married D. Maria Zapata Silva y Guzman (see Lorraine White, "Dom Jorge Mascarenhas, Marques de Montalvao (1579?1652 and Changing Traditions of Service in Portugal and the Portuguese Empire," Portuguese Studies Review 12 (2) (2004-5): 63-84 (in particular Chart 1)).

(77) Krigsarkivet, samling 0406, Utlandska kartor, sect. 0406a, Utlandska stads--och fastningsplaner, no. 0406:18:006:001 (utan titel) (Lagos), MS, anonymous, no date; Luis Fraga da Silva, "Uma planta inedita de Tavira, do sec. XVI" (4 Apr. 2008), http://www.

(78) It was known to the English mostly as the "great bastion near the sally port [Porta da traicao-note mine]" (Pepys, The Tangier Papers, Beckmann's "Memorandum," (28 August 1683, on board the Grafton), corresponding to Ericeira's Baluarte do Cangrejo (Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 173-4). For detailed discussion of this feature and of relevant chronology, see pp. 184-5 below.

(79) For the standard pioneering discussion of spur walls and shielded passageways of the couraca type, see Ricard, "Couraca et coracha," in Etudes, 465-92. In the context of Alcacer Seguer, see Elbl, "Protecting Alcacer Seguer," 37-9 and passim.

(80) One must draw a sharp line between valid vistas and those emulating for instance the "Tanger en Barbarie" included in Pieter Boudewijn Van der Aa's La Galerie Agreable du Monde, Vol. 21, Tome second d'Afrique (Leiden, 1733) (available e.g. at the Biblioteca Casanatense in Rome). Heavily distorted "fantasy" or derivative engravings, they lack substantive value. So does the vista attributed to Jan Peeters I (1624-78), in Tangier's Forbes Museum/Musee Forbes.

(81) Dias, Arquitectura, 80, 86, 89. It is difficult to establish from Dias' text whether he always refers to the same plan, but 117.77 is the only plan from the Maps K.Top. series referenced in his notes.

(82) BL Maps K.Top.117.80 (System Number 004986777), 56 x 41 cm (Superseded Shelfmark [CR] CXVII.80).

(83) BL Maps K.Top.117.77 (Superseded Shelfmark [CR] CXVII.77), 1' 9" x 1' 3'. The exact catalogue entry for this shelfmark is: "A plan of the harbour and road of Tangier, shewing the spot 'wher yc Royall James rode at ancor in Novemeber, 1661', with the bearings of different places from that point; drawn [by Martin Beckman?] on vellum, on a scale of 2 1/2 furlongs to an inch"; it is endorsed as "Lord Sandwich's draft of the road of Tangeer".

(84) Grose, "Anglo-Portuguese Marriage," 345; "Sandwich's Diary," in Kennett, Register and Chronicle (London, 1728), 634.

(85) Saunders, Fortress Builder, 88.

(86) Covert work by Beckman cannot be altogether excluded. Beckmann later boasted to Pepys that, with compass under his cloak and posing as a servant to Cpt. Utber's son he had covertly mapped Ceuta, Cadiz, and Tetuan (Pepys, The Tangier Papers, 114).

(87) "Sandwich's Diary," in Pepys, Diary, sub 20 February 1662; "Sandwich's Diary," in Kennett, Register and Chronicle, 617 (Thursday, 16 January 1662); Cholmley, Account of Tangier, 16. See also Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 248, detailing the death in action of Tangier's adail Simon Lopez de Mendoza and c. fifty others. Further e.g. Grose, "Anglo-Portuguese Marriage," 347; Routh, Tangier, 10.

(88) See p. 119 above.

(89) Pepys presented the map not on 25 February, as Saunders writes (Saunders, Fortress Builder, 89), but on the 28th (Pepys, Diary, sub 28 February 1662, a Friday (Old Style [Julian] Easter Sunday falling of course on 30 March that year)). For Sandwich's notification, see Sandwich to Pepys, 30 January 1662, Hist. MSS Com., Hodgkin MSS, 157, cited in Grose, "Anglo-Portuguese Marriage," 348 n. 154.

(90) Concerning the Council of Officers, see Saunders, Fortress Builder, 88.

(91) Mathematician, fellow of the Royal Society, civil and military engineer, SurveyorGeneral/Ordnance Office from 1669 to 1679. See Saunders, Fortress Builder, 249-51.

(92) I am avoiding the word "published" for Seller's Atlas Maritimus. Assembled in his shop at the "Hermitage" in Wapping, near the Tower of London, the Atlases were put together to individual order, with contents varying between extant copies. "The Royall City of Tangier" tends to be tipped in between Frederick de Wit's maps of France and Spain and De Wit's chart of the Western Mediterranean.

(93) The most important include "Tangier from the S.E.", "The North side of Tangier" (from Peterborough Tower to the Castelo novo, with decreasing detail owing to perspective), "Tangier from the East", "Tangier from the South-West" (entire land-front, from the Irish Battery to Peterborough Tower); and the partial land-front views in "The lower part of Tangier from the hill West of White-Hall", and "Prospect of ye Bowling green at Whitehall by Tangier". The Portuguese Castelo novo is covered in "West Side of Yorke Castle at Tangier, right opposite to ye upper Castle, taken from the hill before the gate, 1669", in the crucial "Yorke Castle from y Strand and the North-West", "The Lower Innerpart [sic] of Tangier with Yorke Castle from South East". The Castelo velho is featured in "The West Front of Tangier Castle", the panoramic "View from Peterburgh (sic) Tower", and the "Innerpart (sic) of Tangier with the upper Castle from South-East". The port and the Degraos da ribeira are covered in "Old Port and waterfront", "Port of Tangier from Above, without the Water-Gate", and "The SouthEast Corner of Tangier".

(94) Wenceslaus Hollar: A Bohemian Artist in England (Yale Centre for British Art: Yale University Press, 1994); Julie L. Biggs, Impressions of Wenceslaus Hollar (Folger Shakespeare Library, 1996); Marion Roberts, Dugdale and Hollar: History Illustrated (University of Delaware Press, 2002); and Gillian Tindall, The Man who Drew London: Wenceslaus Hollar in Reality and Imagination (London: Chatto & Windus, 2002). Earlier monographs include Anthony Griffiths, Wenceslaus Hollar: Prints and Drawings from the Collections of the National Gallery, Prague, and the British Museum, London (London: British Museum, 1983); Vladimir Denkstein, Hollar Drawings (from the Collection in the Prague National Gallery) (London: Orbis Pub., 1979); and Katherine Van Eerde, Wenceslaus Hollar: Delineator of his Time (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1970).

(95) Dias, Arquitectura, 81 ("Estas vias correspondiam a muralha muculmana, destruida posteriormente para inclusao dentro dos muros da cidade do espaco que medeia entre a rua Siaghin e a muralha quinhentista bordejada pela rua de Portugal").

(96) Inventaire des ressources culturelles. Wilaya de Tanger, Project Alkantara, 33-4, 50.

(97) Ahmad Siraj, "Les villes antiques de lAfrique du Nord a partir de la 'Description' de Jean Leon l'Africain," in LAfrica romana: Atti del IX Convegno di studio, Nuoro, 13-15 dicembre 1991 (Sassari, 1992), 903-38; Siraj, "Note sur l'urbanisme de Tanger," 221-9; Siraj, "De Tingi a Tandja," 281-302; Zumbo, "Gli spazi di relazione," 139-40, 144, 146 (cited here to illustrate the commonplace character of the structural assumptions; Zumbo unfortunately does not cite any sources).

(98) Siraj, "De Tingi a Tandja," 294; Torremocha Silva, "Fenomeno urbano portuario," 304. This shift, however, is unlikely to be the same as the one referred to by al-Bakrei, whose "Old Tangier", silted up and replaced by the new town in a more elevated position, seems to correspond rather to Tanja al-B ai, further east in the Bay of Tangier (al-Bakrl, Masalik wa 'l-mamalik. Description de l'Afrique septentrionale, trans. Mac Guckin de Slane (Alger: Adolphe Jourdan, 1913), 214).

(99) Rui de Pina, Chronica de El-Rei D. Affonso V (Lisbon: Escriptorio, 1902), 3: 19-20; Gomes Eanes de Zurara, Cronica do Conde D. Duarte de Meneses, ed. Larry King (Lisbon: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1978), 245-50.

(100) Wall al-DIn 'Abd al-Rahman Abu Zayd ibn Khaldun, Kitab tarikh al-duwal alIslamiya bi-'l-Maghrib min Kitab al-'ibar wa-diwan al-mubtada' wa-'l-khabarfi ayyam al-'arab wa-'l-ajam wa-'l-barbar. Histoire des Berberes et des des dynasties musulmanes de l'Afrique septentrionale, trans. MacGuckin De Slane, new ed. under P. Casanova, 4 vols, (Paris: Geuthner, 1925-56), 2: 154-5.

(101) See the Bull of Sixtus IV, 21 Aug. 1472, authorizing the Franciscans to take up the property, granted to them by Afonso V, in the context of plans for an aggressive but hardly realistic conversion of Muslims to Christianity (" ... pro ipsius Tinginensis ac aliarum civitatum et locorum vicinorum civiumque et incolarum eorumdem reductione ad fidem catholicam ... ") (Ch. M. Witte, "Les bulles pontificales et l'expansion portugaise au XVe siecle," Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 53 (1958): 26).

(102) Routh's note (Tangier, 295, n.2) that "the chief Mosque" {post-1684, i.e. the present-day Grande Mosquee] "is said to stand on the site of the English church" is to be disregarded in the light of current evidence. Meakin, Land of the Moors, 122, makes the same mistake, but the Se Catedral never bore the name of Santiago, as far as I can discern.

(103) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 24-27; Dias, Arquitectura, 92.

(104) For comments on the tendency to a lack of epigraphy in Almohad structures and tombstones, in contrast with the Marlnid profusion, see Lhaj Moussa Aouni, "L'Epigraphie et la ville. Le cas de Fes a l'epoque merinide," in Actas del II Congreso Internacional "La Ciudad en al-Andalus y el Magreb", 75-97.

(105) Phillips, Tangier, 56. The whimsical orthography and italicization is that of the original.

(106) Phillips, Tangier, 56-62. An all too brief and unsupported discussion of the plaque can be found in Zumbo, "Gli spazi di relazione," 125, n80.

(107) Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Marzuq al-'AgIsI al-TilimsanI, Musnad, trans. Maria J. Viguera (Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1977), Cap. 41, 336. Phillips, Tangier, 54. Although acknowledging the madrasa ruins as a "a Remain of the Moorish Grandure [sic]," Phillips could not bring himself to concede that such workmanship might be Muslim, speculating instead that the azulejo floors were "made of small Roman bricks."

(108) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 49; Gozalbes Busto, "Tanger medieval," 2056.

(109) Correia, "Ceuta, Tangier and El Jadida," 3-5.

(110) Or, for that matter, the almost perfectly circular layout of the Islamic wall of Alcacer-Seguer, which has nothing "organic" about it. For Algeciras, see Torremocha Silva et al., "Estructuras defensivas de Algeciras," 455 (Fig. 2).

(111) See also pp. 146, 170 n168, 172 n175 of the present study.

(112) To reduce redundancy, all visual sources unequivocally identified in the text by shelf mark or archival number will not be referenced a second time in footnotes.

(113) For the dating of the couraca, see pp. 183-4 below. The passage in question from IAN/TT Nucleo Antigo (further as NA) 769, fol. 54 refers to bombardeiras "no andar ... q dantes era peitoril," which, given the location of the passage in the document's sequence of measurements, I take to refer to a portion of the corps de logis in the Castelo novo, formerly an open platform, but shown as roofed in the Civitates. Further see pp. 143-4 below.

(114) IAN/TT, NA 769; Guimaraes, Marrocos e tres Mestres da Ordem de Cristo, 206-19.

(115) This sector is vividly described by Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," 102-3, as rather well preserved (1904), including the insteps and the walled-up postern (" ... une ancienne poterne qui a ete muree, ou plutot, bouchee tres grossierement, avec des pierres enormes ... "). According to Salmon, the future Rue de Portugal was in the early 1900s a mere path between 2 and 10 m wide, at the bottom of what had evidently been a dry ditch, and a 10 m high counterscarp of massive old masonry remained visible. For the role of traveses (attached rectangular masonry redoubts) at Alcacer, see Elbl, "Protecting Alcacer Seguer," 33-73.

(116) Sic, italics and brackets as in the original text.

(117) The wall is certainly much thinner than De Gomme's later norm for a basic adequate stiffening of tactically vulnerable sectors, 24' to 30'. See for instance PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 20 and PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 43.

(118) So far without formal proof and solely on grounds of comparative fortification morphology, I would suggest that originally, before the building of the Portuguese seawall, the stretch between the Devil's Tower and East Tower was an Islamic couraca quite similar to the two corachas maritimas of Algeciras (see Torremocha Silva et al., "Estructuras defensivas de Algeciras," 455 (Fig. 2), 473-4).

(119) All the features are visible clearly enough, especially under enlargement, in Dias' reproduction of K.Top. 117.80 (Dias, Arquitectura, 80).

(120) Pina, D Duarte, Cap. 24 (139-140) and Cap. 25 (141).

(121) De Gomme's "Old Gate" postern might of course have been located in the same spot as an earlier thirteenth--through fifteenth-century Islamic postern, but there is currently no formal proof.

(122) Zurara, Duarte de Meneses, 245-50; Pina, D. Affonso V, Cap. 145 (3: 19-20).

(123) For the barreira of Tangier, see Zurara, Duarte de Meneses, 249, 259. That the naval yard (located literally "in the shadow of the town's walls", Zurara, Duarte de Meneses, 260) may have been equipped with a wall of its own emerges from Zurara, Duarte de Meneses, 248 (July 1461).

(124) The naval yard must have been located south of and below the high ground immediately adjacent to the Rue de Portugal (park and old Jewish cemetery). For tentative location, see Map 1, and for the Braun & Hogenberg rendering, Plate 2. Salmon's original supposition ("Qacba de Tanger," 102) that an "arsenal" might have stood at the site of the later Jewish cemetery makes little sense, topographically, when it comes to building and launching ships. It is interesting to note, however, that as late as 1904, local toponymy preserved the memory of an "arsenal" (taracenas/arcionale) here--the modern Rue de Portugal was indeed called Tsriq dSr al-sin3'a (Arsenal Road).

(125) Correia, "Ceuta, Tangier and El Jadida."

(126) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 130.

(127) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 109, 124,

(128) Larache was ceded to Spain (20 Nov. 1610) by Muh. ammad al-Shaikh, one of the three sons of al-Mans Ur, in exchange for support in his contest for power against his brothers (see e.g. B. A. Mojuetan, "Legitimacy in a Power State: Moroccan Politics in the Seventeenth Century during the Interregnum," International Journal of Middle East Studies 13 (3) (1981): 348). For Antonelli's involvement at Larache, see Guillermo Duclos Bautista and Pedro Campos Jara, "Evolucion urbana de Larache. Siglos XV al XIX," in Actas del II Congreso Internacional "La Ciudad en al-Andalus y el Magreb", 545-6.

(129) "Appendix I: Captain's Log of HMS Qrafton," in Pepys, The Tangier Papers, 285.

(130) This is the main shortcoming of Dias' analysis (Arquitectura, 76).

(131) The hotel, which still exists, is located at no. 36 Rue Dar Baroud (currently [2009] a two-star 68-room facility). See Plate 6 for a view of the Continental c. 1900.

(132) The reconstruction is based on Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001; NMM P43, fol. 2; NMM F1959 P/43(7); PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 21; and on all the relevant Hollar views featuring the Castelo novo or its components.

(133) For Arzila's rebuilt torre, see the fine detailed photographs in Dias, Arquitectura, 94 and 105. The restoration followed the pattern suggested by Braun and Hogenberg's Civitates ("Arzilla [sic], maxima quondam Africs urbs"). Besides Hollar's views, see Seller, "Royall City of Tangier in Africa" and "The Little Mole, Wharf, and Custom House", Routh, Tangier, plate facing p. 354.

(134) IAN/TT, NA 769, fols. 53v-54.

(135) Duarte de Armas, Livro das fortalezas, ed. Manuel da Silva Castelo Branco (Lisbon: IAN/TT and INAPA, 1997), fols. 4v-5, 30v-3l, 32v-33.

(136) Luke, Journal, 54.

(137) Dias' " ... as suas grandes preocupacoes [dos governadores britanicos] vao centrar-se no novo porto, onde construiram dois molhes e estabeleceram uma bateria na base do castelo novo [emphasis mine]" (Dias, Arquitectura, 89) would suggest that Dias ascribed the hornwork to the English period. Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 conclusively proves, however, that the work was of Portuguese origin, dating to the sixteenth century.

(138) It is well known that, after his arrival in England in 1637, Hollar became a driven, rushed, and exploited artist, who would mercilessly time his own work (priced at fourpence an hour) using a sand-glass.

(139) Dias, Arquitectura, 76 ("A torre [de menagem] liga-se a um corpo mais baixo, uma verdadeira casa-forte, sistema completado por quatro torres redondas, os cubos ja comuns desde ha cem anos. As torres extremas estao ligadas por uma barbaca mais baixa ... ").

(140) Only one of these (the one not rendered in dotted line in Map 5) is shown in Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001. The ruined stumps (1669) of two couracetas sloping down respectively from the foot of two of the Castelo's cubelos are shown, however, in fine detail in Hollar's "Yorke Castle at Tangier from yc Strand, and the North-West". See Plate 3. IAN/TT, NA 769, fol. 541 states "E tem os dois portaes q esta feitos em huas paredes de couracetas que vaa do castelo novo contra o mar [emphasis mine] no tapar deles hda braca de parede comb q nam vinha no regimento", which would seem to corroborate Hollar and also date the two couracetas rather early (pre-1514).

(141) The main sources for the large couracas include the Civitates vista and its numerous derivatives; Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001; BL Maps K.Top.117.80; NMM P43, fol. 2; NMM F1959 P/43(7); PRO [NAL] MPH i, fol. 21; "The Little Mole, Wharf, and Custom House (1675)"; Thomas Phillips' "Tangier and the Mole, Before it was Demolished (1683)"; and Hollar's "Tangier from the East"; "Prospect of Tangier from the S.E."; "The lower Innerpart [sic] of Tangier"; and "The South-East Corner of Tangier". Salmon claims that shortly before his time (1904) a small postern, which might have been the access from the upper couraca barbican to the town, had been walled up.

(142) The Civitates vista offers the earliest evidence. For dating, see p. 141 above.

(143) Particularly in the somewhat schematic "Tangier, i: 6,500" (Leipzig: Wagner und Deben, 1910). Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," 105-6, describes vividly the still extant (1904) ruins of the gun tower and couraca, and attributes their survival to the failure of some 50-60 barrels of gunpowder to ignite, as reported by Frowde, 10 Feb. 1684 (PRO [NAL], Col. Corresp., vol. 48), quoted in Meakin, Land of the Moors, 130. Frowde wrote "Peter borough Tower" here, but Salmon argued that he must have meant "York Castle".

(144) Pepys, The Tangier Papers, 91-2. See also Luke, Journal, 176 (noting damage on the Mole: " ... pillars much decayed, piles mightily broken".

(145) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 80.

(146) IAN/TT, NA 769, fols. 50-501. The structural reinforcements included additional masonry and heavy timbering.

(147) Muhammad ibn Idharl al-Marrakushl, Histoire de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne, intitulee al-Bayano'l-Mogrib, trans. E. Fagnan (Alger: Imprimerie Orientale P. Fontana et Cie., 1901-4), 2: 220-8.

(148) Phillips, Tangier, 52-3. Although aware of the pragmatic utility of terracing in this area (" ... served not only to strengthen the foundation [of the town wall] and to keep it from sliding", Phillips gets caught up in an antiquarian association of all old traces of large-scale engineering with "Romans": the degraos must thus have also "[served] for an Amphitheatre; and on these rows of seats did the people sit to behold their Pastimes and Shews upon the Water ... ". Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," 105, still echoes the same classicist line.

(149) Or "Three Guns in the Old Parado", see in particular Hollar, "Yorke Castle from y Strand" (Plate 3).

(150) Meakin, Land of the Moors, 93, gave the coordinates of the lighthouse at the bottom of the old Zankat DSr al-sina'a/modern Rue de Portugal as 35[degrees]47' 12" N by 5[degrees]48' 2" W.

(151) See Jose Maria Tomassetti Guerra, "Lebrija islamica. Un segundo ejercicio de interpretacion historico-arqueologica: La medina," in Actas del II Congreso Internacional "La Ciudad en al-Andalus y el Magreb", 442.

(152) About 5 Portuguese bracas according to Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001.

(153) For a detailed bird's-eye view of the coal-yard area see Hollar, "Tangier without the Water-gate" (Plate 4).

(154) Library of Congress, "William Henry Jackson's World Transportation Commission Photograph Collection," LOT 11948, no. 85 [Prints and Photographs Division], LCUSZ62-78865 (20 Nov. 1894; published as halftone, Harper's Weekly (1895): 284). The catalog misidentifies the photograph as "a view from Constantine [sic] Hotel", but Martiniere's Journeys (p. 36), for instance, Salmon's "Qacba de Tanger," 104, or the fine view in Routh, Tangier, plate facing p. 274, confirm that the landmark hotel is indeed the familiar Continental.

(155) A corresponding guarita is mentioned in IAN/TT, NA 769, fol. 52v (17 Jul. 1514): "E sobola porta da ribeira se fez hda guarita a qual te 15 caes e 50 pedras silhares & esta(s) na vinha no Regimento."

(156) By the end of the nineteenth century, however, the port battery platform shown in LC-USZ62-78865 (20 Nov. 1894) had clearly encroached a great deal on the rebuilt old degraos, following a line reminiscent of Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001.

(157) IAN/TT, NA 769, fols. 52v-53. If my interpretation of this passage is correct, however, the strand wall was longer (80.75 bracas/177.65 m), according to the 1514 specifications. Such a discrepancy is not suprising, given the timespan separating the two documents (surf erosion would have easily wrecked parts of the structure even before the remodelling of the ribeira).

(158) Cholmley, Account of Tangier, 9 (" ... the west, although it regards the enemy's country, was left only defended with old walls, and an ill ditch, built with small towers, flanking each other at convenient distance ... ").

(159) The Porta do campo corresponds to the "Porta de Fez" of Pina's D. Duarte, Cap. 25 (141). The ravelin was fully completed before the English takeover, but only after 1657 (although its drawbridge, for instance, was already operational) (Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 174, 220).

(160) I.e. north-east of the modern Bab Fahs and of Rue Semmarines (at the mouth of the Rue des Siaghines and across the Rue d'Italie from the Tribunal Commercial and the Jardins de la Mendoubia (Jardins du Tribunal du Sadad, former German Legation). For the pre-1904 "Rue de la Plage" toponym, see Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," map of "Mur d'enceinte de Tanger" on p. 99.

(161) For a concise discussion of such gateways and for the Bab Agdal configuration see Antonio Torremocha Silva, Ildefonso Navarro Luengo and Juan Bautista Salado Encano, "Estructuras defensivas de epoca merini en Algeciras," in Isabel Cristina Ferreira Fernandes, ed., Mil anos de fortificacoes na Peninsula Ibetica e no Magreb (500-1500) (Lisbon: Edicoes Colibri, 2002), 708-10 and Fig. 13.

(162) A brief summary of relevant old terminology, setting the lice in the context of braie and fausse-braie, is conveniently found in Camille Enlart's Manuel d'archeologie francaise, Vol. 1, Architecture, Part 2, Architecture civile et militaire (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1904), 462.

(163) Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," 101, documents the gradual disappearance within the urban fabric of a still preserved (1904) 200 m stretch of wall between the Irish Battery and the already obliterated/transformed Porta do campo. The cubelos still stood to a height of c. 20 m, and Salmon estimated their diameter at c. 10 m.

(164) Pina, D. Afonso V, Cap. 153 (36-42)..

(165) Pina, D. Duarte, Cap. 24 (139).

(166) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 175-6, 221-2.

(167) Pina, D. Afonso V, Cap. 147 (21); Zurara, D. Duarte de Meneses, Cap. 128 (310). The initial idea was hatched by Diogo de Barros, Joao Falcao, and one Joao d'Escalona of Tarifa. Diogo de Barros and Joao d'Escalona based their idea on local knowledge gained during a spell of captivity in Tangier (Pina, D. Afonso V, Cap. 147 (21)).

(168) Zurara, D. Duarte de Meneses, Cap. 128 (310): " ... he de tal fortalleza e altura que polla seguranca que os mouros teem do lugar nom pooem na guarda delle tanta deligencya como nas outras partes." Also Cap. 146 (345). These topographic characteristics, incidentally, fit poorly Correia's hypothetical Islamic wall line somewhere along Avenue Hassan II, an area where the terrain is quite different.

(169) Pina, D. Duarte, Cap. 24 (139-140); Cap. 25 (141): " ... ao bispo de Evora outra [escala] que havia de combater e entrar a cidade por um postigo que estava no vale; e a quarta [escala] ao marechal a que, junto com o bispo, onde o muro era mais baixo, sucedia logo seu combate."

(170) Gilhaire (Gilayre) was a prominent and resilient name across the Straits, in Granada (witness e.g., after 1489, the Enriques Gilhaire of Baza, repartidores de la farda; see Javier Castillo Fernandez, "Luis Enriquez Xoaida, el primo hermano morisco del Rey Catolico: Analisis de un caso de falsificacion historica e integracion social," Sharq alAndalus 12 (1995): 246). Note, in the context of the tower's name, the Granadan crossbowmen among Tangier's Muslim garrison in 1437 (Pina, D. Duarte, Cap. 24 (140)).

(171) Zurara, D. Duarte de Meneses, Cap. 128 (310-11); Cap. 146 (345).

(172) Zurara, D. Duarte de Meneses, Cap. 146 (344): "E por que do castello era feta sayda pera o muro com huma ponte leuadica a qual alleuentarom e abaixarom cada vez que queryam ... ".

(173) For a well-rounded overall survey see Ponsich, Recherches archeologiques, Sections 2 and 3.

(174) Ibn Khaldun, Berberes, 2: 148.

(175) El-Boudjay, "Muraille califale," 151-62; Torremocha Silva, "Fenomeno urbano portuario," 308 (the wall is here characterized as "aparejo de buena silleria a soga y tizon"). I consider this discovery to be yet another element weakening Jorge Correia's "big Tangier" theory.

(176) Routh, Tangier, 263.

(177) al-Bakrl, Masalik wa Tmamalik, 214

(178) Ibn Khaldun, Berberes, 2: 75, 155.

(179) Measurements based on Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001.

(180) Based on Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001. The draught unfortunately provides only a bare outline of the pre-1560s fortifications, without any details of internal structure within gateways or towers. The tower complex that juts here well beyond the curtain wall of the modernized citadel can hardly have been anything but a gateway.

(181) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 88, 144. For Lourenco Pires de Tavora, see Maria Leonor Garcia da Cunha, "Lourenco Pires de Tavora e a politica portuguesa no Norte de Africa," Dissertation in Portuguese Overseas History (Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, 1989). Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," 111, documented in 1904 a stone plaque embedded in the wall some 50 m from the Haha Gate, bearing a fragmentary inscription later corroborated and discussed, together with four other fragments of the same, in Ricard, "Inscriptions portugaises de Tanger", in Etudes, 414-5: "[...] LOVRENCO [...] SE FEZ ESTA [...] ORDENOV [...] MDLXVI [...]". Correctly associating the inscription with Lourenco Pires de Tavora, Ricard did not connect it, however, with the modernization of the citadel.

(182) Note that such design "defects" figured among the official reasons for the English evacuation. See Pepys' original notes on "Arguments for [the] Destroying of Tangier" (12 Sep. 1683). One of the factors, purportedly causing His Majesty "great surprise", was the "original misplacing and irregularity of [the] fortifications, and the present decayed condition thereof (notwithstanding all that has been thus spent toward their repair)" [emphasis mine] (Pepys, Tangier Papers, 78). Given the daunting and unaffordable prospect of a model refortification (at which the Portuguese wisely baulked), it was of course face-saving for the English Crown to act surprised and blame the former owner, like a buyer claiming to be unfairly stuck with bad real estate.

(183) IAN/TT, Corpo Cronologico (further as CC), 1/102/120, fol. 1 (12 Jul. 1558); CC, 1/102/126 (19 Jul. 1558).

(184) Dias, Arquitectura, 84.

(185) Dias, Arquitectura, 84, 86; IAN/TT, CC, 1/103/80 (2 Jun. 1559).

(186) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 88. For convenient concise definitions of terreplein and other common fortification terms, see e.g. Saunders, Fortress Builder, "Glossary," 368-70.

(187) Juan Bautista Salado Escano et al., "Evolucion de la Malaga islamica: Siglos VIIIXV" in Actas del II Congreso Internacional "La Ciudad en al-Andalus y el Magreb", 361-89 and esp. 364; Tomassetti Guerra, "Lebrija islamica," 442; Jorge Custodio, "As fortificacoes de Santarem--Seculos XII-XIII," in Mil anos de fortificacoes, 405-22.

(188) This access corridor partially corresponds to the present-day line Rue Hadj Mohammed Torres, Place Oued Ahardan, and from there up to the Bab al-'Assa.

(189) The museum, substantially redesigned as part of a joint Moroccan-Spanish project, reopened on 4 Aug. 2006, after having been closed for restoration since 2004.

(190) Phillips, Tangier, 29, 67-8 ("The Governours House is very noble, large and commodious, and owes its beauty and conveniences to the care and generosity of that excellent Person, the Earl of Middleton, the late Governour ... "). The ambiance of Middleton's administration at Tangier is captured in the well-known 1670-3 journal of the Governor's Secretary John Luke, already mentioned several times. See also Routh, Tangier, 125-46 passim.

(191) The curtain continued past the north tract of the early sixteenth century residence, toward the north wall of the town. In the Civitates, this portion is shown as either incomplete, overgrown, or partly ruined, and does not seem to connect fully with the north wall. Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001 provides a complete ghost trace of the pre-1560s wall.

(192) Luke, Journal, 69 (24 Feb. 1671), 122. The rest of the discussion relies entirely on Wenceslaus Hollar and Thomas Phillips.

(193) Based on Hollar, "Tangier from the East"; "Prospect of Tangier from the S.E."; "The lower Innerpart [sic] of Tangier"; "The South-East Corner of Tangier"; and Thomas Phillips, "Tangier and the Mole, Before it was Demolished, 1683".

(194) The analysis is subject to the caveat of being based principally on NMM P43, fol. 2, the BNF Ge DD 2987 (8064) type plans (including Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009: 002), and on Seller's "Royall City". Neither PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 21 nor PRO [NAL] MPH 1, fol. 43 show any relevant detail. BL Maps K.Top.117.80 shows a jumble of houses defying interpretation, particularly given the draughtsman's general tendency to highlight only landmarks and fill the rest of the "plan" with plausible but meaningless house icons arrayed within a mostly fantasy street grid. Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009: 001, focussing exclusively on the defences, also lacks detail of structures within the citadel. For an early 1900s layout, see Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," 112-8, and his "Plan de la Qacba" on p. 112.

(195) Hollar, "View from Peterburgh Tower," left fold; Seller, "Royall City"; and all corresponding draughts.

(196) IAN/TT, NA 769, fols. 54-54v: "E tem o pedaco da chapa q estaua por fazer da parte da tore do syno de comprido 5 bracas e 1/2, e d'alto, tiramdolhe o remate e q na he ta alto como o outro, 40 palmos ... contrachapa te m de comprido as 5 bracas 1/2 e d'alto 20 palmos, metendo nisto o lambor q estaa apegado a tore dos bizcainhos, e de grosura ... esta contrachapa te menos hua braca na altura do q hera hordenado ne leua sylhares por baixo ... "

(197) For dating see pp. 184-5 below.

(198) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 104, 167, 173-4, 191, 218, 220, 221.

(199) For Danzilho, his background, and his role at Alcacer, see Elbl, "Protecting Alcacer Seguer," 39-42.

(200) Note that the modern Bouknadel beach did not exist as yet, and the shoreline ran closer to the town (see Map 1). The shoreline shown in bold ripple on all the maps in the present study is the georegistered shoreline from Bernard de Gomme's NMM P43, fol. 2.

(201) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 75-76, 79-80. The relevant English plans and vistas, starting with Maps K.Top.117.80, show the modified and considerably degraded couraca in correct position, matching Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07:009:001.

(202) Pina, D. Duarte, Cap. 24 (139), Caps. 33-34 (167-75). Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 181 (year 1646) still mentions in this area a very good well/source, the Pozo de Gilete, on the way to the "Tanques". The "Tanques" are rendered as "Tangitts" in Maps K.Top.117.80 and the depiction leaves no doubt that the pits correspond to the so-called Phoenician-Roman tombs familiar to modern tourists.

(203) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 144, 173-4 (detailing the events of 6 Nov. 1644, when a Muslim detachment intent on seizing the Castelo velho had to make its way down from the Baluarte do Cangrejo to the unfinished terreplein using their cloaks tied into a rope ladder).

(204) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 144. Joel Serrao's Dicionario de historia de Portugal, Vol. 2, E-MA (Lisbon: Iniciativas Editoriais, 1968), 750, stresses D. Miguel de Noronha's aggressive policy of inland raids, but omits any mention of his role in refortifying the Tangier citadel. This bout of construction activity is also unduly minimized by Salmon ("Qacba de Tanger," 108), who proved unable to make any sense of the relevant passages in Ericeira. He nonetheless associated correctly with this phase a large granite block located in 1904 near the Tophana Battery and still bearing the discernible remnants of an inscription "em Setembro ... 1627 anno". If the block did not come from elsewhere (as Salmon supposed), it might suggest work undertaken also in the seawall/Porta do mar sector.

(205) See Martin M. Elbl, "Portuguese Urban Fortifications in Morocco: Borrowing, Adaptation, and Innovation along a Military Frontier," in James D. Tracy, ed., City Walls: The Urban Enceinte in Global Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 382-4.

(206) Menezes (Conde da Ericeira), Tanger, 144.

(207) Saunders, Fortress Builder, 89-90. Dias, Arquitectura, 89, attributes the tower to Beckman and De Gomme, also without citing evidence. Note that Peterborough was absent from Tangier and back in England from mid-summer 1662 to October 1662 (e.g. Cholmley, Account of Tangier, 40). Teviot arrived in Tangier in May 1663, and Peterborough then left in early June 1663.

(208) For a more detailed discussion of Maps K.Top.117.80 see pp. 128-31 above; a summary tentative chronology of the Torre do sino's development is outlined on pp. 1813, 185 above.

(209) Meakin, The Land of the Moors, 125, citing a warrant in the PRO [NAL], Colonial Office Papers, vol. 2, sets the Tangier works expenditure from 1665 to 1668 at 31,000 [pounds sterling], of which a mere 3,000 [pounds sterling] was allocated to the repair of both the Marshan Gate and Peterborough Tower. The red herring story expropriating the Torre do sino from the forgotten D. Miguel de Noronha and attributing it by sheer "power of naming" to Lord Peterborough might have started with Salmon's "Qacba de Tanger," 125 (" ... mais peu de mois apres [after 30 Jan. 1661 (sic)], les defenses parurent insuffisantes et on [the English] decida la construction de la tour Peterborough" [note that Salmon managed to get the year wrong, 1661 instead of 1662]). Certainly neither Hugh Cholmley, nor George Phillips, nor Budgett Meakin made any such claim on Peterborough's behalf, as far as I can establish.

(210) Hollar, "View from Peterburgh Tower," center and right-hand panels (unfortunately not shown in the cropped segment included in Routh, Tangier, plate facing p. 296).

(211) The concise analysis of the north wall in Dias, Arquitectura, 81-2 has been rendered for the most part invalid by the very detailed Krigsarkivet no. 0406:07: 009:001 evidence.

(212) The analysis of stonework and revetment is based on Hollar, "Yorke Castle from y Strand". See Plate 3.

(213) A. Bottini, "La Carta Archeologica come strumento di tutela," in R. Francovich et al., La Carta Archeologica fra ricerca e pianificazione territoriale. Atti del Seminario di Studi organizzato dalla Regione Toscana, Dipartimento delle Politiche Formative e dei Beni Culturali (Florence: All'Insegna del Giglio, 2001), 13-4.

(214) See EUROMED Heritage: Institutional and Legal Framework, "Workshop 'Inventories', Paris, 10-12 December 2008: Background Paper [Coordination: Frank Braemer, Directeur de Recherche CNRS, Universite de Nice Sophia Antipolis]," 1-2.

(215) See e.g. Ricci, Archeologia e urbanistica, and in particular the following studies included in the volume: Rossi, "Roma: Una carta"; Antonino Terranova, "Progetti strategici: Alla ricerca delle mura perdute"; and Andreina Ricci, "Roma: Una carta per la qualita urbana. 'La memoria remota'" (see also Andreina Ricci, "Comune di Roma. Una carta per la qualita urbana: La memoria 'remota'," in Vanni Bulgarelli, ed., Citta e ambiente tra storia e progetto. Repertorio di idee, esperienze e strumenti per una pianificazione urbana sostenibile (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2004)).

(216) In this sense, the study proxies a basic probability index of so-called archaeological potential with respect to remnants datable to c. 1450-1684 whose state of preservation remains poorly known and which cannot or until recently could not be precisely located (I am adapting the language of the regulations implemented, for istance, since 1990 by the Commune of Modena (Italy)). See e.g. M. Preite, "Il patrimonio fortificato nei centri urbani del Senese: Criteri di valorizazzione," in G. Bartolini et al., Sistema dei castelli e delle fortificazioni in terra di Siena. Dalla ricerca alla valorizzazione (Florence: All' Insegna del Giglio, 2005), 76.

(217) See Studio Inklink, "Le ricostruzioni," in Bartolini et al., Sistema dei castelli, 56-61.

(218) Particularly in the sector from the former Porta do campo to the Irish Battery, and along the Rue de Portugal. The early stages of the structural embedding are documented for instance in Salmon, "Qacba de Tanger," 101.

(219) Dahir n' 1-80-341 du 17 Safar 1401 (25 decembre 1980) portant promulgation de la loi n' 22-80 relative a la conservation des monuments historiques et des sites, des inscriptions, des objets d'art et d'antiquites.

(220) M. Preite, "Patrimonio fortificato," 76. For another random example, in the case of discrete Roman monuments (not an enceinte), see e.g. Xavier Dupre Raventos, "Usi e abusi delle testimonianze storiche nella citta di Tarragona (Spagna)," in Ricci, Archeologia e urbanistica. The bibliography on this topic is by now vast.

(221) Declassified World Bank Report No. 35074, "Rapport d'achevement," 2 Jun. 2006.
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Title Annotation:parte 2; texto en ingles
Author:Elbl, Martin Malcolm
Publication:Portuguese Studies Review
Article Type:Ensayo
Date:Jan 1, 2007
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