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'Feloniously, wickedly and against the order of nature': a research agenda for gay studies in Queensland.

Writing gay and lesbian history is a political act that undermines the dominant ideas about sexuality of the wider community, and alerts us to differences in gender and sexual attitudes in the recent past. Gay and lesbian history is the most dynamic part of the gender studies and social history movement because it directly challenges heterosexual male hegemony. Like women's history it challenges beliefs about the categories of masculinity and femininity, and the sexual division of labour, production and reproduction. Like race relations studies it challenges our understanding of the way capitalism exploits and suppresses minorities.

Researching gay and lesbian history from the colonial period or early in this century presents large problems due to the limitations on sources. This paper is an exploration of Queensland historical archives, mainly from the nineteenth century. The argument concerns concepts of masculinity, mateship and homosocial and homosexual behaviour. The thesis argued is that male homosexuality was much more common in predominantly male frontier communities than is generally supposed. Records indicate that some Aboriginal, European, Asian and Australian-born men last century deliberately chose to be involved in homosexual relationships, or were appeasing their lack of close heterosexual relationships with homosexual activity.(1) The evidence is, admittedly, open to different interpretations, but a strong argument can be made, premised on the overwhelmingly male population (particularly in rural areas), homosocial traits in Australian male mateship, coded evidence from the lives of several important citizens of Queensland, and explicit evidence from law reform, revision in medical knowledge, and court records and newspapers.

Colonial Queensland was a man's world often lived largely without women. Are we to believe that apart from masturbation, occasional dalliances with Aboriginal women or prostitutes, and rope,(2) tens of thousands of men, in the prime of their sexual lives, with virtually no access to women, put all their energies into innocent informal male-bonding? That the fabled masculine bushmen of the Australian legend sublimated their sexuality and never practised homosexuality?

Male Demography of Colonial Queensland

When Queensland was separated from New South Wales in 1859 there were 23,520 mainly British settlers and around 60,000 Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, approximately half the pre-contact number. Queensland's immigrant population increased rapidly, to 30,059 in 1861, doubling again in the next three years, and again by 1871, to 120,104. In 1881 there were 213,525 settlers and 498,129 by the end of the century, by which time the indigenous population had declined to around 27,000.(3) Male settlers always exceeded females, averaging 59 per cent of the population over the last four decades of the nineteenth century.(4) The imbalance between males and females in the Australasian colonies was amongst the highest in the world last century. Queensland and Western Australia were the most extreme: in 1900 Queensland still averaged 125.33 males to every 100 females.(5)

W. D. Borrie's research shows that Queensland, after separation from New South Wales, received more European assisted immigrants than all of the other colonies combined, with a massive 100,000 in the decade 1891-1900. The sex ratio of assisted passages to Queensland (including children) was 131 males to 100 females, 1861-1900, when the Australian average was 112 males to 100 females.(6) The average ratio for unassisted immigrants was 208 males to 100 females. Queensland also gained large numbers from inter-colonial movements of population, again predominantly males. In Queensland's early decades, the immigrant population was mainly youthful or at most middle-aged.

The ratio of men to women varied over time and regionally, and was always much higher in the central, western and northern areas than in the southeast, with many more men away from the urban areas along the coast. Katie Spearritt has calculated that in 1861 Queensland's rural ratio of men to women was 201 men to every 100 females, the highest in any Australian colony. Statistics from settled districts of Queensland in the 1860s show large concentrations of men in rural areas. In the 1870s only large settled urban districts like Brisbane and Toowoomba had any gender equilibrium and, at the end of the century, rural Queensland remained a male domain with a ratio of 171 males to 100 females.

Men were inclined to marry Australian-born women considerably younger than themselves. Very few women remained unmarried in colonial Queensland--less than three per cent--and most lived in urban areas.(7) In a frontier environment, men could expect to be apart from their wives for considerable periods. For many men the first ten to twenty years of adult life were spent primarily in male company, and 2530 per cent failed to marry.(8)

Queensland also had a more heterogenous population than the other colonies. Aside from the declining but always substantial Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population there were sizeable numbers of Chinese, other Asians and Pacific Islanders. In 1871 there were 3,305 Chinese and Japanese in the colony, and by 1876 11,253 Chinese alone. Chinese activities were focused on north Queensland in mining areas inland from Townsville, Cairns and Cooktown in the 1870s and 1880s, and in urban trading and coastal and tableland agriculture from the 1880s. Chinese flocked to the northern goldfields; 17,000 were panning on the Palmer River goldfield in April 1877, almost all being adult males.(9) The other important non-European group was the 50,000 overwhelmingly male Pacific Islanders who entered Queensland on indenture contracts between 1863 and 1904, to work initially in pastoral, maritime and agricultural industries, restricted after the 1880s to the sugar industry along the coast. At any one time from the 1870s to the 1900s there were around 10,000 Islanders working in the colony.(10) The third largest non-European group were 2,000-3,000 Japanese; the men had entered the pearling industry by the mid-1880s, and the women, ten per cent of the Japanese total, staffed brothels and ran other business ventures in the coastal towns in the 1890s and 1900s. Behind these three dominant groups came several hundred Malays, Filipinos, Javanese, Singhalese, Indians and Afghans, procured in the 1880s and 1890s to work mainly in tropical agriculture. Asian immigrants were almost all male and other than the Japanese had little access to female company. The Pacific Islanders were ninety-four per cent male.(11) Statistics from 1891 show that, at Mackay and Cairns, non-European men still outnumbered European men.(12)

Mateship

Many writers have speculated on the homoerotic and homosexual nature of Australian mateship, a firm expression of hegemonic masculinity in antipodean white society. The legendary nineteenth century male thrived on mateship: encapsulating egalitarian and sexual elements from convict days, the influence of male communities on the goldfields, and life under virile frontier conditions. The mateship image was bolstered this century by additions to the legend: the brave Anzac diggers in war time, and confident male sporting prowess. Homosocial mateship is widely acknowledged to have developed in the nineteenth century, with close bonding between males, but most writers on the subject downplay these encounters as rarely passionate and enduring, and avoid more than oblique discussion of the physical side of male-to-male sexuality.

The accepted view of Australian and New Zealand mateship is based more on literary references than statistical dam. Russell Ward's view from his classic The Australian Legend remains fairy typical. Ward suggests that Australian bushmen "blessedly ignorant of psychological theory" sublimated homosexual relationships with their mates.(13) Ward is quite conscious of the high proportion of males in the rural population, but his "mates," like those of Miles Fairburn's and J. O. C. Phillips' New Zealand studies The Ideal Society and its Enemies and A Man's Country,(14) are just good friends. The Australian Legend is limited by the milieu of the 1950s and depends substantially on literary sources, not factual evidence. Ward wrote before there had been the detailed research into the convict era which has revealed a substantial degree of homosexual activity,(15) and before there was much questioning of gender stereotypes in Australian society.

The Evidence

Although there are a few individual eases of leading homosexual or at least misogamist homosocial men from nineteenth century Queensland, the bulk of the evidence uncovered so far is contained in depositions from court eases between 1861 and 1900. Some of the evidence on individuals is fairly circumstantial but includes several of Queensland's most prominent citizens and visitors. Questions have been raised about 1840s explorer Ludwig Leichhardt's relationship with young men among the Darling Downs squattocracy.(16) Also of interest are Robert Herbert and John Bramston, Colonial Secretary (Premier) and Attorney General in the 1860s, who lived together in Brisbane and maintained a close personal friendship all of their lives.(17) Luigi D'Albertis, an Italian explorer and naturalist based in far North Queensland in the 1870s was famous for his close relationships with his young male dark-skinned servants.(18) George Seymour, Earl Yarmouth and later Marquis of Hertford, but in the 1890s owner of a mixed-farm at Mackay, is remembered for his exotic dancing in a sequined butterfly outfit, and for his male-only parties.(19)

The gentry class did not get dragged through the courts for moral laxity. The closest any of them came to outright denunciation was probably a cryptic comment about D'Albertis (who lost his trousers and a pocket full of sovereigns one night on a Thursday Island beach) in a letter from the local magistrate to the Italian Consul-General:

Mr D'Albertis is best able to explain how it happened that his trowsers [sic] were lying on the beach at that hour in the morning with money in their pockets.(20)

Without access to intimate diaries there is no way to be sure about the sexual proclivities of any of these gentleman. The only unquestionable evidence of homosexual activity located so far is contained in the Queensland Government Archives.

At separation from New South Wales in 1859, Queensland inherited the older colony's laws, which were based on criminal statutes in force in England in 1828. Sodomy, rape, bestiality and unlawful carnal knowledge of girls under ten were capital offences until 1865 when, under a consolidation of criminal law, the death sentence was retained only for rape. Sodomy still carried a sentence of from ten years to life. The next major review of the criminal code was by Chief Justice S .W. Griffith and through a Royal Commission in the 1890s. Clauses 208 and 209 on "Unnatural Offences" and attempts at "Unnatural Offences" covered "carnal knowledge of any person against the order of nature," "carnal knowledge of an animal" and any male or female permitting "a male person to have carnal knowledge" of him or her "against the order of nature." The sentence was set at not more than fourteen years for unnatural offences and seven to fourteen years for attempts.(21)

Government deposition books record 638 offences against morality in the higher courts between 1861 and 1900. Seventy-six of these are clearly homosexual charges and, for thirty of them, substantial transcripts of evidence remain. Half of the cases concern only adult males; the remainder involve adult males and boys or adolescents. Eighteen cases show that the defendant was discharged but only eleven convictions are quite clear, although the number of convictions may have been higher, given the nature of the evidence. In the six eases involving adults the sentences are between one and five years. Sodomy convictions varied from two years with hard labour, to three and five years. Attempted sodomy received sentences of one, two and five years.

Only one case has been located which involved Aborigines, from before Queensland's separation from New South Wales. In Gladstone in 1855, two Aboriginal men had oral and anal sex with a European passenger on a coastal ship. They were promised money and blankets for their participation, and the incident was peculiarly public, taking place within sight of other passengers.(22) Sixteen of the post-separation cases involve Asians and another four are charges against Pacific Islanders, indicative of prejudice against these very visible immigrants and, perhaps, that homosexual behaviour was more accepted in their cultures.

Other general characteristics emerging from the court evidence concern cruising areas, the proclivities of rural workers, alcohol as a homosocial lubricant, and homosexual activities in shared accommodation. "Beats" or cruising areas seem to have existed last century in urban parks and public spaces. Parks, gardens and public amenities were used as places where men could meet men for sexual activity with an element of legitimation. Robert French's research has revealed similar patterns in other Australian towns and cities.(23) The next clear category involved European pastoral workers. Youths and men became itinerant workers and fortune seekers, the swaggies of the bush ethos, always on the tracks linking settlements, sleeping rough and begging shelter. Casual sleeping arrangements feature in many of the cases.

The pub was a bastion of mateship, and drinking alcohol a central male ritual which released inhibitions, sometimes leading to homosexual acts. Among the first buildings on any new frontier settlement were grog shanties, soon followed by substantial hotels and boarding houses providing accommodation. It was common for single men to cut costs by sharing rooms in hotels and boarding houses, but this relationship of convenience sometimes came unstuck when sex and alcohol intertwined. Ludwig Leichhardt described the drinking bouts he witnessed on the Darling Downs in the 1840s:

there's often no difference between master and man--both act like sailors just back from a long voyage, and indulge in the wildest orgies, hardly knowing what they are doing.(24)

Many of the incidents in the court cases involve alcohol. John Dow, convicted of attempted sodomy in a stable at Copperfield in 1870 pleaded that he had been drinking for three days and was not conscious of his actions.(25) Other drunken debauches are recorded. In 1891, after a night of drinking, Edmund Tweedle invited Joseph Croome back to his Brisbane hotel room. Ten minutes into their sexual tryst the couple were reported by another occupant of the room, who had been watching unobserved.

I saw the two accused undress and get in one bed and the other in another bed. After falling into bed they remained there for ten minutes. Accused Croome then got out of his bed and went into Tweedle's bed. Tweedle said to Croome to 'Take off your shirt.' Croome took off his shirt and threw it on the floor. He was then perfectly naked. Tweedle then got on his knees and elbows outside the clothes of the bed. Croome then got behind Tweedle. Croome then put his person into Tweedle's posterior and commenced bobbing up and down. Croome was leaning on Tweedle's back. He kept bobbing up and down for about five minutes. I am certain Croome's penis was in Tweedle's posterior at that time. Croome then got off Tweedle and both laid down side by side. Tweedle then turned on his back. Croome then turned over Tweedle, and took Tweedle's private in his mouth and kept it in his mouth for about two minutes. He was sucking it. Tweedle lay still. Tweedle had only a small singlet on. I jumped out of my bed then. I struck a match and lit a candle. I said to Croome, 'Get out of bed you dirty pig.'(26)

Another case, from Charleville in 1896, involved Gordon Frank, a guest at the Union hotel who was drinking in the public bar with a swaggie, Henry Thompson. Mid-afternoon Frank invited Thompson to his room, which he shared with another man, whose bed was hidden from Frank and Thompson by a door. Thomas Keesey had been lying down having a quiet smoke when he heard: "Holy Ghost you're hurting me." On investigation he found Frank on his bed, trousers around his ankles, his shirt pulled up under his arms and Thompson busily engaged in having sex with him.(27)

Many of the court eases contain similar graphic accounts of sexual acts, leaving no doubt as to the homosexual pleasures of some men and youths in colonial Queensland, but do they tell us anything about the majority?

Problems of Interpretation and Extrapolation

Sexual theorists suggest that sexuality as it is understood today emerged in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a mechanism of the new ways of organising knowledge and power, related to the new industrial society of Europe. The modern concept of homosexuality is a product of late nineteenth century thinking, formulated in medical and legal knowledge.(28)

The demarcation of boundaries between definitions of homosociality, homosexuality and modern gay and queer categories are at the heart of our problem. On the one hand we have a high proportion of men in the nineteenth century Queensland population linked with the dubious image of masculine non-sexual mateship and, on the other hand, men committing what were seen as "unnatural offences" punishable by law, male-to-male sexual activity, particularly oral and anal sex. Where and how substantially do mateship and homosexuality intersect?

Identities and the construction of sexual boundaries were fluid in the atomised sealer societies.(29) Migrants to the new colonies came singly, in parties of friends and in small family units, no longer controlled by extended families and with fairly autonomous personal lives. Miles Fairburn's conclusions about New Zealand in the second half of the nineteenth century, could just as easily have been about Queensland. Fairburn suggests that the colony contained a multitude of settings in which "foot-loose males meet and mixed" and detailed descriptions of the often very brief friendships that formed between men on the roads moving from job to job and in short-term employment; but he provides no evidence of homosexual encounters or relationships.(30)

Men traditionally have been more able to have depersonalised sex than women. The conditions for foot-loose males to met and mix were perfect in nineteenth century Queensland, except that they had less privacy than similar men would have today. We would be wrong to categorise all of these men as homosexual-identified, any more than men who are involved in situational homosexuality in prisons then or today, or service men and women in war time. Studies on homosexuality among American armed services personnel in the First and Second World Wars suggest that we should distinguish between the historically specific concept of homosexuality as an identity and the temporary assumption of homosexual roles in particular circumstances.(31) Similarly, recent surveys show that the majority of men who cruise contemporary urban park and highway "beats" are "heterosexual" married men with families.(32)

The Sydney-based Gay History Project, and also the Australian Centre for Gay and Lesbian Research, based at the University of Sydney, provide a focus for gay and lesbian research in Australia. There is also a fast growing literature on Australian gay male history, though lamentably there is no equivalent lesbian historical literature.(33) Beginning with Denise Thompson's Flaws in the Social Fabric in 1985, a series of substantial books has been published. Garry Wotherspoon's City of the Plain examined the history of gay Sydney in the inter-war years. Robert Aldrich and Garry Wotherspoon's two volumes of Gay Perspectives contain broad collections of essays on nineteenth and twentieth century Australia, and the best articles on historiography and sources.(34) Dino Hodge's Did You Meet Any Malagas? a history of gays in Darwin and the Northern Territory, is an excellent example of the use of oral history.(35) Robert French's Camping By a Billabong, a collection of gay historical pieces from convict days through to the 1950s, uses by far the most diverse sources. By his example, and through collecting materials Australia-wide into a gay history archive, French has provided an agenda and modus operandi for Australian gay historical studies.(36)

Jonathan Katz has provided an even more extensive agenda in his pioneering collection of documents in American gay and lesbian history. In its Introduction he described the way it was assembled.

The documents here were discovered by hard labor and a certain dogged, one-track, single-minded, obsessive persistence. Communication with Gay people proved to be an important source of leads to materials once read, heard about, or rumored to exist. Friends, neighbours, relatives, lovers, fellow researchers, correspondents, and groups before whom I spoke all supplied clues to elusive evidence.(37)

Katz lists his sources as foreign language books and periodicals as well as

records of insane asylums, universities, and churches; articles in medical, psychiatric, psychological, and legal journals; legal appeals; court records; periodicals, ephemeral handouts and other publications of the early American homosexual emancipation movement; reports of local, city, and state governments, and of federal government; reports of travellers, missionaries, explorers, anthropologists, sociologists, penologists; passing references in histories, biographies, autobiographies, diaries; artworks (Black blues, cowboy poems, engravings, photographs); and literary works (novels, short stories, poetry, plays). Such literary sources must be mentioned as an especially important source for the historical study of American Lesbianism. The novel, short story, poetry, and drama are creative forms in which Lesbians have been portrayed, and Lesbianism developed as a subject, even while it was excluded from other, more traditional historical sources.(38)

Similar evidence is available from Australia. There is still a great deal of basic research to be done before we can begin to clarify the relationship between the undeniably homosexual behaviour recorded in the Queensland court cases and wider male society. The history of law reform in the 1860s and 1890s needs investigating as an indicator of changing community attitudes, as do the more recent and better documented gay law reforms of the 1980s. The Supreme Court and other government archival records that have provided the bulk of our nineteenth century sources need to be searched through into the twentieth century. There are indications from French's sources, and research in New South Wales records, that indecent exposure and assault laws were used as alternative charges to sodomy, to lighten the severity of the offence and the punishment: the search needs to be widened to include these related categories. Newspapers need scrutinising in tandem with the court records, and newspaper indexes examined for other nineteenth century and twentieth century leads. Following Katz's suggestions, literary evidence from diaries, letters, poems, short stories, travellers accounts and novels will also expand our picture, particularly for lesbian history which escapes the court and most other government records. Photographs, sketches and paintings will also add to our store of information.

Oral testimony can provide access to information and ideas on sources from the last fifty or sixty years. Brisbane's homosexual subculture certainly flourished as far back as the 1930s. In the days of "six o'clock closing" of hotels, most social activities took place at private homes or at hired venues at weekends. Gay and lesbian entertainment on Queen's Birthday weekend has a long and glorious history. A chance interview with an elderly literary figure who grew up in Brisbane in the 1930s and 1940s provides tantalising snippets of information. Which Premier used his official car and chauffeur to pick up his boyfriend from work, whenever his wife was away? How many have heard of the Pink Elephant restaurant that operated in North Quay in Brisbane fifty years ago, frequented by bohemian, gay and lesbian types? Or that the clothes most easily identifiable as gay, and once most likely to enrage the police, were a yellow pullover, tie and socks, plus suede shoes?(39)

Queensland may have a "gay" history dating back to its first Premier in 1859, or as far back as Ludwig Leichhardt on the Darling Downs in the 1840s. But Leichhardt, Herbert and other Queenslanders last century would not have understood the modern terminology. Like many men and women today who have had (and continue to have) homosocial and homosexual inclinations and experiences they would not identify with the queer subculture of the 1990s. The subtitle of this article, "a research agenda for gay studies in Queensland," is a serious call for more research in this intriguing but vital area of Australian social history.

Clive Moore

ENDNOTES:

1. L. Connors, "Two Opposed Traditions: Male Popular Culture and the Criminal Justice System in Early Queensland"; C. Moore, "That Abominable Crime: First Steps Towards a Social History of Male Homosexuals in Colonial Queensland, 1859-1900," Gay Perspectives II: More Essays in Australian Gay Culture ed. R. Aldrich (Sydney: Department of Economic History with the Australian Centre for Gay and Lesbian Research, University of Sydney, 1993): 83-114; 115-148.

2. There is a slim literature on rape, prostitution and bestiality in colonial Queensland. A-M. Collins, "Testimonies of Sex: Rape in Queensland, 1880-1919," Journal of Australian Studies 29 (1991): 50-63; and, "Woman or Beast? Bestiality in Queensland, 1870-1949," Hecate 17.1 (1991): 36-42; R.H. Barber, "Rape and Other Sexual Offences in Queensland: An Historical and Behaviourial Analysis," MA thesis, University of Queensland, 1970; and, "Rape as a Capital Offence in Colonial Queensland," Australian Journal of Politics and History 21 (1975): 31-41; C. Harris, "The 'Terror of the Law' as Applied to Black Rapists in Colonial Queensland," Hecate 8.2 (1982): 22-48; R. Evans, "'Soiled Doves': Prostitution and Society in Colonial Queensland--An Overview," Hecate 1.2 (1975): 6-24; and, R. Evans, "'Don't You Remember Black Alice, Sam Holt?': Aboriginal Women in Queensland History," Hecate 8.2 (1982): 7-21.

3. C. Anderson, "Queensland Aboriginal Peoples Today," Queensland: A Geographical Interpretation ed. J.H. Holmes, Queensland Geographic Journal 4.1 (1986): 301.

4. M. Finnane and S. Garton, "The Work of Policing: Social Relations and the Criminal Justice System in Queensland 1880-1914, Pail II," Labour History 63 (1992): 44-45; ed. W. Vamplew, Australians: Historical Statistics (Sydney: Fairfax, 1987): 26-28, 41.

5. Western Australia had 157.54 males to every 100 females, and New Zealand had an even higher rate. The USA figure in 1900 was 104.87 men to every 100 women, in England and Wales it was 93.63, Scotland 94.58, and Ireland 97.40 to every 100 women. B. Kingston, The Oxford History of Australia, Vol 3, 1860-1900: Glad, Confident Morning (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988): 114; J. Phillips, "Mummy's Boys: Pakeha Men and Male Culture in New Zealand," Women in New Zealand Society ed. P. Bunkle and B. Hughes (Auckland: Allen and Unwin, 1980): 219.

6. W.D. Borrie quoted in P.F. Macdonald, Marriage in Australia: Age at First Marriage and Proportions Marrying, 1860-1971 (Canberra: Department of Demography, Institute of Advanced Studies, Australian National University, 1974): 86.

7. Macdonald, 86-107. These figures exclude Aborigines, Chinese and immigrant Melanesians. If the thousands of Asians and Islanders were included the male figures would be even more extreme. See also K. Spearritt, "The Poverty of Protection: Women and Marriage in Colonial Queensland, 1870-1900," BA Honours Thesis, University of Queensland (1988): vii, 5, 15, 24-25, 31, 61.

8. R. Evans and K. Saunders, "Gender and Reproductive Relations: Introduction," Gender Relations in Australia: Domination and Negotiation, ed. K. Saunders and R. Evans (Sydney: Harcourt, 1992): 99-102.

9. G.C. Bolton, A Thousand Miles Away: A History of North Queensland to 1920 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1972): 54-60.

10. C. Moore, Kanaka: A History of Melanesian Mackay (Port Moresby: Institute of Papua New Guinea and the University of Papua Press, 1985). The number of indenture contracts is 62,475 but many came more than once.

11. C. Moore, "A Precious Few: Melanesian and Asian Women in Northern Australia," Saunders and Evans, 65, 71.

12. Mackay Mercury, 18 August 1891.

13. R. Ward, The Australian Legend (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1958): 99.

14. M. Fairburn, The Ideal Society and its Enemies: The Foundations of Modern New Zealand, 1850-1900 (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1989); J.O.C. Phillips, A Man's Country? The Image of the Pakeha Male--A History (Auckland: Penguin, 1987).

15. See for instance G. Wotherspoon, "A Sodom in the South Pacific: Male Homosexuality in Sydney, 1788-1809," A Difficult Infant: Sydney Before Macquarie, ed. G. Aplin (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1988): 91-101; W.J. Fogarty, "'Certain Habits': The Development of a Concept of the Male Homosexual in New South Wales Law, 1788-1900," Gay Perspectives: Essays in Australian Gay Culture, ed. R. Aldrich and G. Wotherspoon (Sydney: Department of Economic History, University of Sydney, 1993): 59-76; B. Hay, "A Charge of Something Unnatural: A Brief History from the Records of Australia's Earliest Known 'Homosexual' Convict," Gay Perspectives II, ed. R. Aldrich, 63-82.

16. Connors, "Two Opposed Traditions," 110.

17. R. French and G. Wotherspoon, "More Than Just Friends?" Camping By a Billabong: Gay and Lesbian Stories from Australian History, ed. R. French (Sydney: Blackwattle Press, 1993): 27-30; and C. Moore, "That Abominable Crime," 116-8; and, "Was Queensland's First Premier Gay? Robert Herbert and John Bramston," Queensland Pride 35 (1994): 27.

18. J. Goode, Rape of the Fly (Melbourne: Nelson, 1977): 57-58, 74, 200.

19. C. Moore, "That Abominable Crime," 119-20. See also Queensland Pride 34 (1994): 19; 35 (1994): 27.

20. Goode, 213.

21. For more details see Moore, "That Abominable Crime," 122-7.

22. Connors, "Two Opposed Traditions," 100-02.

23. T. Edwards, "Public Sex: The Eroticisation of an Oppressed Position," Erotics and Politics: Gay Male Sexuality, Masculinity and Feminism (London: Routledge, 1994): 90-109; French, "Into the Woods," and "Founding the Beat," in Camping By a Billabong, 47-50, 63-5.

24. Leichhardt, quoted in Connors, 88.

25. JUS S2; CCT 7/23 Queensland State Archives (QSA); The Bulletin (Rockhampton), 30 March 1871.

26. JUS S4; SCT/CC96, QSA.

27. JUS S6; CCT 5/N7 QSA.

28. J. Weeks, Coming Out: Homosexual Politics in Britain from Nineteenth Century to the Present (London: Quartet Books, 1977); and Sex, Politics and Society: The Regulation of Sexuality since 1800 (London: Longman, 1986).

29. For the concept of atomisation see Fairburn, The Ideal Society and its Enemies and "Local Community or Atomised Society: The Social Structure of Nineteenth Century New Zealand," New Zealand Journal of History 13 (1982): 146-67.

30. Fairburn, The Ideal Society and its Enemies, 148-156.

31. G. Chauncey Jr., "Christian Brotherhood or Sexual Perversion? Homosexual Identities and the Construction of Sexual Boundaries in the World War I Era," Hidden From History: Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past, ed. M. Dubermann, M. Vicinus and G. Chauncey Jr. (London: Penguin, 1991): 294-317; A. Berube, Coming Out Under Fire: The History of Gay Men and Women in World War II (New York: Free Press, 1990).

32. R.J. Goodbun, In Our Own Private World: Exploring Possibilities for HIV Prevention Education Targetting Homosexual Men (Brisbane: National Centre for HIV Research, 1992). This is also confirmed in statistics collected for Project Male Call. Information from Paul Martin and Nicholas Ward, Queensland AIDS Council, 1 May 1994.

33. L. Ross, "Escaping the Well of Loneliness," Staining the Wattle: A People's History of Australia Since 1788, ed. V. Burgman and J. Lee (Melbourne: McPhee Gribble/Penguin, 1988): 100-08. See also French, "And So To Bed," 13-5; and "A Horrible Woman, A Disgusting Creature," 71-3, Camping By a Billabong. There is a substantial lesbian literature, but mainly fiction not historical.

34. D. Thompson, Flaws in the Social Fabric: Homosexuals and Society in Sydney (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1985); G. Wotherspoon, City of the Plain: History of a Gay Sub-Culture (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1991); eds. Aldrich and Wotherspoon, Gay Perspectives; ed. Aldrich, Gay Perspectives II; ed. G. Wotherspoon, Being Different: Nine Gay Men Remember (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1986); G. Wotherspoon, "'The Greatest Menace Facing Australia': Homosexuality and the State in New South Wales During the Cold War," Labour History 56 (1989): 15-28; and G. Wotherspoon, "From Sub-Culture to Mainstream Culture: Some Impacts of Homosexual and Gay Sub-Cultures in Australia," Journal of Australian Studies 28 (1991): 65-72.

35. D. Hodge, Did You Meet Any Malagas? A Homosexual History of Australia's Northernmost Capital (Darwin: Little Gem Publications, 1993).

36. R. French, "'Where the Action Was': Archival Sources for Gay History in Australia," Aldrich and Wotherspoon, 181-95.

37. Katz, J., Gay American History: Lesbians and Gay Men in the USA (New York: Avon Books, 1976): 5.

38. Katz, 6.

39. Interview with Berrett Reid, Canberra, 4 December 1991. See also French, "The Yellow Sox Gang," Camping By a Billabong, 98-93.
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