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'Due to disagreements, great, mighty and opulent cities fell into misery and destitution': a city in premodern (East) Central Europe and the collapse of traditional community?

In 1750, the magistrates of Bartfa (Bardejov), one of the royal towns in Habsburg Hungary, issued a Polizej-Ordnung that strictly regulated both public manners within the territory of the city and the private lives of its burghers. (1) The first part of the document enacted regulations for burgher weddings. Depending on the social status of a newly married couple (rich town dweller, middleclass artisan, or poor journeyman) the instruction prescribed the number of wedding guests allowed. The same applied to the number of courses that could be served during the wedding feast--twelve courses for a rich wedding, eight for a standard wedding, and five for a poor one--with the penalties to be imposed for breaches of the rules, rising from 6 to 40 HungarianJlorins (for a poor and a rich wedding respectively). The new regulations further fixed the time allowed in church for wedding ceremonies, the maximum amount of wine that could be supplied by the local tavern, the allowed length of wedding celebrations, the number of cooks (1 head cook and 2 assistants for rich weddings), and even the number of bridesmaids.

The other part of the document, concerned with the clothing style of burghers, denounced the diversity and opulence of their attire. According to the councillors, such fashion did not reflect the social stratification within the community as even the poor craftsmen spent lavishly on luxurious cloth in an effort to imitate the life style of well-to-do burghers and merchants. Artisans were prohibited from buying expensive first-rate English and Dutch cloth which was reserved for the upper social stratum, and they were supposed to purchase cheaper dress of lower quality. With the instruction, the City's magistrates were striving for the highest possible level of social control and regulation, with the aim of keeping harmony and order: the edict intruded into numerous spheres of the public and private lives of the City's inhabitants. (2)

Far from being unique, the prescriptive and uncompromising rhetoric of the Bartfa Polizej-Ordnung was fully compatible with the early modern vision of an ideal city that rested upon values of order, obedience, unity, harmony, and collectivism. (3) By applying repressive measures against those who failed to comply with the rules, the Polizej-Ordnung, at the same time, testified to the existence of an unbridgeable gap between the prescribed norm and the subversive reality of everyday life in the early modern city. This fact raises certain fundamental questions that have been largely unanswered by urban historians. Upon which social and organizational principles did the very idea of a premodern city rest? What were the processes that contributed the most to the gradual metamorphosis of the medieval burgher community into a modern urban society? (4)

I. The Premodern City between Urban History and Community Sociology

As this subject expands far beyond the limits of classical historical science, the methodology and language of other disciplines, above all Sociology, must be applied. Primarily based upon the critique and analysis of community/ society theories--as formulated and developed by Ferdinand Tonnies, Emile Durkheim, Georg Simmel, Karl R. Popper, the Chicago School of Sociology, and most recently by Gerard Delanty and Anthony P. Cohen--this article aims to provide a meaningful theoretical model which will serve to explain the crisis of the tradition-oriented urban community and the emergence of a modern (East) Central European urban society in the period prior to 1800. (5) My analysis will focus upon a number of little-known (East) Central European sources that have thus far only been studied sporadically. Terra incognita to most comparative urban historians, (East) Central Europe in this article embraces historical territories of the Bohemian Lands, Habsburg Hungary, and the Polish--Lithuanian Commonwealth with overlaps to the Holy Roman Empire. In the early modern age, the region was characterized by the dominance of small (fewer than 2000 inhabitants) and agricultureoriented settlements. Though generally less urbanized than the European West, the territory experienced a genuine urban revolution in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, during which the number of newly founded cities and towns steadily increased. (6)

Notwithstanding the large number of rival theories, the majority of urban historians and sociologists have somewhat intuitively maintained that the characteristics of modern society (Gesellschaft) emerged as late as the nineteenth century while the premodern city has been traditionally described in terms of community (Gemeinschaft). As such a view seems to be at odds with the available historical evidence, this article sets out to defend the thesis that (East) Central European citizenry might have gradually lost most Gemeinschaft qualities as early as between 1500 and 1800. In other words, it is suggested that certain social relationships typical of modern society emerged in the early modern period and, consequently, were not the products of nineteenth-century industrialization and liberalism as traditionally asserted by many scholars.

Treating medieval and early modern cities as communities is by no means a unique approach. Studies on English cities by Paul Withington, Keith Wrightson, Robert Tittler, Keith Thomas, Paul Griffiths, or those by Peter Blickle and Robert Scribner on Central European towns provide useful insights into the nature of social relationships within premodern urban settlements. (7) By legitimizing the status of the early modern community as a basic unit of research these scholars and urban historians have examined how social, economic, and cultural processes were experienced in local societies, how they affected individual lives and, finally, how the diverse reactions which they provoked shaped and modified their future developments. The term 'community' is particularly instrumental in examining the uneasy interaction between the local settlement and the emerging modern state or the idea of a nation. (8) The concept, therefore, serves as a useful methodological tool which makes it possible to study a variety of associations, relationships, and types of communication in medieval and early modern rural and urban settlements. Mostly because of its conceptual vagueness, there were some attempts in the past to eliminate 'community' from the vocabulary of the premodern historian. (9) However, most scholars today would agree that the concept should be (re)considered and thoroughly discussed but certainly not ignored.

More systematic attention should be paid instead, for instance, to a chronic discrepancy between normative community values and the repeated failure of municipal authorities to implement them into the real life of early modern cities. Despite the official insistence upon harmony, concord, and order, premodern communities were not free from conflict. Studying the tensions and antagonisms makes it possible for urban historians to better understand the practices and rituals of community and identify mediating forces and strategies of power. As Robert Scribner once put it: 'Study of communities in the late medieval and early modern period is of great importance because it opens up a sense of the dynamic nature of social and political relationships within the urban and peasant worlds.' (10)

From a sociological point of view, a number of basic qualities can be identified that broadly characterize the typical community of the medieval and early modern city:

* Personal acquaintance, mutual dependence, and the dominance of emotional bonds (primary group relationships). This implies a limited size of community.

* A high level of autonomy and self-governing rights.

* The ability to act as a unified social body.

* A large number of people involved in communal administration.

* An emphasis upon conservative values (solidarity, unity, order, harmony).

* A high level of cultural, confessional, and social homogeneity.

* A high level of social control.

* An emphasis upon concord.

* A complex system of rituals, symbols, and shared meanings.

Introduced by Ferdinand Tonnies in his pioneering study Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887) the 'community/society theory' had a profound influence upon modern Community Sociology. (11) The character of all social relationships, Tonnies would have us believe, is either that of community (Gemeinschaft) or society (Gesellschaft). While the former is based upon the natural will (Wesenwille), which involves an emphasis on historical experience, conservative moral values, solidarity, order and collective goals, the latter rests upon the rational will (Kurwille) and is characterized by individualism, rationality, and plurality of judgements. Using this binary opposition made it possible for Tonnies to develop a model of the transformation of medieval and mostly rural communities into modern industrial societies. (12)

Later, other representatives of classical sociology, such as Emile Durkheim and Max Weber, also discussed the concept of community. In his book The Division of Labor in Society (1893), Durkheim recognized two inherent kinds of social relationships, mechanical solidarity which corresponded to the ideal type of traditional community and organic solidarity which is characteristic of modern society. In Durkheim's view, medieval and early modern European civilization maintained a remarkable homogeneity, as political, moral, religious, and social values and cultural practices were universally shared. When defining a community, the German sociologist Max Weber highlighted the enshrinement of common values (wertrational) and the role of traditions (traditionell) and emotions (affectuel). In contrast, rational decision-making (zweckrational) based upon effectiveness and careful consideration of costs and benefits is, according to Weber, more typical of modern society. (13)

II. The Rhetoric of Community in the Premodern (East) Central European City

If compared to available urban sources, the concept of community as developed by classical Sociology seems fully compatible with the normative idea of a premodern city and its organizational principles. These sources mostly depicted medieval and early modern urban societies as primarily collectivist organisms whose social coherence and internal stability rested upon semi-biological bonds such as kinship, communal life, sharing common efforts and values, and facing common threats. It was the nature of premodern urban societies that they inclined to act as a body and unified whole while there remained little space for personal initiative, individual decisions, or independent critical assessment. The superiority of collectivism over individualism implied that medieval and early modern cities supported interventionism, assimilation, integration, and the obliteration of internal frontiers rather than cultural diversity and plurality of views.

Most conspicuously, such a (self)reflection of city mirrored itself in literature. The topos of concord, solidarity, harmony, and order permeated practically every literary genre of urban provenance from private diaries to panegyrics and chronicles. While unity and harmony were perceived as sine qua non for the prosperity of the city, any disharmony would have unavoidably heralded its fall through the unbridled anarchy (= democracy) or tyranny of one man. This anxiety was expressed, in an emphatic manner, by a chronicler of the stormy events in Prague in the 1520s who clamoured for 'good love and concord' and warned that 'old histories and chronicles reveal what effect is created by love and harmony as opposed to hostility and disharmony. Due to disagreements, great, mighty and opulent cities and realms fell into misery and destitution'. (14) Similarly, in contemplating the causes of social unrest in Gdansk (Danzig, Royal Prussia), the city historiographer Stenzel Bornbach (1530-1597) voiced his belief that disunity (Uneinigkeit) ultimately engenders nothing but harm and destruction (Schaden, Nachteil und Verderb). (15)

In order to defend these collectivist principles of urban life, most cities developed an entire set of juridical, social, and economic instruments with strong assimilative and integrative effects. In other words, all newcomers and minorities found themselves under permanent pressure to acculturate and assimilate themselves by adopting local rules of the game as well as norms, values, and social modes of the host society. As a rule, urban authorities made an effort to maintain social, confessional, and economic stability by eliminating certain groups of the population from burgher status.

This applied, above all, to the confessional environment of the city since a plurality of faiths potentially destabilized unity and harmony, the foundation stones of the communal order. Persistent religious frontiers within urban populations were generally considered one of the most destabilizing factors in a variety of early modern theoretical works on cities. In his influential and many times republished Tractatus politico-historico-juridicus de juribus et privilegiis civitatum imperialum, the German jurist Phillipp Knipschilt (1595--1657) warned that diversity of faith (Religionis mutatio) would unavoidably produce discord and, eventually, the fall of any town. (16) Bitter religious disputes within a city usually gave rise to a confessional historiography that interpreted the crisis of community and the collapse of urban order either from a Catholic or a Protestant point of view. In early sixteenth-century Gdansk, as with many other cities, antagonistic sides produced rival versions of events by charging each other with undermining good neighbourhood and republican virtues. While the Lutherans 'turned unity into chaos and discord' (17) the Catholics were marked with evil (Die Bosheit), wantonness (Der Hochmut) and treacherous conduct (DieVerratherei). (18)

This is why, in the pursuit of a homogeneous society, many cities placed restrictions on certain denominations. Protestants were often excluded de iure from citizenship in Catholic towns and vice versa. In the early modern age, Plzen (Pilsen) in Bohemia was arguably the most typical example of systematic support for Catholic immigration. Formally, only Catholics were eligible to apply for burgher status in Cracow, Poznan, and Biecz (Poland). (19) In contrast, the mostly Protestant milieu of Royal Prussian cities (Gdansk, Torun) attracted an influx of non-Catholic settlers, particularly Lutherans and Calvinists.

A specific regulatory mechanism applied by many Bohemian towns was the criterion of language wherein candidates for citizenship were required to be proficient in Czech. In the atmosphere of post-Hussite Bohemia, this 'linguistic nationalism' was primarily directed against German-speaking migrants. In Plzen (Pilsen), for instance, the requirement was introduced in 1500, when the city council excluded in-migrants from burgher status unless they learned Czech. (20) Soon afterwards, a similar practice was adopted in Litomefice (Leitmeritz). (21) In other Bohemian cities, including Prague, at least a basic command of Czech was a formal requirement needed by those applying for urban citizenship. (22) After 1600, such a policy found legal support in a so-called Language Act approved by the Bohemian Diet (1615) and in a number of theoretical tracts whose authors usually reasoned that the uncontrolled expansion of the German tongue would herald not only the twilight of domestic culture but also of the Czech nation and Bohemian statehood. One of them, Pavel Stransky (1583-1657), resorted to drawing a historical parallel with the sad lot of the Slavic tribes that once lived along the river Elbe. Stransky's vivid depiction of their annihilation by the Germans was intended as a warning that a similar scenario might also come to pass in Bohemia. Pursuing a merciless assimilation policy, suggested the author, might have been the only way of escaping this fate. (23)

The insistence upon mechanical solidarity (Durkheim) or community values (Tonnies) also found its reflection in strategies adopted by medieval and early modern cities vis-a-vis minorities that resisted integration. In most Central European cities it was Jews who served as the most conspicuous and universally shared symbol of such an alien subculture. In cases when integrative instruments failed, urban societies inclined either to push these groups out of the city (expulsion of Jews, Jewish pogroms) or at least separate them physically (Jewish ghettos and streets).

Historical research on early modern cities has also stressed the vital importance of alternative social structures when the highly valued unity was under pressure. The growing heterogeneity of urban populations usually gave rise to informal social ties and semi-official networks which tended to create communities within the community. In many cities this referred, above all, to the neighbourhood. Living close to each other and depending upon neighbours during the war or natural catastrophes (fire, floods) substantially strengthened the sense of community and neighbourly solidarity that often overrode possible differences in religion or social status. (24)

An emphatic defence of community principles may provide a legitimate theoretical model to explain the success of religious change in numerous Central European cities. As the German historian Bernd Moeller once pointed out, the Reformation made it possible for urban fathers to secularize the Church, the juridically and socially alien entity within the territory of the medieval city. The social integration of the clergy into urban society, or the Verburgerlichung and Kommunalisierung in Moeller's words, was one of the most visible outcomes of the urban reformation and might be interpreted in terms of the sustained communal and collectivist spirit favouring social, religious, and cultural unity. (25)

III. The Crisis of Traditional Community?

If medieval and early modern cities featured fundamental qualities of community, it is logical for the urban historian to investigate the principal causes that sparked their transformation into modern urban societies. (26) The Weberian term Vergesellschaftung, referring to the growing rationalization (modernization) of social relationships, has been traditionally associated by most historians and sociologists with processes that occurred in the nineteenth century, namely industrialization, mass migration, and the rise of national awareness. First voiced by Karl Marx, the idea of traditional communities being disintegrated as a consequence of nineteen-century industrialization, the accumulation of capital, and intensified class conflict was further developed and reassessed by neo-Marxist urban sociologists including Manuel Castells, David Harvey, Leonard Bloomquist, and Gene Summers in the late 1970s and early 1980s. (27) The most significant advocate of such a view, however, was Gideon Sjoberg. In his influential analysis of social relationships in premodern European cities, Sjoberg argued that preindustrial urban centres generally displayed characteristics typical of communities, with nineteenth-century industrialization being largely responsible for their collapse and for the rise of society-like social relationships. (28)

When confronted with the evidence provided by the broad spectrum of premodern urban sources, such an assumption, however, seems highly questionable or even entirely incorrect. Largely under the influence of Karl Marx, the German sociologist FerdinandTonnies pointed to certain structural shifts in the European economy as being responsible for the decline of community relationships. According to Tonnies, these changes, in particular the unprecedented expansion of global trade and financial investments, gave rise to a capitalist market based upon rationalism, efficiency, and individualism. (29) This thesis, though in a modified form, was taken over by Emile Durkheim who argued that the extreme division of labour caused by industrialization resulted in the collapse of collectivism, mutual dependence, and solidarity. Tonnies's and Durkheim's explanatory models might well apply to premodern cities. The early modern globalization of trade and the rise of modern financial institutions (banks, insurance companies, the stock market) accelerated the crisis of economic self-sufficiency in European cities. (30) While medieval urban settlements formed semi-closed and highly self-sufficient economies marked with a plethora of ancient rights, freedoms, and regulations, in the early modern age urban markets gradually abandoned or renounced their protective economic policies and opened themselves to increased competition. Such a profound change in strategy was stimulated by the combination of sheer necessity (growing urban populations, high demand for colonial wares, lower prices for imported merchandise) and the high profitability of long-distance trade. As a result, early modern urban economies had to react flexibly to the changeable demand in the vast market over which neither the urban producers and merchants nor the cities themselves had any control. The steadily increasing trade exchange between the Baltic and Western European cities serves as an example of the mutually profitable though fragile economic collaboration. There is a consensus among urban historians that the unprecedented population rise of early modern Amsterdam and other Dutch cities was made possible through the massive importation of Polish corn and raw materials from the Baltic ports (Danzig, Konigsberg) that, at the same time, played a crucial role in the reciprocal import of colonial wares and luxury goods produced in the European Occident. (31)

The gradual decline in the principle of economic self-sufficiency launched the erosion of community relationships in more than one way. First, the entire process substantially weakened the economic interdependence of community members as the entrepreneurial ties and financial interests of growing numbers of burghers were anchored outside the microcosm of the early modern city. Second, the unprecedented boom of long-distance trade and the call for mass production gave rise to a proto-industrial economy marked with a massive influx of new inhabitants into prospering urban centres. (32) As a result, the emergence of rival forms of production (manufactories versus guilds) combined with socially, religiously, and culturally diversified in-migration, substantially contributed to the heterogenization of interests, ideas, and life styles within premodern urban communities. To put it in Durkheimian terms, mechanical solidarity was replaced by an organic one.

Max Weber introduced an alternative mechanism responsible for the transformation of social relationships in his three seminal studies The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904/05), Economy and Society (1921), and Sociology and Religion (1920/21). These works voiced Weber's central idea that the so-called Vergesellschaftung, the transition of community into society, was primarily the outcome of the gradual rationalization of all spheres of human life. In order to furnish convincing and sound historical evidence, Weber demonstrated his thesis through the history of religious belief. Originally replete with magic, symbolic rituals, and popular fantasies and superstitions, religious faith was later institutionalized, codified, laicized and, therefore, largely rationalized. (33) The environment of a medieval and early modern European city rendered a variety of examples that testified to the Weberian rationalization thesis. Arguably the most conspicuous change occurred in the sphere of municipal administration. Here, the evolution from customary law, personalized justice, highly ritualized legal acts, and'irrational' procedures (such as ordeals and oaths) to codification, professionalization, and bureaucratization of municipal law seems to have put a seal of legitimacy upon the Vergesellschaftung theory. (34) Needless to say, prior to 1800, the rationalization of municipal administration and justice was further catalysed by the expansion of the proto-modern state. In the urban environment, this process adopted a variety of forms including the implementation of Roman law which was aimed at unifying the highly atomized legal system while, at the same time, being (mis)used as an efficient instrument of nascent state bureaucracy. Although the presence of university-educated persons among urban political elites remained an exception rather than a rule in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, it subsequently became a trend in the later period. Consider, for instance, the gradual transformation of the social structure of Prague's Old Town city council between 1650 and 1730. Here, the number of councillors with an academic (mostly juridical) background steadily increased eventually taking control of the urban government after 1700. (35) The growing importance of lawyers in the urban administration is further illustrated by the social status of jurists immatriculated at Charles--Ferdinand University, as after 1750 most students of law came from the rising bourgeois class. (36)

In light of the fact that the process of implementation of a unified legal system was enforced from above in European countries, Roman law served as a means of both administrative centralization and political 'discipline'. The originally tiny but over the course of time quickly expanding group of jurists did not rank among the traditional power elites in cities. The process of state bureaucratization, however, provided an unprecedented opportunity for their rapid career and social advance. The rising caste of burghers--lawyers thus benefited more from state centralization than from defending medieval urban rights and the political particularism of premodern cities. The social and political rise of the Bildungsburgertum was, therefore, closely tied to the ultimate triumph of the proto-modern state. The consolidation of state power deprived early modern cities of the outward symbols of social coherence, namely of their privileges and freedoms that for centuries had formed an important part of the collective identity of medieval urban communities. In addition, the career advance of one social group, the jurists, contributed to the diversification of interests within the community of burghers as a significant segment of the new urban elite preferred state service while its solidarity with the medieval idea of a city as an autonomous entity gradually faded out. (37)

Although the systematic study of social relationships remained the exclusive domain of German and French Sociology until the 1930s, new impulses and cutting-edge research came from the United States, more precisely from the Chicago School of Sociology. Most Chicago scholars were primarily concerned with the changing lifestyles of the American city and countryside prior to and after the Second World War. Nevertheless, urban historians exploring social relationships in early modern European cities have been able to take advantage of their methodologically meticulous studies. The first generation of Chicago sociologists (especially Robert Park and Louis Wirth) owed much to theories of the German philosopher Georg Simmel who examined the psychological effects of urban life upon collective and individual behaviour. (38) Unlike Simmel, who related the individualization of social behaviour with the advanced money economy, Louis Wirth stressed the importance of the size and density of the urban population. According to Wirth, the population concentration in large cities unavoidably produced the 'impersonalization' of social relationships and supported cultural plurality. Due to the growing size and diversity of the urban population, the traditional mechanisms failed to regulate the behaviour of individuals and social control became increasingly institutionalized and formalized. (39) By applying Louis Wirth's theory in his study of popular culture in the Yucatan Peninsula, the Chicago anthropologist Robert Redfield voiced his belief that communitytype social relationships are more typical for small, isolated, and culturally homogeneous rural settlements that are based upon tradition, faith, and kinship. (40)

Wirth's and Redfield's influential studies establish a solid theoretical basis for medieval and early modern urban community/society research. As shown by the urban databases that were published by Jan de Vries and Paul Bairoch, most medieval cities and towns in Europe retained their agrarian or semi-agrarian character while their population rarely exceeded a few thousand inhabitants. (41) In other words, significant numbers of town dwellers were engaged in agriculture and their lifestyle did not basically differ from that of rural villagers. In terms of population size, the majority of early modern towns consisted of settlements with fewer than 2000 inhabitants. In Saxony, for instance, 88 per cent of all urban centres in the mid-sixteenth century fell within this category with a similar ratio existing in most European regions. (42) Even more striking was the predominance of small towns in the vast territories of East Central Europe (Bohemia, Poland--Lithuania, Royal Hungary) with only some six to ten cities supporting more than 10,000 inhabitants prior to 1550. (43) In the early sixteenth century, most urban centres in Europe were modestly populated and town dwellers, crowded in densely built-up areas, were personally acquainted. The existence of various mutual bonds and, therefore, emotionally conditioned relations, formed a key pillar of the collectivist and communal nature of urban life.

If the crisis of the city as community has much to do with demographic trends (as argued by Louis Wirth and Robert Redfield), then two urbanization waves in the long sixteenth and in the eighteenth centuries might have been responsible for the erosion of communal social relationships prior to the industrial revolution. Marked with an unprecedented population concentration in towns and the multiplication of large cities with more than 10,000 inhabitants, early modern urbanization entirely changed the urban map of Europe. Table 1, testifies to the general expansion of large cities between 1500 and 1800. (44)

The statistical data collected by Jan deVries reveals the almost fourfold increase in the population of European cities with more than 10,000 inhabitants over the course of three centuries. At the same time, the number of these urban settlements rose from 154 in the early sixteenth century to nearly four hundred by 1800. (45) The demographic boom of the early modern city caused by massive in-migration substantially weakened the social cohesion that rested upon personal acquaintance. Thus a growing impersonality was the first mark of a crisis in the collective urban identity. Greater population mobility caused additional side effects.The traditional integrative instruments gradually collapsed under the pressure of growing cultural, religious, ethnic, and social diversities within the urban population. During the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries the medieval idea of a closed and socially coherent urban community still survived, but was fighting a losing battle with the reality of an increasingly multicultural and fragmented urban population. In consequence, the principle of civic unity was challenged by the proliferation of alternative identities. In addition, the early modern urbanization wave stimulated the influx of new urban residents whose economic, social, and political interests remained anchored outside the city. In (East) Central Europe this applied, above all, to the urban nobility economically tied with feudal manors and politically focused upon the imperial or aristocratic courts. (46)

Since the 1970s, many traditional concepts of community have been critically reassessed and revised by new generations of urban sociologists, including Gerard Delanty, Steven Brint, and Anthony P. Cohen. (47) While the classical approaches to the community treated the issue in mostly structural terms, one of the more recent contributors to the debate, Anthony P. Cohen, has defined 'the community' as a cultural field based upon shared symbols/mental constructs. This commonality of forms, Cohen asserts, clearly demarcates the boundaries of a community in relation to the external world. (48) By adhering to this particular concept of community, we can argue that language and rhetoric of community might have served as symbolic devices through which early modern burghers became aware of their social distinctiveness.

An analysis of the entire spectrum of urban narrative sources, including official chronicles, panegyrics, private diaries, and family memoirs, reveals that the collectivist topos of concord, unity, harmony, order, obedience, and good neighbourliness was inherently present in both their argumentation and structure. Most early modern theoretical works highlighted the same values. Having investigated narrative sources of an urban provenance, the German historian Hans-Christoph Rublack even speaks of the Grundwerte -- the key communal values representing the pillars of premodern burgher identity. (49) As a result, it is possible to identify the double self-perception of a medieval and early modern city--the normative, based upon the vision of a perfect urban community, and the subversive and realistic which instead soberly depicted the city as a society in conflict. The most explicit, in this respect, were the panegyrics--a specific genre of urban historiography--celebrating cities and their burghers. In these texts the normative dimension usually far overshadowed the realistic description, resulting in the image of a city as it should be instead of a city as it is.

In his famous Germania, the Strasbourg humanist Jacob Wimpfeling (1450-1528) highlighted the most important virtues that, according to him, helped to shape a perfect community of burghers and formed the pillars of Strasbourg's glory and stability. Several chapters in the second book are dedicated to Concord (Von der Eintracht), Love for the Community (Von der Liebe zum Gemeinwesen), Good Neighbourliness (Von der Freundschaft der Nachbarn), Good Citizenship (Von den guten Burgern), Wisdom (Von der Klugheit), and Justice (Von der Gerechtigkeit). In order to keep these virtues alive, town dwellers must avoid Wantonness, Discord (Uebermut ist zu meiden), and Idleness (Vm Schaden des Mussiggangs). (50)

The rhetoric of an ideal community featured in the premodern Central European urban historiography regardless of the size of a city and the level of its political autonomy. In the anonymous celebration, probably penned in the 1580s, of Glogow (Glogau), one of the largest cities in early modern Silesia, the author praised 'the unity of burghers who always remain loyal, obedient, and love one another'.51 The concord and unity between burghers and urban authorities ('Der gmein und des raths einickeit, Wie als so ordenlich ordnihrt') were viewed as sine qua non for the good community by Christoph Falk in his lengthy panegyric (1548) on Elbing in Royal Prussia. (52) Similarly, the humanist Simon Ennius Klatovsky (1520-61) stated in his celebration of Olomouc, the capital of Moravia, that 'in this city happy harmony blossoms'.53 Meistersanger Hans Sachs presented a standardized description of a well-ordered and wellgoverned city in his early sixteenth-century panegyric on Nuremberg:
   There is a prudent and wise Council in this city [i.e., Nuremberg]
   whose policy is marked with providence ... The Council and the
   entire community of burghers live in unity and concord. Their
   support for, and protection of, each other produces a common good.
   (54)


For Hans Sachs, Nuremberg was not only a beautiful eye-catching garden, but its ideal political system, material opulence, and harmonious coexistence with neighbours made the city a paradise upon earth. (55) In celebrating one of the richest Bohemian cities, Kutna Hora (Kuttenberg), the Jesuit Jan Konnek (1626-80) resorted to the same metaphor claiming in 1675 that 'such a well-ordered city might be compared to a royal garden in which a variety of virtues flower ... a row of obedient burghers stand in straight array'. (56) According to the author the spirit of a perfect community always rests upon the wisdom of its city councillors and the full obedience of the town dwellers. (57) The Silesian-born poet Salomon Frencel (1564-1605) observed the same virtues in Breslau (Wroclaw/Silesia) as 'the wise city council and the obedience of the burghers forestall rebellions and secure concord'. (58) Many authors employed poetic metaphors in their depictions of cities as harmonious urban republics. Thus the Hungarian humanist Martin Rakovsky (1535-79) compared the burgher communities to human bodies. In his poem Descriptio urbis Lunae Boiemicae, he expressed the idea that as different limbs form a body controlled by the will, so the individual burghers are parts of a well-ordered community wisely managed by the city council. Evidently enchanted by this rather traditional notion, Rakovsky glamorized the collectivist spirit of urban life by disregarding the individual who was, in his own words, alone worth nothing. Prosperity and strength could only arise from unity while quarrelling, and discord would unavoidably lead to a downfall and, eventually, to destruction. (59) Similarly, in a laudatory speech the rector of the College in Hamburg drew a metaphorical picture of the city as a clock whose parts mesh together and form a perfectly set and precisely working machine. (60) The image of a city as a unified social organism also found its reflection in legal terminology. The theoretician of law Phillipp Knipschilt (1595-1657), for instance, consistently referred to a burgher community as ' unum corpus'. (61)

In the early modern period, cities in Central Europe were increasingly confronted with phenomena--like the Reformation, proto-modern state building, massive in-migration, structural shifts in the European economy, and early modern urbanization--which have been regarded by most scholars as the symptoms and agents of rationalization and modernization. These processes challenged the integrity of traditional burgher communities and did much to dislodge the premodern concept of the city as an autonomous political, social, and economic entity. In reflecting the change, urban historiography typically utilized a dual strategy. First, most chronicles, panegyrics, and private burgher diaries identified the zenith of splendour and eminence of individual cities as being in the past. Their glorious history as the normative ideal stood in sharp contrast to the pessimistic report on the dismal present. A work produced by Jan Floryan Hammerschmid W Praze blaze kdo ma penize (Those with Money Live Well In Prague) from the early eighteenth century, celebrated Prague's idealized history and compared it with the bleak decline of the present. This lost paradise could only be restored and petrified through revival of the long forgotten and old-fashioned community values of the past. (62) In his four-volume book on Hradec Kralove (Bohemia) the Jesuit Frantisek de Paula Svenda viewed the city's history as marked by an irreversible and continuous decline. The city's welfare and prestige at its historical heights associated by Svenda with a golden age, was followed by less auspicious silver, iron, and copper stages. The last earthen age symbolized the gloomy and pitiful state of Hradec Kralove and the fall of the burgher community by 1800. (63)

Pondering over their city's past, certain eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury urban chroniclers saw the Reformation as a major threat to the communal order and the source of later decadence and misery. Thus, Aloys Kaufmann (1772-1847), the burgomaster of Teschen (Silesia) bitterly bewailed the fact that Luther's teachings 'had undermined the concord among the peaceful town dwellers of our native city' and ignited 'the flames of discord'. (64) In the 1780s, many urban authors disapproved the novelties introduced by the emperor Joseph II as they 'undermined old traditions, brought disorder and produced no good'. (65) In the later period, coinciding with the genesis of modern civil society, the language of the community entirely disappeared from urban historiography.

When striving to explain the schizophrenia of early modern urban societies being squeezed between an ideal past, a dismal present, and an uncertain future, one has to turn to one of the most fundamental ideas of community sociology as formulated by the prominent post-war American sociologist Howard P. Becker. Through exploring community/society social relationships, Becker voiced his belief that resistance to change and conservatism are featured in traditional community (sacred society) while the nature of social relationships in modern society (secular society) is more compatible with the ideas of progress and discontinuity. (66) The rhetoric of early modern urban sources was fully consistent with the emphatic defence of traditional ways of life while their erosion was already in progress.

By exploring the nature of social relationships in the early modern city from the point of view of urban sociology, this study has disclosed certain methodological inadequacies and the overall one-sidedness of the premodern urban community/modern urban society thesis as popularized, above all, by Gideon Sjoberg. (67)

First of all, the majority of community/society theories explaining the qualitative transformation of social relationships are based upon the investigation of a single particular aspect of urban life that necessarily produces a highly distorted picture of reality. While Max Weber, for instance, one-sidedly centred upon the rationalization of religious life, Sjoberg stressed the importance of industrialization in connection with the collapse of Gemeinschaft social relationships and the Chicago ecologists (Wirth, H. Gans, J. Palen, and others) highlighted the effects of population size. In order, however, to achieve a methodologically sound analysis, introducing relevant results, urban sociologists and historians should instead investigate various parts of the community and explain their interrelationships. It is apparent, for instance, that religion in the medieval and early modern city did not stand in isolation from charity, local institutions, and cultural practices. It is therefore necessary to apply a holistic approach towards the issue and examine premodern community life in its entire complexity. This inevitably implies that substantial changes in a single area of urban life might not have necessarily undermined the traditional social relationships within a city. Numerous scholars are of course aware of the problem. Gideon Sjoberg, for instance, identified this process of cultural heterogenization in early modern cities himself. Sjoberg concluded, nevertheless, that the existence of unassimilated groups did not affect the fundamental pillars of urban community. In this respect, sociological studies based upon a holistic inquiry, including the classic Middletown by Robert and Helen Lynd, (68) The Chicago Studies by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists, and The Yankee City Studies by William Lloyd Warner might serve as inspiration for historical research. (69)

Secondly, Sjoberg's work petrified the stereotype--of a preindustrial city being firmly anchored in community structures that collapsed as late as the nineteenth century--and has been tacitly and uncritically adopted by certain historians and sociologists. In defending his thesis, Sjoberg refers to the uninterrupted existence of medieval urban institutions (guilds, traditional urban offices) which were swept away by nineteenth century industrialization.This reasoning, however, is not entirely convincing. It is likely that a hypothetical urban traveller in 1800 would have seen a similar picture of the city and urban society as would his predecessor in 1500. Outwardly, no significant changes in urban life had occurred or they were hardly visible to an external observer. In 1500, as in 1800, it was the city walls that were perceived as undisputed symbols of urbanity. More importantly, the chief urban institutions, such as the city councils, guilds, and municipal law, retained their traditional structure, and old medieval urban rituals and customs, such as those connected with the installation of new urban governments, were still kept alive as symbols of continuity and the cities' autonomous republican constitutions. In most cases they were increasingly nothing but a historical residue in the gradually changing social, political, and economic environment of Europe before 1800. This implies that early modern urban change was functional rather than structural as the original institutions gradually ceased to serve their original purpose, namely, they had existed to embody urban autonomy and urban republicanism. Instead, like the urban guilds, they either gradually became obsolete and redundant or they found themselves on the way to being metamorphosed into basic administrative units of a greater political order, that is the early modern state.

Consider the investiture of new city councillors, one of the oldest and most celebrated urban rituals. Once based upon the rotation principle and formal election, from the mid-seventeenth century the process was replaced in many cities by appointments for life and the medieval ceremony thus became a mere formality. In Bohemia, for example, this reform was codified in 1737 by the emperor's decree. (70) Urban guilds also vindicated their existence, but following the loss of their political power they were deprived of their dominant position in the economy by the mushrooming manufactories. From the last decades of the seventeenth century, the Habsburg court economists repeatedly pressed for their abolishment, but an appeal to their importance as a policing and disciplinary force in the context of the city prevented such a radical step. The weakening of the economic hegemony of the guilds as well as the restriction of their autonomy brought an interesting side effect. As a sign of instinctive defence against progressive changes, the fraternities of urban artisans began to place increasing emphasis upon their guild's past, solidarity, and concord among their members and their minute knowledge of the guild's rules, freedoms, and rights. Paradoxically, guild festivities and medieval rituals, which in preceding centuries often fell into oblivion, were resuscitated after 1700 and saw their last golden age. At the same time, it was not exceptional for masters and apprentices to know the entire written order of their guild by heart.

Fortifications, the visual symbols of the closed nature of medieval urban societies and the autonomy of cities, still stood but they were losing their original purpose and in the eighteenth century they already began to hinder the expansion of urban space and its reorganization. Though increasingly obsolete, these old signs of the past retained their key importance in the mentality of town dwellers as they were inseparably linked with the medieval collective identity of the burghers. The past was understandable and familiar to the premodern community of town dwellers, but the future, bringing innovations and the questioning of traditional values, remained uncertain, unclear, and therefore suspect.

Basically, the issue may be approached from two different perspectives. The entire process has been, rather schematically, explained by classical sociology in terms of the transformation of 'community' into 'society'. The in-depth investigation of social relationships in premodern (East) Central European cities, however, may introduce the alternative concept of 'community reconstituted and redefined'. In this view, the traditional urban communities were articulated in different forms rather than eclipsed by modern society.

(1) No precise equivalent in English exists. Hereafter, it is referred to as an instruction. I greatly appreciate the financial support provided by a Go8 Fellowship (The Centre for Medieval and Early Modern Studies, The University of Western Australia, Perth), the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic (project 404/09/0026), and the Czech Ministry of Education, MSM6198959225 which made it possible for me to accomplish my research on the early modern urban communities in (East) Central Europe.

(2) Archiv mesta Bardejova (Archive of Bardejov City), inv. c. 294, Policej-Ordnung Bey dieser Koniglichen Frejen Stadt Bartfeldt, 1750.

(3) See, for instance, the almost identical instruction issued by magistrates of Locse (Levoca, Royal Hungary) in 1714. Moravsky zemsky archiv Brno, G 11, Sb'rka rukopisu Frantiskova muzea (Moravian Land Archive in Brno, Manuscript Collection of Francis Museum), sign. 747, inv. C. 848, Policejni fad Levoce z roku 1714, pp. 2-20.

(4) For more, see Jaroslav Miller, Urban Societies in East Central Europe, 1500-1700 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), pp. 1-6.

(5) For a summary of the debate, see Michael Bounds, Urban Social Theory: City, Self and Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 1-62.

(6) For more see Miller, Urban Societies, pp. 7-31.

(7) Alexandra Shepard and Phil Withington, eds, Communities in Early Modern England: Networks, Place, Rhetoric (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000); Robert Tittler, Townspeople and Nation: English Urban Experiences, 1540-1640 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001); Keith Wrightson, English Society, 1580-1680 (London: Routledge, 2003), esp. pp. 39-65; Paul Griffiths, Adam Fox, and Steve Hindle, eds, The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996); Peter Blickle, Communal Reformation: The Questfor Salvation in Sixteenth-century Germany (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1992); Blickle, ed., Gemeinde und Staat im Alten Europa (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1998); Blickle, ed., Landgemeinde und Stadtgemeinde in Mitteleuropa (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1991).

(8) See, above all, Peter Blickle, ed., Resistance, Representation and Community (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997); Wim P. Blockmans, 'Voracious States and Obstructing Cities: An Aspect of State Formation in Preindustrial Europe', in Cities and the Rise of States in Europe, A.D. 1000 to 1800, eds Charles Tilly and Wim P. Blockmans (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 218-50.

(9) See different definitions of the term in Colin Bell and Howard Newby, Community Studies: An Introduction to the Sociology of the Local Community (London: Allen & Unwin, 1971), pp. 21-53.

(10) Robert Scribner, 'Communities and the nature of power', in Germany: A New Social and Economic History, 1450-1630, eds Scribner and Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, 3 vols (London: Arnold, 1996-2003), i, ed. Scribner (1996), p. 293.

(11) The issue has been recently discussed, though for a different context, in Jaroslav Miller, '"In each town I find a triple harmony": Idealizing the City and the Language of Community in Early Modern (East) Central European Urban Historiography', Urban History, 39 (2012), 3-19 (pp. 3-4).

(12) Ferdinand Tonnies, Community and Society (New York: Dover Publications, 2002), esp. pp. 33-170.

(13) See Emile Durkheim, De la division du travail social (Paris: Libr. Alcan, 1973); Max Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. Grundriss der verstehenden Soziologie (Tubingen: Mohr, 1980); Weber, Die protestantische Ethik und der "Geist"des Kapitalismus (Tubingen: Mohr, 1904); published in English as The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Routledge, 2001).

(14) K. J. Erben, ed., Bartosova kronika prazska od leta pane 1524 az do konce leta 1530 (Praha, 1863), p. 299. The original Czech version: 'aby mezi vsemi dobra laska a svornost byti mohla ... pfivozujice stare historie a kroniky, kterak pro nesvornost velika, mocna i bohata mesta i kralovstv' k zkaze i k zahynut' jsou pfichazela'.

(15) Herder Institut Marburg, Collection of manuscripts, Stenzel Bornbach, Historia, Vom Aufffruhr zu Dantzigk, welcher sich angefangen hat, Anno 1522. Und ist durch Konigliche Maiestat von Polen, Anno 1526, gestillet, mit allem Fleiss beschrieben, 1587, Microfilm no. Fk 179, f. 1a.

(16) Phillippus Knipschilt, Tractatus politico-historico juridicus de juribus et privilegiis civitatum imperialium (Ulm, 1657), pp. 133-47.

(17) Max Toppen, ed., ' Volksthumliche Dichtungen', Altpreussische Monatsschrift, 9 (1872), p. 408, lines 10-11. Original in German: 'das sie alle einigkeit haben zutrent zu aufruhr und zwietracht ganz verkehrt'.

(18) Toppen, pp. 397-406.

(19) Stanislaw Gierszewski, Obywatele miast Polski przedrozbiorowej (Warsaw, 1973), p. 77.

(20) Josef Strnad, ed., M. Simona Placheho z Tfebnice Pameti Plzenske (Pilsen, 1888), pp. 93-94.

(21) Josef Macek, Jagellonsky vek v ceskych zemich, vol. 4 (Praha: Academia, 1999), p. 178.

(22) Zikmund Winter, Remeslnictvo a zivnosti XVI. veku v Cechach (1526-1620) (Praha, 1909), pp. 21-25; Olga Fejtova, 'Das Verhaltnis zwischen Nationalitaten in den Prager Stadten an der Wende vom 16. zum 17. Jahrhundert', GWZO--Berichte und Beitrage (1999), p. 52.

(23) Pavel Stransky, Cesky stat--Okfik (Praha, 1953), pp. 371-72.

(24) See, for instance, Gabrielle Dorren, 'Communities Within the Community: Aspects of Neighbourhood in Seventeenth-century Haarlem', Urban History, 25.2 (1998), 173-88. For London, see Jeremy P. Bolton, Neighbourhood and Society: A London Suburb in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).

(25) Bernd Moeller, Reichsstadt und Reformation (Berlin: Evang. Verlag, 1987); Moeller, 'Kleriker als Burger', in Festschrift fur Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag (Gottingen: Universitatsverlag, 1972), pp. 195-224. For a critical assessment of the community/ reformation thesis, see Blickle, Communal Reformation, passim.

(26) The issue of a premodern city as a community has been recently discussed by Juan Pan Montojo and Frederik Pedersen, eds, Communities in European History: Representations, Jurisdictions, Conflicts (Pisa: Edizioni Plus, 2007); see also Michael J. Halvorson and Karen E. Spierling, eds, Defining Community in Early Modern Europe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009).

(27) Manuel Castells, The Urban Question (London: Edward Arnold, 1977); David Harvey, Social Justice and the City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973); David Harvey, 'The Urban Process under Capitalism', International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2 (1978), 101-31; Leonard E. Bloomquist and Gene F. Summers, 'Organization of Production and Community Income Distributions', American Sociological Review, 47 (1982), 325-38.

(28) Gideon Sjoberg, The Preindustrial City (NewYork: Free Press, 1965).

(29) Tonnies, Community and Society, pp. 103--70.

(30) For classic treatments of the economic collaboration between European and non-European regions since the sixteenth century, see Fernand Braudel, La dynamisme du capitalisme (Paris: Arthaud, 1985); and Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-system: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-economy in the 16th Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974).

(31) Maria Bogucka, 'Amsterdam and the Baltic in the First Half of the XVII Century', Economic History Review, 26 (1973), pp. 433-47 (reproduced in Bogucka, Baltic Commerce and Urban Society, 1500-1700: Gdansk/Danzig and its Polish Context (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003); Bogucka, 'Handel baltycky a bilans handlowy Polski v pierwszej polowie XVII wieku', Przeglqd Historyczny, 59 (1968), 245-52; J. K. Fedorowicz, England's Baltic Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century: A Study in Anglo-Polish Commercial Diplomacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980).

(32) Markus Cerman and Sheilagh C. Ogilvie, eds, Proto-Industrializierung in Europa: industrielle Produktion vor dem Fabrikzeitalter (Vienna: Verlag fur Gesellschaftkritik, 1994); Arnost Kl'ma, Economy, Industry and Society in Bohemia in the 17th-19th Centuries (Praha: Karolinum, 1991).

(33) Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft; Weber, Protestant Ethic; Weber, The Sociology of Religion (London: Methuen, 1965).

(34) For the rationalization of municipal administration in premodern cities in Bohemia, see Zdenek Martinek, 'Mest'an--duchovni--ufedm'k. Sluzba a povolam (1). Profesionalizace ufednictva a kancelaf mesta Pelhfimova v 18. stoleti", in Pragmaticke pisemnosti v kontextu pravnim a spravnim, eds Zdenek Hojda and Hana Patkova (Praha: Akademia, 2008), pp. 345-66.

(35) Vera Smolova, 'Rada Stareho mesta prazskeho v letech 1650-1715', Prazskj sbornik historicky, 24 (1991), 5-37.

(36) Josef Klabouch, Osvicenske pravni nauky v ceskych zemich (Praha, 1958), p. 38.

(37) See the sophisticated study by Blockmans, 'Voracious States', pp. 218-50; see also Wim P. Blockmans, Empowering Interactions: Political Cultures and the Emergence of the State in Europe, 1300-1900 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2009).

(38) Georg Simmel, 'The Metropolis and Mental Life', in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, ed. Kurt H. Wolff (Toronto: Free Press, 1978), pp. 409-24.

(39) Louis Wirth, 'Urbanism as a Way of Life', in New Perspectives on the American Community, eds Roland L. Warren and Larry Lyon (Homewood, IL: Dorsey, 1983), pp. 36-43.

(40) Robert Redfield, 'Rural Sociology and the Folk Society', Rural Sociology, 8 (1943), 68-72; Redfield, 'The Folk Society', American Journal of Sociology, 52 (1947), 293-308.

(41) Jan de Vries, European Urbanization, 1500-1800 (London: Methuen, 1984); Paul Bairoch, Jean Batou, and Pierre Chevre, La population des villes europeennes: Banque de donnees et analyse sommaire des resultats, 800-1850 (Geneva: Droz, 1988).

(42) Karlheinz Blaschke, Bevolkerungsgeschichte von Sachsen bis zurindustriellen Revolution (Weimar: Bohlau, 1967), pp. 70-141; Holger T. Graf, ed., Kleine Stadte in neuzeitlichen Europa (Berlin: Bohlau, 1997), pp. 184-205; Heinz Schilling, Die Stadt in der Fruhen Neuzeit (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1993), pp. 8-9.

(43) Miller, Urban Societies, pp. 28-31.

(44) For the purpose of this study, some minor revisions of Vries's geographical divisions of Europe proved necessary. Cities in Lusatia, Silesia, Royal, and Ducal Prussia are listed under East Central Europe, while Vries classed them as German urban centres.

(45) Jan de Vries, European Urbanization 1500-1800 (London: Methuen, 1984), p. 31.

(46) The so-called process of the 'urbanization of nobility' referred, above all, to residential cities. Early modern Krakow renders conspicuous evidence. Polish historian M. Niwinski has shown that by 1580, Krakow citizens controlled only 46 per cent of the inner town while Church institutions held 35 per cent, and 18 per cent was in the hands of the nobility. See M. Niwinski, 'Stanowy podzial wlasnosci nieruchomej w Krakowie XVI i XVII stulecia', Studia ku czci Stanislawa Kutrzeby, 2 vols (Krakow, 1938), ii, 559, 573; Miller, Urban Societies, pp. 110-12.

(47) See Gerard Delanty, Community (NewYork: Routledge, 2003); Steven Brint, 'Gemeinschaft Revisited: A Critique and Reconstruction of the Community Concept', Sociological Theory, 19 (2001), 1-23; Gerald D. Suttles, The Social Construction of Communities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972); Anthony P. Cohen, The Symbolic Construction of Community (NewYork: Routledge, 2007).

(48) Cohen, Symbolic Construction, esp. pp. 7-48.

(49) Hans-Christoph Rublack, 'Grundwerte in der Reichsstadt im Spatmittelalter und in der fruhen Neuzeit', in Literatur in der Stadt, Bedingungen und Beispiele stadtischer Literatur des 15. bis 17.Jahrhunderts, ed. H. Brunner (Goppingen, 1982), pp. 9-36.

(50) Jacob Wimpfeling, Germania, ed. Ernst Martin (Strassburg, 1885), pp. 49-75. See also Emil von Borries, ' Wimpfeling, Germania', in Wimpfeling und Murner im Kampf um die altere Geschichte des Elsasses: Ein Beitrag zur Charakteristik des deutschen Fruhhumanismus, ed. Emil von Borries (Heidelberg, 1926), p. 117; T. A. Brady, 'The Themes of Social Structure, Social Conflict and Civic Harmony in Jakob Wimpheling's Germania', Sixteenth Century Journal, 3.2 (1972), 65-76.

(51) 'Lobspruch der Stadt GroB-Glogau', Jahres-Bericht des Koniglichen Katholischen Gymnasiums zu Gross-Glogau:fur das Schuljahr 1864/65 (1865), p. 16, ll. 1429-31. Original version in German: 'Bei gemeinem man gutt einigkeit, Treu und gehorsam zu ieder zeitt, Das man einander wierdt lieben.'

(52) Max Toeppen, ed., Die Preussischen Geschichtschreiber des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts, vol. IV/1 (Leipzig, 1879), p. 193.

(53) Eduard Petru, ed., Humaniste o Olomouci (Prague, 1977), pp. 34, 40.

(54) Hans Sachs, 'Ein Lobspruch der Stadt Nurnberg', in Hans Sachsens ausgewahlte Werke, eds Paul Merker and Reinhard Buchwald, 2 vols (Leipzig: Insel-Verlag, 1961), i, 336-37. Original version in German: 'Da ist in dieser Stadt | Ein fursichtiger weiser Rat, | der so ftirsichtiglich regiert | und alle Ding fein ordiniert. | ... Also ein Rat und die Gemein | Einhellig und einmutig sein | Und halten da einander Schutz. | Daraus erwachst gemeiner Nutz'.

(55) Sachs, 'Ein Lobspruch der Stadt Nurnberg', p. 331.

(56) Jan Konnek, Stare pameti kutnohorske, eds Alexandr Stich and Radek Lunga (Praha: Academia, 2000), p. 221. Original version in Czech: 'takove dobfe spofadane mesto kralovskou zahradou nazvano byti muze: v m'zto rozmanite peknych ctnostf kvitf kvete ... stromov' poslusnych mest'anu jako po snufe stoji.'

(57) Kof'nek, Stare pameti kutnohorske, p. 237.

(58) B. Kytzler, 'Laudes Silesiae I: Salomon Frencels "Rede von der dreifachen Heimat" aus dem Jahre 1594', Jahrbuch der schlesischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat zu Breslau, 25 (1984), p. 53. Original version in German: ' Eine weise Herrschaft und ein angemessener Gehorsam schlieBen Aufstande aus und bewahren die Eintracht.'

(59) Martin Rakovsky, Zobrane spisy, ed. M. Okal (Bratislava: Veda, 1974), pp. 98, 121.

(60) Susanne Rau, Geschichte und Konfession. Stadtische Geschichtsschreibung und Erinnerungskultur im Zeitalter der Reformation und Konfessionalisierung in Bremen, Breslau, Hamburg und Koln (Hamburg: Dolling und Galitz, 2002), p. 91.

(61) Phillipp Knipschilt, Tractatus politico--historico juridicus de juribus et privilegiis civitatum imperialium (Ulm, 1657), p. 357.

(62) Jan Floryan Hammerschmid, W Praze blaze, kdo ma penize (Praha, 1715).

(63) Frantisek de Paula Svenda, Prvni zlaty a stfibrny obraz mesta Kralove Hradce nad Labem. To jest Tfpiticj se pamatky starobylnymi pfihodami: od zalozeni mesta, wsstipeni zde wiry Krystowe; kostelu, oltafu, klasteru, a odkazu poboznych ustanoveni: az do wznikleho bludu husytskeho w kralowstwi Ceskem, w weytah dle postupnosti let uwedene (Hradec Kralove, 1799), esp. pp. 10-11. See also Miller, 'In each town I find a triple harmony', p. 19.

(64) Aloys Kaufmann, Gedenkbuch der Stadt Teschen, ed. Ingeborg Buchholz-Johanek, 3 vols (Cieszyn: Ksiaznica Cieszynska, 2007), I, 149. Original version in German: 'die Eintracht der friedlichen Bewohner unserer Vaterstadt zu untergraben ... die Flamme der Zwietracht'.

(65) For instance, Josef Cereghetti, Historia chrudimska, v niz se vypisuje pocatek mesta Chrudime, jakoz take zkaza a zase poznovu vystaveni, a vselikych veci v nem zbehlych, ed. Tilman Berger (Chrudim: Regionaln' muzeum, 2005), pp. 147-49.

(66) Howard P. Becker, Man in Reciprocity (NewYork: Praeger, 1956).

(67) Sjoberg, The Preindustrial City.

(68) Robert Lynd and Helena Lynd, Middletown (NewYork: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1929); Robert Lynd and Helena Lynd, Middletown in Transition: A Study in Cultural Conflicts (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1937).

(69) William Lloyd Warner, Yankee City (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963).

(70) Jarom'r Celakovsky, 'Ufad podkomofsky v Cechach', Casopis Musea kralovstvi ceskeho, 51 (1877), p. 19.

Palacky University, Olomouc, Czech Republic
Table 1

The population of European Cities with more than 10,000
Inhabitants by Regions, 1500-1800 (in thousands)

Region                            1500   1600   1700   1800

Northern and Western Europe       552    976    2107   3895
  (Scandinavia, Great Britain,
  Ireland, the Low Countries,
  Belgium)
Central Europe (German Lands,     1083   1801   2500   3798
  Switzerland, France)
Mediterranean (Italy, Spain,      1746   3051   2663   4012
  Portugal)
East Central Europe (Habsburg     60     105    195    513
  monarchy, Poland)
Europe totals                     3441   5933   7465   12218

Source: Adapted from Jan de Vries, European Urbanization
1500-1800 (London: Methuen, 1984), p. 30.
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