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"With their own people": Mexican-American, African-American, and Anglo Baptists in Texas, 1900-1965.

Late in the 1950s, with the help of progressive Baptist leaders T. B. Maston and A. C. Miller, a young youth director at First Baptist Church in Dallas organized an event to shed light on the issue of race relations for her students.

She planned to invite a well-known African-American scholar, George D. Kelsey, to visit the church and address her youth group. When members of the Anglo congregation found out and objected, senior pastor W. A. Criswell barred her from hosting the event inside the church building. Therefore, Miller offered his home as an alternative location for an informal dinner and discussion. Criswell insisted on being there to observe. After remaining silent for most of the evening, Criswell rose to leave and asked Kelsey, "Don't you think that it's better for Negroes ... to belong to their own churches, not in our churches?" Kelsey replied,
   Well, that reminds me of a story. Old John had been a janitor of
   the church for years and years and years and he came to his pastor
   and said, "Pastor, I've been janitor of this church for 25 years.
   I'd like to be a member." ... The pastor was somewhat frustrated
   and said, "Well now, don't you think it's better for you to be a
   member with your own people over across the street there?" Then
   John said, "No, I'd like to be a member here." The pastor replied,
   "Well, you go and pray about it and I'll pray about it and you come
   back." So John came back after about a week and the pastor asked,
   "Well did you pray about it?" John said, "The Lord thinks I ought
   to be a member here." The pastor, frustrated, said, "Well you go
   and pray again about it; I will too." So John came back a third
   time, and when the pastor asked about it, he replied, "I asked the
   Lord and the Lord said, 'John, if I were you, I wouldn't worry
   about it. I've been trying to get in that church for 25 years
   myself."' (1)

Criswell's perspective, and that of the pastor in Kelsey's story, typifies commonly held attitudes of Anglo Baptists, who assumed that members of other races would prefer to worship with their "own people." However, such an expression masked the unwillingness of many Anglo church leaders to welcome black or Mexican-American visitors as members into their congregations or acknowledge them as social or intellectual equals.

While this climate of segregated ministry emerged from years of bigotry and paternalism by the BGCT and its Anglo Baptist churches and members, the first two-thirds of the twentieth century marked a transition between that racism and stark separation and the racially inclusive religious and social spaces that emerged in the late 1960s. Efforts to remedy this disparity began half a century earlier with the emergence of the southern version of the social gospel movement: social Christianity. John W. Storey, historian of Texas Baptists, argued that the term "social gospel" does not appropriately describe the efforts of Texas Baptists to apply Christian principles to issues beyond the human soul. Rather, he suggested the terms "social Christianity" or "applied Christianity," since those terms reflect the conservative theology that Southern Baptists in Texas championed. Baptists in Texas, as elsewhere in the South, felt that "social gospelers" of the North had chosen to focus on corporate regeneration and the correction of social ills at the expense of individual regeneration through salvation. (2)

Through the first half of the twentieth century, the BGCT leadership transitioned to a more socially proactive and racially aware organization that began to pursue opportunities to collaborate with African-American and Mexican-American Baptists. This article explores those efforts by emphasizing joint missions and revivals among Anglo Baptists and Baptists of color and the attempts to include them within the BGCT structure through education programs and ministry departments. This article argues that, for all of their progress, Anglo Baptists in Texas fell short of racial integration. Instead, they settled for parallel, but separate, interracial ministry events and organizations. Moreover, African-American and Mexican-American Baptists in Texas, conditioned by three or four generations of paternalism, feared being subsumed beneath the Anglo-led BGCT. These issues ensured, at least through most of the 1960s, that Baptists in Texas worshipped and worked "with their own people."

Historian Mark Newman addresses the emergence of a more pro-active engagement with issues of race in Anglo Baptist institutions, primarily through the establishment of the Christian Life Commission (CLC), in Getting Right with God: Southern Baptists and Desegregation, 1945-1995, (3) Newman focuses on progressive elites, the men who founded the Texas Christian Life Commission (TCLC) and then applied the same ideas to the whole of the Southern Baptist Convention. Similarly, historian David Chrisman argued that Texas Baptists' adherence to their decentralized structure allowed Anglo Baptist churches to "pick and choose" when it came to the application of progressive race relations. He also argued that "[i]n the larger context of the Civil Rights Movement, race-conscious Texas Baptists failed to overcome their moral dilemma or to destroy the symbolic power of segregation," which is what he called "the price of moderation." Ultimately, he attributed the BGCT's failure to achieve racial reformation to their loyalty to doctrinal beliefs and the autonomy of individual churches. (4) In his dissertation Chrisman identified several factors that contributed to the failure of the BCGT to effectively improve Texas Baptists' stance on race relations. The moderate strategy adopted by the CLC was the chief contributor to the failure.

Conversely, I suggest that Texas Baptist leaders attempted to actively mediate changes in race relations primarily through the CLC, which led, eventually, to a greater degree of social and racial equality among Texas Baptists--a point that I illustrate in the following pages. Historians who present a take more similar to mine, such as John W. Storey and David Stricklin, recognize both the difficulties faced by the BGCT throughout the Civil Rights Movement and the genuine application of moral and social convictions by certain Texas Baptists to achieve racial equality in and out of churches. Both historians identify a cadre of progressive leaders who implemented racial reformation in the BGCT, Baptist associations and institutions, and the state of Texas. (5)

Although historians have explored issues of racism and racial reconciliation for Baptists in Ifexas and beyond through a black-white racial prism, few have interrogated how the reality of a growing Mexican-American population in the twentieth-century United States influenced this dynamic. Mario T. Garcia, among others, has noted a striking paucity of religion-focused works in Mexican-American historiography, and he has been at the forefront of the effort to analyze the influence of religion on the lives of Mexican Americans. (6) Within this movement to understand Mexican-American religiosity, the historiography of Latino Protestants has generally focused too narrowly on church history and Anglo-Protestant missionary efforts before the twentieth century. (7) Thus, this article's twentieth-century perspective of Latino evangelicals constitutes an important contribution to the literature on Mexican-American religious history and the intersections of race and religion in the United States.

African-American and Anglo Baptists in Texas

Anglo and African-American Texas Baptists committed to the correction of society's ills in the early twentieth century led collaborative efforts between members of their racial groups who shared similar concerns. Members of the BGCT and the largest black Baptist state convention in Texas, the Baptist Missionary and Educational Convention (B&ME), worked together to end alcoholism. Both groups sought to elect prohibitionists to all levels of state government. Apparently, though, Anglo Baptists condemned black Baptists for their supposed partiality to drunkenness and neglected to consider them a worthy partner in the fight for temperance. In response, J. W. Bailey, the corresponding secretary to the BM&E and the National Baptist Convention, argued in front of the 1911 BGCT convention that "If you are to expect the Negro to help, we want you to let us get as close to you as possible, without any thought of social equality." He went on to report that 95 percent of black Baptists voted in favor of prohibition in previous elections--a statistic that he argued Anglo Baptists could not match. (8)

Thus, despite a mutual commitment toward correcting a social problem, black and Anglo Baptists failed to reach a level of cooperation that allowed for genuine changes between the two groups. Nevertheless, these early efforts between black and Anglo Baptists led to cooperative programs later on.

In the 1930s, progressive leaders in the BGCT began to challenge the racial status quo in a way that others had not. J. Howard Williams, executive secretary of the BCGT from 1931 until 1936, recognized that the economic hardships of the 1930s were especially difficult for black Texans. He argued that those difficulties were the cause for a lack of black upward mobility, which challenged the traditional assumption that racial inferiority stood as the chief impediment for African-American achievement. However, Williams still orchestrated programs that reflected longstanding paternalistic attitudes. He stressed how Anglo Baptists could teach the black community, rather than how Anglo Baptists could work with them. Nevertheless, he suggested that local churches create committees on "Colored Work" that could assist black churches with beneficial church-related programs. He also suggested that the BGCT employ someone to coordinate the work throughout the state between black and Anglo churches to develop goodwill between the two populations. The obvious choice for coordinator was Charles T. Alexander, a native of northeast Texas, who had achieved widespread respect and recognition for his interest in race relations. (9)

Alexander approached the problem of racial conflict by conducting Bible conferences and training institutes and maintaining personal contacts with black Baptist leaders. The BGCT and various leaders in the three statewide black Baptist conventions requested Alexander's appointment to this field. In his address at the annual convention in 1936, Alexander said that he intended to approach the "so-called race problem at the top instead of the bottom with the masses. It is a mutual problem, both white and colored; and we are in this cooperation with each other." He announced that their cooperative work represented the most far-reaching step taken to draw the two groups closer together. Alexander reported that the black churches he had approached lacked wholehearted commitment because they still feared that the Anglo churches might intend to "dictate or try to rule them." Notwithstanding, Alexander consistently reported positive results from both black and Anglo churches for the various activities he directed. (10)

As a matter of practicality, Alexander stressed that the two Baptist bodies would begin to work together as allies, but they would still maintain separate fellowships. Nevertheless, Alexander pondered the potential impact the combined efforts of black and Anglo Baptists could achieve: "One million Baptists who ought to move as a common fellowship, even though we work, as a matter of emergency, in different groups, circles, or organizations! What a vision for us to behold!" (11) He even prompted the BGCT to create an Interracial Relations Committee to study ways they could continue to develop lasting relationships with the black community. In 1943 the BGCT created the Department of Interracial Cooperation based on the findings of the committee. However, the BGCT ignored Alexander's suggestion and failed to include representatives from any of the black Baptist conventions. Thus, despite the significant gains made under Charles T. Alexander's direction, the BGCT still failed to reach out to members of other races and incorporate them as partners. (12)

Parallel Missions and Revivals

Efforts to achieve a level of success with interracial cooperation continued in spite of the shortsightedness of some BGCT executives. The Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) in conjunction with the BGCT's Department of Interracial Cooperation and local black Baptist associations collaborated to reach out to black communities in cities. In 1948 Marvin C. Griffin, a gifted African-American preacher living in Ohio and working as a pastor's assistant in a Presbyterian church and as a stock boy at a paper company, reached out to the president of the BM&E, Dr. T. M. Chambers, to see if he knew of any job openings in Texas. No pastor positions came to his mind, but he suggested that Griffin fill the position of the director of city missions for Dallas. (13)

The city missions program, developed by the Home Mission Board (HMB) of the SBC, operated under a joint committee of Anglo and black leaders who promoted work among black residents in major cities. The HMB report titled "Negro Centers in the Cities" explained that "[t]he work meets a definite need in the development of Negro church life by providing a better trained lay leadership in the churches." (14) The SBC intended for the training programs that Griffin led to prepare "underprivileged" black church leaders. The secondary purpose was to train black youth through Vacation Bible Schools and laity through course work about the basics of the Bible. Griffin also served as the liaison between black and Anglo Baptists in Dallas. (15)

Griffin spent the majority of his time each day conducting classes for the children living in the nearby housing project. White students from the Baptist Student Union at Southern Methodist University came in the afternoons and taught classes under Griffin's direction. On Wednesday evenings youth came to partake in the planned activities, Bible classes, or films. Two nights each week Griffin taught Bible classes for adults, both laity and clergy. In addition, he directed Vacation Bible School training institutes meant to prepare churches throughout the city to conduct similar events on their own. (16)

Perhaps the most significant evidence of closer relations between black and Anglo Baptists was Griffin's success in encouraging the first simultaneous citywide revival in Dallas. Griffin's role as a liaison allowed him to approach churches and pastors in the BM&E convention to work with the Dallas Baptist Association of the BGCT to co-sponsor a revival in 1949. While the revival certainly represented an improvement in relations between the organizations, it was interracial only in its organization but not racially integrated in its implementation. Anglo and black Baptist leaders held separate revivals in their own institutions, which was the same issue that limited the success of Alexander's work in the 1930s and 1940s.

The BM&E pastors led churches that lacked the financial support the Dallas Baptist Association churches could rely upon. According to Griffin's memoirs, however, the Anglo association pastors shared influence equally with the black pastors. Griffin indicated that the men who worked on the joint board cared deeply about "the reconciliation of the races and ... worked together very well. They understood the problem; they approached it from a Christian vantage point and worked together." (17)

The BGCT relied on applying a developing sense of social Christianity to race relations between Anglo and black Baptists in Texas. Progressive Texas Baptist leaders attempted to encourage participation from both races in collaborative missionary projects such as the BGCT's Department of Interracial Cooperation that led to the simultaneous Dallas revival between the BGCT and BM&E in 1949. While that was a significant improvement, Anglo Baptist rejection of genuine partnership in ministry with their African-American co-faithful unfolded just as influential Baptists such as T. B. Maston and A. C. Miller began to consider a more proactive and confrontational approach to correcting problems of racism within Anglo-led churches. This approach eventually led to the creation of the Christian Life Commission. (18) Still, Anglo Baptists' developing awareness signaled a transition that continued in the following decades.

Mexican-American and Anglo Baptists in Texas

Anglo Baptist leaders in the BGCT developed a similar relationship with Mexican Baptists in Texas. Between the foundation of the Mexican Baptist Convention of Texas (MBCT) in 1910 and its official unification with the BGCT in 1964, the BGCT pursued mission projects designed to educate Mexican Americans who wished to serve as missionaries to the Spanish-speaking populations in Texas or preach in Mexican Baptist churches. Once Anglo Baptists moved beyond their initial prejudices, conditions improved over time. And beginning in the 1950s, some Mexican Baptist leaders sought ways to unite with the BGCT to achieve greater success in reaching as many as possible with the message of Christ. From the beginnings of the MBCT, Mexican Baptist churches were members of the local Anglo associations along with their own MBCT associations. Despite their dual membership in the BGCT and MBCT, many Mexican Baptist churches faced difficulty in their attempts to collaborate with the BGCT and member churches.

Joshua Grijalva, Mexican Baptist historian and MBCT president from 1964-1966, identified three categories of responses from Anglo Baptists toward Mexican Baptist churches in their own association: (19)

1. A few associations accepted the Mexican Baptist churches into "full fellowship," where the Anglo pastors and churches recognized their Mexican-American counterparts as co-workers in their missions.

2. Several associations received the Mexican Baptist churches, but as something different from themselves and their own work. Due to cultural and linguistic differences, neither side found much success in working together.

3. Most associations viewed the Mexican Baptist churches as foreign and, as such, the responsibility of the State Mission Commission or the Home Mission Board rather than a potential collaborative partner. The second two responses, according to Grijalva, meant that Mexican Americans "have not always felt at ease in Anglo-American gatherings."

Indeed, some Mexican Baptists felt that their work should be completely independent from the Anglo associations and feared that working together might lead to a loss of cultural identity amid continued discrimination from Anglo Baptist counterparts. However, since most Mexican Baptist churches maintained membership in both the Mexican and Anglo associations, a majority of MBCT churches supported unification with the BGCT. The two conventions entered into serious discussions about the possibilities of a merger in 1958, but significant division within the ranks of the MBCT led Mexican Baptists to initially reject a more formal connection with the BGCT. Nevertheless, as the MBCT continued to struggle against meager financial resources, unification with the amply funded BGCT began to look ever more attractive. Both conventions continued discussions about the specifics of how the unification would work in the next few years. At the 1964 BGCT annual meeting, leaders of the MBCT and BGCT officially accepted the merger and thus unified the Mexican Baptist Convention with the Baptist General Convention. However, the unification brought the MBCT into the Anglo convention as a department on par with the Sunday School Department, and Anglo executives confessed that they often forgot to appoint Mexican Baptists to their various ministry committees. (20)

The Latin-American Baptist New Life Crusade

During the 1964 BGCT annual meeting, the executive secretary announced plans for La Cruzada Bautista Nueva Vida (Latin-American Baptist New Life Crusade) scheduled to begin in August of that year. The executive board allotted a minimum of $500,000 for promotion, venues, and literature to reach what executive director T. A. Patterson called "a state within a state," or the 2.5 million Mexican Americans in Texas. Organizers optimistically hoped that the crusade could bring 30,000 new Christians into Texas Baptist fellowship. (21)

The New Life Crusade was the first major joint project that the unified conventions attempted together. Grijalva, president of the incorporated MBCT in 1964, said the crusade "came at a time when the practical, personal portion of the convention merger could be tested and attested to." The planned crusade involved more than 500 evangelistic revivals in churches, stadiums, tents, and other public venues that would "saturate the state with the gospel in Spanish." (22) The steering committee for the New Life Crusade divided the state of Texas into three zones and planned to conduct meetings on a staggered basis. The BGCT's Evangelism Division headed the four-week event with the help of charismatic Mexican-American evangelist Rudy A. Hernandez.

At the conclusion of the crusade, Hernandez reported more than 4,000 new conversions, 900-plus baptisms, and at least 4,000 recommitments. While certainly short of the 30,000 goal that organizers had hoped for, the joint operation represented a significant success. More than 2,500 preachers and musicians (both Anglo and Mexican American) participated in the various revivals. The committee assigned the 500 Mexican Baptist churches to work with only seven Anglo Baptist churches as "prayer partners." Throughout the event, Mexican Baptist pastors delivered sermons to the partner Anglo Baptist churches and the Anglo Baptist pastors spoke in the Mexican Baptist churches. Reports of overwhelming success do not mention any difficulties or impediments that participants encountered. However, Patterson noted that in the early phases of ministry efforts along the border between Texas and Mexico, missionaries found many Anglos who had "a very strong anti-Mexican bias." (23)

La Cruzada Bautista Nueva Vida brought thousands into an evangelical denomination and relied on a collaborative effort between Anglo and Mexican Baptist churches. Even so, the day-to-day relationship between Anglo and Mexican Baptists changed very little. In the years following the crusade, Mexican Baptist churches still received far less support from the BGCT than their Anglo counterparts did, and the former MBCT executives struggled to wield any measurable influence as departments within such a large Baptist organization. Moreover, Mexican Baptist leaders and pastors continued to face challenges while working underneath the umbrella of the BGCT's authority. Even into the late 1970s, groups of Mexican Baptists issued calls for a separation from the BGCT to gain the freedom to design and implement ministry initiatives that reflected and addressed the needs of the Mexican community in Texas. (24)


While Anglo Baptists and Baptists of color reached out to one another, misunderstandings and uneducated assumptions persisted, especially among Anglo leadership. Some Anglo Baptist leaders continued to attribute the lack of integration to the unwillingness of African-American and Mexican Baptists to join them rather than to their own persistent bigotry and lack of effort. On the contrary--as evidence suggests in the experiences of Charles T. Alexander's Department of Interracial Relations, Marvin C. Griffin's Dallas revival, and Mexican Baptist churches in the MBCT--Baptists of color desired to pursue collaborative ministry projects with the BGCT, yet they feared a loss of autonomy and cultural integrity.

Anglo organizations had displayed a pattern of paternalism, which drove other groups to rely mainly on those they could trust. Some Anglo Baptist associations had either excluded Mexican Baptists or simply viewed them as a foreign mission field. Similarly, Anglo Baptists failed to work equally with African-American Baptists in citywide revivals, and merely devoted their financial and educational assistance without sharing leadership and responsibilities. Still, by the mid-1960s, some progressive leaders within the BGCT actively sought opportunities to collaborate on equal footing with black and Mexican-American churches, clergy, and laity through educational outreach, mission projects to areas of great need, and a level of cooperation in the BGCT that had not previously existed. Racial equality, however, remained elusive. Thus, this period of transition contained windows of opportunity for Texas Baptists to glimpse the possibilities of racial and spiritual parity in their churches and organizations, which laid the foundation for social change in religious spaces that began to unfold in the remaining years of the twentieth century.


(1) Thomas Maston, Oral Memoirs of T. B. Maston, 1973, Religion and Culture Project, Texas Collection, Baylor University, Waco, TX, 132-133. In the oral history interview, Maston said that he could not recall the name of the African-American scholar to whom he referred. He could only remember that the scholar taught at Drew University, had graduated from Andover Newton Theological School, and he and Maston had met while working on their doctorates at Yale. Given that he was also a Christian ethicist and actively spoke on many topics that Maston did, I deduced that Maston most likely meant George D. Kelsey. Maston received his Ph.D. from Yale in 1938, which was around the same time that Kelsey started there. Kelsey taught at Drew University from 1950-1976, which coincides with the time Maston's account covered. See, Maston, Oral Memoirs, 25-26, 134; "Biography of George D. Kelsey," in George D. Kelsey Papers, 1932-1996 Finding Aid, Drew University Archives, Madison, NJ, 2-3.

(2) John W. Storey, Texas Baptist Leadership and Social Christianity, 1900-1980 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1986), 1-14.

(3) Mark Newman, Getting Right with God: Southern Baptists and Desegregation, 1945-1995 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2001), 65.

(4) David Chrisman, "Religious Moderates and Race: The Texas Christian Life Commission and the Call for Racial Reconciliation," in Seeking Inalienable Rights: Texans and Their Quest for Justice, ed. Debra A. Reid (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2009), 97, 98, 117. See also, David Chrisman, "The Price of Moderation: Texas Baptists and Racial Integration, 1948-1968" (Ph.D. diss., Texas A&M University, 2001), 1-19.

(5) Storey, Texas Baptist Leadership; David Stricklin, A Genealogy of Dissent: Southern Baptist Protest in the Twentieth Century (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1999).

(6) Mario T. Garcia, "Religion and the Chicano Movement: Catolicos Por La Raza," in Mexican-American Religions: Spirituality, Activism, and Culture, ed. Gaston Espinosa and Mario T. Garcia (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008), 125; Mario T. Garcia, Catolicos: Resistance and Affirmation in Chicano Catholic History (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008), 12; Roberto TYevino, The Church in the Barrio: Mexican-American Ethno-Catholicism in Houston (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 14; Felipe Hinojosa, Latino Mennonites: Civil Rights, Faith & Evangelical Culture (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014), 7. See also, Paul Barton, Hispanic Methodists, Presbyterians, and Baptists in Texas (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006); Gaston Espinosa, Virgilio Elizondo and Jesse Miranda, Latino Religions and Civic Activism in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005).

(7) R. Douglas Brackenridge and Francisco Garcia-Teto, Iglesia Presbiteriana: A History of Presbyterians and Mexican Americans in the Southwest (San Antonio, TX: Trinity University Press, 1974); Joshua Grijalva, A History of Mexican Baptists in Texas 1881-1981 (Dallas: Baptist General Convention of Texas, 1982); Juan Francisco Martinez, Sea la Luz: The Making of Mexican Protestantism in the American Southwest, 1829-1900 (Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2006); and Daisy Machado, Of Borders and Margins: Hispanic Disciples in Texas, 1888-1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).

(8) "Texas Baptist Anniversaries," Baptist Standard, 30 November 1911, 9.

(9) Storey, Texas Baptist Leadership, 112.

(10) Baptist General Convention of Texas, Annual Proceedings of the Baptist General Convention of Texas, 1936 (Dallas: Baptist General Convention of Texas, 1936), 99-101.

(11) Ibid.

(12) Storey, Texas Baptist Leadership, 112-116.

(13) Marvin C. Griffin, Oral Memoirs of Marvin C. Griffin, 1982, Religion and Culture Project, Texas Collection, Baylor University, Waco, TX, 100-104.

(14) Southern Baptist Convention, Proceedings of the Southern Baptist Convention, 1947 (Nashville: Southern Baptist Convention, 1947), 157-158.

(15) Griffin, Oral Memoirs, 105-106.

(16) Ibid., 107-109.

(17) Ibid., 110-112.

(18) Newman, Getting Right with God; Chrisman, "Religious Moderates and Race"; Storey, Texas Baptist Leadership; Stricklin, A Genealogy of Dissent.

(19) Grijalva, A History of Mexican Baptists, 93.

(20) W. H. Colson, Mexican Baptists in Texas, 1997, Mexican Baptist Oral History Project, Texas Collection, Baylor University, Waco, TX, 6; Leobardo Estrada, Oral Memoirs of Leobardo Estrada, Sr, 1984, Mexican Baptist Oral History Project, Texas Collection, Baylor University, Waco, TX, 140; Baptist General Convention of Texas, "History of Unification, 1964-1984," undated pamphlet [c.1984], Folder 1.9.16 "Commission: Unification," Box 10, Hispanic Archives, Texas Baptist Historical Collection (Baptist General Convention of Texas, Waco, Texas); "Mexican Baptists Vote Unification Approval," Baptist Press, 24 June 1960; "Texas, Mexican Baptist Conventions May Unite," Baptist Press, 6 May 1960; T. A. Patterson, Oral Memoirs of Thomas Armour Patterson, 1978, Texas Baptist Oral History Consortium, Texas Collection, Baylor University, Waco, TX, 216.

(21) Leon McBeth, Texas Baptists: A Sesquicentennial History (Dallas: Baptist way Press, 1998), 311; "Crusade Aims at 2.5 Million Texans," San Antonio Light, Tuesday, 12 November 1963; Carlos Paredes, quoted in "Texas Latin American Crusade Planned in '64," Baptist Press, 30 June 1963.

(22) Grijalva, Mexican Baptists, 1881-1981, 125; "Texas Latin American Crusade Planned in '64."

(23) Grijalva, Mexican Baptists, 125; McBeth, Texas Baptists, 311; Patterson, Oral Memoirs of Thomas Armour Patterson, 216.

(24) Fred Montero to Dr. Milton Cunningham of the BGCT, 4 November 1977, Folder 1.9.16 "Unification (Assorted)," Box 10, Hispanic Archives, Texas Baptist Historical Collection, Baptist General Convention of Texas, Waco.

David J. Cameron is a Ph.D. candidate in history at Texas A&M University in College Station, Texas.
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Author:Cameron, David J.
Publication:Baptist History and Heritage
Geographic Code:1U7TX
Date:Sep 22, 2015
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