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"Now you see it, now you don't" once more: the loss and insertion of dental stops in medieval English.

ABSTRACT

The paper discusses the issue of the contextual disappearance of dental consonants in medieval English. The loss of dental [d] is analogous to the loss of labial [b] in that both occurred in homorganic clusters, although the loss of the dental is less systematic. In the study, a distinction is made between a permanent and a sporadic loss of the dental. The relatively rare opposite process of d-insertion after [n], observed in loanwords from French, is also given some attention. An effort is made to determine the extent of the loss of the dentals in both time and space.

1. Cluster simplification

The history of English pronunciation offers numerous instances of a simplification of word-final consonant groups and, conversely, a formation of new clusters, these processes operating without much consistency. Consonantal sequences subject to simplification include both homorganic clusters, like /ld, ln/, and non-homorganic clusters, like /mn/. Especially prominent are such developments in consonant combinations involving a nasal and a homorganic voiced plosive consonant, i.e. labial /mb/, dental /nd/ and velar /ng/, all the three contributing to the lengthening of the preceding short vowels in Old English. Occasionally we witness the rise of a cluster because of an addition of a new consonant to the existing one, as in OE puma > thumb, now again pronounced without the labial plosive. But while cluster simplification is a real phonological development, the formation of clusters in syllable-final position as a result of consonant insertion, has nothing to do with sound change, being merely an instance of analogy.

Since a relatively detailed account of changes affecting the labial cluster [mb] can be found in Welna (2005), the present paper concentrates on a description of the fates of words containing [nd], another word-final voiced homorganic cluster, in Middle English and at the turn of Early Modern English, with focus on the 13th and 14th centuries. The corpus of words containing the word-final sequence [nd] is based on Piotrowski's reverse word list (1993), while quotations of Middle English sentences come from the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) and the Middle English Dictionary (MED). (For a full list of words subject to analysis, see the Appendix.)

2. Hitherto accounts of the change

The authors of historical phonologies of English concentrate on the examination of vowels rather than consonants since changes in the latter class only rarely have a systemic character, i.e. they seldom affect the system of phonemes. To systemic changes belong, for instance, the acquisition of the phonemic status by English fricatives or the rise of the phoneme /z/, while the majority of consonant changes are sporadic and of a purely distributional type. For this reason the only modification of consonant clusters which offers some challenge to structurally oriented linguists is the simplification of the syllable-final velar combination /ng/ in which the loss of the final velar plosive was the direct cause of the rise of the new velar nasal phoneme /n/ some time in Early Modern English. Also the labial cluster /mb/ seems to have attracted some attention because its permanent simplification took place in words like climb, dumb, etc., exhibiting a relatively high frequency of use.

The author of perhaps the most detailed account of the process, Horn (1954: 1108-1116), suggests that the change, rare in the standard speech and more frequent in dialects, began in the 15th century under weak stress conditions. (1)

The assimilation within the voiced homorganic dental sequence /nd/ is not as adequately evidenced as the loss of the labial plosive in the cluster /mb/. That inconsistency is explained as due to the articulatory energy of /nd/ being smaller than the energy of /mb/ (Horn 1954:1115). Elsewhere Horn (1954:1113) tries to convince the reader that the change took place rather late. He adduces occasional d-less spellings, like blyne 'blind' or grown 'ground' from unspecified sources which come from a very late period, around 1600 ("um 1600"). Other words whose d-less forms became permanently established in English subsequent to the loss of the final plosive /d/ include lawn (16th c.) (< laund < OF launde), scan (15th c.) (< scand < L scandere), tine (15th c.) (< OE tind) or woodbine (16th c.) (< woodbind < OE wudubinde). The loss, according to Horn, is especially found in the context of the following word with an initial consonant. As regards cluster simplification in unaccented syllables, it is reflected in the spellings of words like almond, diamond, England, island, etc. A special case is the loss of /d/ in the conjunction and, a very early change observed in English from the 13th century onwards, which can without doubt be also explained as determined by the high frequency of the item. Only functional reasons, an effort to avoid its being confused with the indefinite article an, prevented a permanent reduction of the plosive /d/ in and.

As regards Luick's historical grammar, its author assumes that d-loss occurred somewhat earlier, after 1400, i.e. in Late Middle English, originally in the North of England:
 Die Gruppe nd wurde erst nach 1400 vereinfacht, der Norden ging
 wieder voran: entsprechende Schreibungen finden sich in
 spatmittelenglischen Texten aus dem Norden. Nach Ausweis der
 heutigen Mundarten ist dieser Wandel einerseits in Norden und
 nordlichen Mittelland, anderseits im Sudwesten eingetreten, aber
 durch analogische Ausgleichungen ist er in manchen Teilen dieses
 Gebietes wieder stark eingeengt worden


(Luick 1940: 1034-1035).

Examples quoted in the Grammatik match those in Horn, although Luick adds three more items, ENE line (< OE lind, now lime), tine (< OE tind) and woodbine (< OE wudubinde), all the three belonging to the lexical periphery of English. But Luick says very little about the sporadic elimination of final /d/ in high frequency items like band, land, kind, hound, etc. Likewise, Jespersen (1949: 218) only adduces several instances of d-loss in extremely rare words, pointing out that the change took place in Scots, and is reflected in Robert Burns's poetry. However, the early instances of d-loss in Jordan (1974: 184) include two relevant forms: blin 'blind' (Norfolk Records, 1389) and fon 'found' (Cely Papers, 1475-1488).

Because the evidence of early d-loss offered in the standard historical phonologies is less than scant and the change is assumed to have occurred almost exclusively in the North, the present study will try to determine the extent of the change in the 13th-15th centuries and to verify whether the change was really confined to the northern areas of England and to Scotland.

3. Instances of d-loss: Sporadic

Considering the lack of detailed studies devoted to the problem, readers who consult standard grammars in search of the relevant data may come to the conclusion that the available accounts of cluster simplification suggest that the loss of /d/ in the cluster [nd] took place not earlier than Late Middle English, sporadically also in Modern English dialects and in American English. But the early occurrence of simplified forms is strongly supported by the evidence of the earlier texts.

The OED and MED materials contain spellings which may, and in all probability do, confirm the early loss of /d/ in the cluster /nd/, especially in Northern English and Scottish English, long before 1500. Among instances of words which have not suffered a permanent loss of the cluster-final consonant to the fore come those which lost /d/ in the stressed syllable. The earliest instances include the noun land which exhibits occasional d-less forms in Layamon's Brut (13th c., Worcestershire, SW) and in other texts from the 14th century. Also, we can find an interesting case of the co-occurrence of a d-full and a d-less form of the placename Scotland in Robert Mannyng's Chronicle (South Lincolnshire, hEM):

1)

c1275 (?al200) Fulgenes vt of Scot-len muchel scade makede 5153) & nim al i pire hond mine castles & mi lon. (13355)

Howel..ich bilaefuen..to halden al pis kine-lond [Otho: kinelon] (28190).

1340 Wenlone (in Sundby Dial. wor. 32).

1347-1348 Le Lynlone (in Sundby Dial. Wor. 217).

a1450 (a1338) Albanie highte pat now ys Scotland ... pe name of Scotlon, pe firste rote, Hit was gyuen a mayden Score, Scote was ffaraones doughter pe kynge

(Mannyng Chron. Pt. 1 (Lamb 131), 1975, 1977).

The early evidence testifies to a perhaps occasional loss of /d/ in the verbs stand and understand, whose early simplified forms in the Cursor Mundi (sSC) and in Scottish Legendary Saints are ignored by the authors of the classic historical phonologies of English, as are forms from William of Palerne (14th c., Herefordshire, WM) and The Paston Letters (15th c., Norfolk, EM) cf.:

2)

c1225 Idet tentaciun pet tu stonst azean (Ancrene Riwle 236).

a1300 He..sagh an angel be him stand [Gott. standd] (Cursor M. 10956),

but:

a1300 To ded [v.r. depe] pat beist man sal stan (Cursor M. 6711 (Vsp A. 3.)).

a1400 (a1325) pe formast rau sal stan him nere (Cursor (Vsp A. 3) 23043).

a1400 (a1325) Duell a quile, and fond to stan [Gott: stand]; Bi-hald mi fote, bi-hald mi hand (Cursor (Vsp A. 3) 17131).

c1375 & fand a multytud wele greit of Iowis, stanand at his yhat (Sc. Leg. Saints ii. (Paul) 1034).

c1375 Sone I fand Of zongmen tenne in a place stanand (Sc. Leg. Saints xviii. (Egipciane) 514).

a1375 Whan ... hade underston [?read: understond] pe tidinges to pende, To pe menskful messageres he made glad chere (WPal. (KC 13) 5262).

1448 Paston 2.520: Y have resayvyd your letter; by the wyche y oundyrstond [alt. to: oundyrston] the dayely sute to your lordschyp as of Pastun as for the mater betwyx hym and me (1448 Paston 2.520).

Different manuscripts of the Cursor Mundi contain both full and reduced forms of the verb, with the full forms prevailing. As regards Scottish Legendary Saints, its d-less forms of stand coincide with d-full forms of the past tense form fand in the same sentences. The present participle form stanand which exhibits the loss of the plosive before a vowel does not seem to support the hypothesis of the loss of /d/ before the directly following consonants. On the other hand, it should be noted that d-full spellings may in fact conceal mute <d>, which seems to be the case in the Cursor Mundi (Vsp.), where d-less stan rhymes with stand with an unreduced cluster. The very early occurrence in 1225 of the form stonst 'stand' (2nd prs sg PrT): Idet tentaciun bet tu stonst asean in the Ancrene Riwle (236) should be treated separately as here d-loss was caused by the impact of the consonants in the ending.

Other 14th century manuscripts from the different areas of England contain d-less forms. Here belong high-frequency items such as stron 'strand', blin 'blind', hon 'hand', houne 'hound', lane 'land' and roun 'round'. Such forms appear in non-Northern texts, such as King Horn and Otuel the Knight (both Essex/Middlesex), or William Langland's Piers the Plowman (Essex/Middlesex and WM); cf.:

3)

1300 pou scald to stron go And pine feren also [and in the same fragment:] To schip ye schulen stonnde An sinken to pe grunde (Horn LdMisc 108) 6/107).

c1330 A skwier be pe hon he nam (Outel (Auch) 78).

1389 Who-so falle at meschief, en pouerte, croked, blyn.. he ssal han seuene penes in pe woke (Nrf. Gild Ret. 35).

c1400 From this cursed hethen houne (Sowdone Bab.164).

c1340 (a1376) Is non to nymen hym In..But hunsen hym as an hound [vr. houne] (PPl.A (1) (Trin-C R.3.14) 11.48).

c1400 (a1376) Rid forp be ricchesse..And ek pe longe launde [vrr. lande, lane] bat leccherie hatte, Leue hym on pi left half a large myle or more (PPl.A (1) (Trin-C R.3.14) 11.118).

A quotation from King Horn (c1300), an East Midland romance, is very characteristic as its two consecutive lines contain a reduced form stron 'strand' contrasting with two d-full forms, stonnde 'stand' and grunde 'ground'. This may be an indication of the spread of the reduction in agreement with the assumption of lexical diffusion. On the other hand, final <-e> in stonnde and gronde may have contributed to a different syllable division and, consequently, to the preservation of the dental plosive.

The loss of <-d> also occurred in words of French origin. The instances of d-less spellings adduced in (4) come as well from the non-Northern areas:

4)

c1330 By letteres woly hem first somoune, To her e per wyl, what pey respoune (R. Brunne Chron. Wace 4238).

c1400 By-tuixe pe lescuns pre respuns; and eftir pe pridde respun pe vers ... Foure lescuns red wid respuns (Rule St. Benet (Prose) 16).

c1440 Respowne (K. respounde, P. respon), responsorium (Promp. Parv. 431/1).

1466 The responnys of the trinite (in Archoeol. L. (1887) 45).

In all probability the earliest instances of the elimination of /d/ are the accented segments of placenames and surnames in which the change took place as early as the 12th century. However, such simplifications were due to the influence of the consonant initial in the second segment of a compound, as is ilustrated by the metamorphoses of the compound-initial nouns strand, sand and mound, which not only suffered d-loss but also occasionally assimilated their nasal consonant /n/ to the consonant which followed directly, the result being the labial nasal /m/; cf.:

5)

c1130 Strantunc (in Mawer PNNhb. & Dur. 191).

c1190 Straintune (in Mawer PNNhb. & Dur. 191).

1294-1297 Stranton (Name in LuSE 35 14).

1215 Sinfort (in Bowcock PNShrop. 205).

1240 Saunford (in Bowcock PNShrop.205).

1242-1243 Saumford (EPNSoc.23 Oxf.) 186).

1316 Sombourne (EPNSoc.13 War.) 222).

1333 William de Saunforde (EPNSoc.9. Dev.) 371).

1325 Munstedesheth (EPNSoe.11. (Sur.) 199).

1339 Munested (EPNSoc.11. (Sur.) 199).

Also disyllabics or longer words in which the cluster /nd/ appears in an unstressed position supply evidence of the early and later d-loss. Here belong, listed in the chronological order of their first d-less spellings, 14th century forms of thousand, garland, second and 15th century forms of almond, husband and greyhound. In the list dominate non-Northern forms, chiefly representing various Midland dialects, especially Norfolk (Genesis and Exodus, Promptorium Parvulorum, Paston Letters); cf.:

6)

a1325 (c1250) Al bi [??]husenz [??]is folc was told (Gen.& Ex. (Corp-C 444) 3411).

a1350 (a1325) pis maide werede robe of pal..Gerlans [Ld: garlaundes; Bod: garlond] & tresours al of golde (SLeg. Cec. (Ashm 43) 72/8).

a1398 pe secoun [finger] hatte index & salutaris (*Trev. Barth. (Add 27944) 51b/b).

1440 Almaunde frute [1499 almon] Amigdalum (Promp. Parv.).

c1440 Ryth reverent and worsepful husbon (arg. Paston in P. Lett. I. 42).

The grehoun stode hym be-fore mony for to tell (Rwl.Prov. (Rwl D.328) p.124) p.124).

(also: Emma Attegreyhon (Feet Fines Oxf. in ORS 12 108).

In the North and North Midlands, forms with d-loss become more frequent in texts from the 15th century. The d-loss especially left its imprint on the past and past participle forms of the verb bind; cf.:

7)

c1400 (?c1380) In vchonez breste watz bounden boun pe blysful perle (Pearl (Nero A. 10) 1103).

1409 The said craftes..hafe assented and frely boun thaim (Mem.Bk.York in Sur.Soc.125 179).

1421 And pat es pe forsaide William boun be trouth of his body (Doc. in Morsbach Origurk. 9).

a1425 Hir body was bun to a stake (NHom.(3) Leg.Suppl.Hrl (Hrl 4196) 28/219).

1432 To sewe yaim yat be reconysannce er bon for to uphold yaim (Will York in Sur. Soc. 30 20).

?c1450 Sho pan teld..In what disees pai had bene boun [rime:sonn] (?St.Cuth.(Eg 3309) 910).

c1450 xx soldi bon in a clothe (Alph.Tales (Add 25719) 201/14).

c1450 We sall pray.. for all paes pat er bun in dette or in dedely syn. [Past Part.]

(York Bid. Prayer in Layfolks Mass Bk. 70).

and the past participle forms of find in the 15th century manuscripts, especially those from the North:

8)

a1425 (?a1350) If we be fun gilty in pis thing (Nicod.(1) (Glb E.9) 273).

a1425 (?c1375) A mans face was neuer zit fun Like to a-nother in al making (NHom.(3) Leg.(Hrl 4196) 9/444).

1435 He has fun pam worpi to haue hym-self (Misyn Fire of Love 20).

1441 He supposez att that suld be fun brekyng of treuez (Let. Coldingham in Sur. Soc. 12 118).

a1500 (a1460) Full fell folk ther Was fun In kyng Pharao youre fader dayes (Towneley Pl. (Hnt HM 1) 65/43).

Another list of forms includes 15th century spellings with d-loss which come from different dialectal areas, those in the North, cf. Scotland (sen, wan), Yorkshire (houn, groune, won) but also the East Midlands, e.g, Norfolk (hon, sown), etc; cf.:

9)

c1410 A faire houn for be hauke shuld haue a greet heede and greet body (York MGame (Vsp B. 12) 66).

c1450 For oft knelyng his knees boun, A grete swarth was on paim groune (St. Cuthbert (Surtees) 2280).

1447-1448 Vor ij puwns of talowe to the carpenterys, ij d. (Acc. Yatton in Som.RS 4 86).

a1450 Iche ymage holdyth his othyr hon euermore toward the est. (Mandev. (3) (BodeMus 116) 7/11).

a1450 My trewest tresowre (Cmb Dd.5.64) 27: Wynd vp my wylle to won wyth be ay.

c1450 And onone after he dyed, & was won in be same clothe (Alph. Tales (Add 25719) 346/27).

c1475 Hyt ys better a byrd yn hon than iiij with-owyt (Rwl .Prov. (Rwl D.328) p.l19).

c1470 On the * wan bayn with gret ire can him ta, Cleyffyt the cost rycht cruelly in twa (Henry Wallace xi. 123).

c1472 A won of the bullard of the place (B.N.C. (Oxf.) Munim., Coldenorton Bdl.G. 18).

c1475 Sown (Promp. Parv. 466 (MS. K.).

a1500 (a1460) Abowte his heade cast ... and when it is well won knyt a knot fast (Towneley Pl. (Hnt HM 1) 240/391).

?a1500 Trabecula: a wynbeme (?a1500 Landsb.Nominale 778/4).

The above evidence testifies to a sporadic d-loss which, although relatively frequent, left no permanent traces in the standard vocabulary. In fact, instances of sporadic d-loss in high frequency items are registered after 1500 in the non-standard varieties of English as well as in American English. Curiously, several low frequency words with truncated/d/survive in Standard English.

4. Permanent d-loss

In several items the loss of /d/ acquired a permanent status. That group contains words referred to in the standard grammars (Horn 1954; Luick 1940; Jordan 1974) and includes items which appear without /d/ in Middle English, such as line (< lynde = lime), rine (< rind = bark of tree), scan (< scande), tine (< tynde = spike) (10a), and those which suffered d-loss as late as Early Modern English, cf. groin (< grynde = part of the body), lawn (< launde), and woodbine (< woodbind = a plant). With the exception of lawn and perhaps scan, all other words belong to the lexical periphery of English, which seems to contradict the general belief that only high frequency items are expected to undergo reduction of their substance. The examples under (10) below feature the first recorded form of the noun and the first form with a d-less spelling in Middle English; cf.:

10)

a)

a700 Tilia, lind (Epinal Gloss. 1004).

c1475 A Lyn tre, tilia (Cath. Angl. 217/2 Addit. MS.).

888 paet treow bi[??] utan..bewaefed mid paere rinde (K. Aelfred Boeth. xxxiv. [section] 10).

c1430 To berye hym was hys purpos, And scraped on hym bothe ryne and mosse (Lanfranc's Cirurg 392).

1398 & who kanne scanne [in 1495 printed scand] a verse may knowe pt be myddel silable stondep for a schorte silable in pe secunde verse (Trevisa Barth. De P.R. xvii. lxxxv. Bodl. MS.).

a700 Rostris, foraeuuallum, uel tindum (Epinal Gloss. (O.E.T.) 873).

(?c1350) Buckes tynes cordez (Rec.Norwich 2 200).

b)

c1400 If be prickynge be in pe foot, anoynte pe grynde wip hoot comoun oile (Lanfranc's Cirurg. 41).

c1532 The grynes, les aines (G. Du Wes Introd. Fr. in Palsgr. 903).

1340 pe fole wyfmen pet guop mid stondind..nhicke as hert ine launde (Ayenb. 216).

1548 Sallus, a place voyde of trees, as a laune in a parke or forrest (Elyot Dict.).

c875 uuidubindae (Erfurt Gloss. 1059 Volvola).

c875 [Caprifolium:] wodebyn

(MS Sln.405 in Hunt Plant Names (S1n.405) 66).

The survival of d-less forms in this class of words can hardly be considered a dialectal development since texts in which such forms can be found are late and, in addition, some of them are non-literary works. It seems that the change is attested well in East Anglia, notably in Norfolk.

5. Insertion of /d/

As said earlier, the insertion of the grapheme <d> after the nasal /n/, which results in the rise of the unetymological cluster <nd> with <d> present in pronunciation, is not a phonological process but the case of analogical development and therefore the change will be discussed here very briefly. The list (11) contains pairs of sentences which reflect the first occurrence of an item in English (d-less form) and the first occurrence of a d-full form. Particular entries are arranged chronologically according to the date of the first forms with d-insertion:

11)

c1205 pa comen heo to pan bunnen pa Hercules makede (Lay. 1313) (= limit).

c1300 Ymages of moundes, That men clepeth Ercules boundes (K. Alis. 5593).

1393 How that the Latin shall be compouned And in what wise it shall be souned (Gower Conf. II. 90).

c1400 Ech of hem bi him-silf or ellis compound (Lanfranc's Cirurg. 43).

c1000 Laene me [??]a boc to rdenne (Aelfric Gram. xxiv. (Z.) 135).

c1440 Leendyn, presto, fenero (Promp. Parv. 296/1).

a1300 1400 When pat our lord vp-rose pe erthe quoke & made sown (Cursor M. 17288).

c1440 Sownde, or dyne, sonitus, sonus (Promp. Parv. 466/1).

a1325 Prose Psalter xlv[i]. 3 pe waters souned, and ben trubled.

1483 Cath. Angl. 350/1 To sownde, strepere.

c1205 Seil heo dro[??]en to hune (Layamon 28978).

1495 Shevers of Brasse in the hownde of the foremaste (Naval Acc. Hen. VII 190).

1495 No chief Hyne or a Carter or chief Shepeherd above xxs. by the yere (Act 11 Hen. VII, c. 22).

1520 To every servaunte, hynde and made viijd (Test. Ebor. (Surtees) V. 110).

c1386 There sat a faukoun..That with a pitous vois bigan to crye, That al the woode resowned of hire cry (Chaucer Sqr.'s T. 413).

a1547 The secrete groues which oft we made resounde (Surrey Prisoner Windsor Castle).

c1200 Loe her icc amm ammbohht all bun To follZhenn Godess wille (Ormin 2329).

a1300 Son was ioseph redi bun (Cursor M. 11595) (= ready).

1602 Like a man to double businesse bound, I stand in pause where I shall first begin (Shakes. Ham. iii. iii. 41).

The earliest form with /d/ attached to /n/ comes from the early 14th century (c1300; King Alisaunder; Shropshire, WM), but such forms become more frequent only in the 15th and 16th centuries, especially from around 1500 onwards. A brief account and a list of words showing attached /d/ can be found in Luick (1940: 1039).

6. Conclusions

The data adduced allow one to formulate several general conclusions concerning the rise and spread of d-loss in the word-final cluster /nd/:

1) The d-loss in the word-final cluster /nd/ began earlier than is assumed, occurring first in the compounds, usually place names and proper names, in the 13th century.

2) The evidence of the early d-less forms (13th-14th centuries) does not support the standard historical grammars claims of the Northern origin of the change. On the contrary, the early forms are most numerous in the non-Northern areas.

3) In the North and in Scotland the d-less forms are mainly found in the Cursor Mundi and in 16th century Scottish texts. In the North of the British Isles they became very frequent only in Early Modern English. It is to be reminded, however, that early Northern and Scottish texts are in short supply.

APPENDIX

List of words with the final cluster -nd (based on Piotrowski 1993)

(a) in stressed syllables

abound, amend, and; band, behind, bend, beyond, bind, bland, blend, blind, bond, bound, brand; command, commend; defend, demand; end; fend, fiend, find, fond, found, friend, frond, find; gland, grand, grind; hand, hind, hound; kind; land; mend, mind, mound; offend; pond, pound; rend, respond, rind, round; sand, send, spend, stand, strand; tend; understand; wand, wend, wind, withstand, wound; yond

(b) in unstressed syllables

almond; diamond; England, errand; garland; headland, husband; island; legend; second, stipend; thousand; vagabond

(c) words with unetymological <d>

lend; resound

REFERENCES

Horn, Wilhelm

1954 Laut und Leben. Englische Lautgeschichte der neueren Zeit (1400-1950). (Edited by Martin Lehnert.) Vol. 2. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften.

Jordan, Richard

1974 Handbook of Middle English grammar: Phonology. (Translated and revised by E. J. Crook.) The Hague: Mouton.

Luick, Karl

1940 Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache. Vols. 1-2. Leipzig: Tauchnitz.

Piotrowski, Tadeusz

1993 Contemporary English: Word lists. Part One. The reverse list (A Tergo). Wroclaw: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wroclawskiego.

Ritt, Nikolaus--Herbert Schendl (eds.)

2005 Rethinking Middle English: Linguistic and literary approaches. Frankfurt/M.--New York: Peter Lang Verlag.

Welna, Jerzy

2005 "Now you see it, now you don't, or the fates of the Middle English voiced labial stop in homorganic clusters", in: Nikolaus Ritt--Herbert Schendl (eds.), 327-336.

JERZY WELNA

University of Warsaw

(1) "Bei schwacherem Druck am Wortende werden diese Konsonantengruppen abgeschwacht, und zwar so sehr, dass sie ihren zweiten Bestandteil verlieren" (Horn 1954:1108).
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Author:Welna, Jerzy
Publication:Studia Anglica Posnaniensia: international review of English Studies
Geographic Code:4EUUK
Date:Jan 1, 2005
Words:4223
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