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"Ein schon lustig Buchlein": the influence of Pilgram Marpeck's "Admonition" on true baptism and communion in a Hutterite polemic.

Abstract: "Ein schon lustig Buchlein"--a systematic presentation of central Hutterite doctrines--is one of the longest Hutterite writings from the late sixteenth century. The oldest known manuscript dates from 1583, with a shorter version appearing in 1581, and a second and third variation bound in 1582. Although these latter versions identify Peter Walpot as the author, this article demonstrates that the articles on baptism and communion in "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" borrowed extensively from Pilgram Marpeck's "Admonition" (1542). In addition, a critical comparative study of the manuscript, handwriting and bindings supports recent scholarship that attributes authorship to the smith and preacher Hans Zuckenhammer rather than Walpot. The essay suggests further that this eclectic writing was responsible for the interruption of Hauprecht Zapff's work on the Great Chronicle, the reason behind Zuckenhammer's unusually long probationary period before his confirmation as preacher, and the probable reason why Zuckenhammer was placed under the ban in 1597, the same year in which the next known copy of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" was finished, which follows the "Admonition" even more closely.

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"Ein schon lustig Buchlein" is the title of one of the longest manuscripts of the Hutterian Brethren in the late sixteenth century, (1) The writing provides a systematic grounding for five doctrinal principles that are central to Hutterian confessional understanding: baptism; communion; yieldedness and community of goods; the sword and whether a Christian can be a ruler; and divorce, or separation of married believers and unbelievers. The composition is based on biblical argument. Each article begins with a biblical proof text and its exegesis in numbered paragraphs or points ("items"). In between are further arguments, such as rationalist allegories. The order of paragraphs generally follows that of the biblical books, likely from a Zurich Bible edition. Thus, the first article on baptism cites and explains proof texts, first from the Gospels, then Acts, Romans, Corinthians I and II, up to I Peter 3:21--twenty-eight paragraphs in all. The next four sections (to no. 33) do not follow a recognizable system. The "counterarguments" of the "world" are then itemized and refuted by means of forty-seven dialogues (nos. 34-81). Then come four paragraphs that describe the practices of infant baptizers (nos. 82-85), followed by numbered points of scriptural exegesis in no particular order. Finally, come "testimonies of ancient teachers," or church fathers, who allegedly supported the Hutterite position (nos. 123-125). Altogether, the article on baptism consists of 125 paragraphs, each of them numbered and beginning in "marking type," or gothic orthography, in the first line.

The second article, on communion, unfolds along a succession of arguments connected by a hermeneutic principle. The beginning explains four synoptic Bible texts from the New Testament in a single paragraph. Then follow 128 paragraphs of concordance-like exegesis without a discernable order: no. 130 is essentially a quotation from Pilgram Marpeck's "Admonition" (1542), (2) reflecting on the concept of "sacrament." It serves as a transition to a critique of the practices of the "sacrament eaters" in paragraphs 131 to 137. Paragraphs 138 to 143 are once again short explanations of biblical texts. Paragraph 144 is titled "insight of the ancients," aiming to show that the church fathers also regarded communion as a sign. Paragraphs 145 to 155 are again explanations of New Testament texts in systematic order. Paragraph 155 provides an Old Testament reference to Proverbs 13, concerning idolatry, which is connected to a verse, I Corinthians 12:2, on sign and meaning. Thus the article on communion concludes with a sharp, two-part warning against "idolatry."

As in the first article on baptism, the order of argument in the third article on community of goods again generally follows the order of the Bible, beginning with the Old Testament. Here biblical citations--or, more precisely, biblical paraphrases--are interspersed with pre-Hutterite and non-Hutterite writings, so that the original source of a statement cannot be easily identified. Robert Friedmann first alerted scholars to this fact in a groundbreaking essay on what he called the "main dogmatic statement" of the Hutterite Anabaptists. Above all, Friedmann identified borrowings from Balthasar Hubmaier, reformer of Waldshut and Nikolsburg, as well as borrowing from Sebastian Franck's Chronicle (1531). (3)

The present comparative study demonstrates on the basis of manuscript and paleological analysis that "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," particularly in its first article, is dependent not only on the Anabaptist literature noted by Friedmann but also on the "Vermahnung" ("Admonition, or Clear Account of the Genuine Christian Covenant") of 1542, attributed to Pilgram Marpeck. References to this small work, notwithstanding its clear critique of community of goods, (4) can also be found in the second article on communion. This is all the more surprising since already in Peter Riedemann's Rechenschaft (Account and Confession of Faith) of ca. 1539 the Hutterites embraced an argument going back to Hans Hut that conceived of communion as a symbolic act that cultivated a disposition for community of goods. (5) Beyond its focus on baptism and communion, Marpeck's "Admonition" expressed itself only incidentally on questions related to the sword, temporal authority, participation in secular office and the payment of taxes; and only generally on the topics of separation and excommunication in the Christian congregation. Therefore, our comparison must be limited to articles 1 and 2 of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein." In other words, this essay does not undertake a complete analysis of the Hutterites' "main dogmatic statement," as Robert Friedmann described the book. However, it does offer new insights on the internal history, authorship and likely aim of the "great book of articles."

MANUSCRIPT TRADITION AND HISTORIOGRAPHY

The oldest known version of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" dates from 1583 (Codex Bratislava). (6) This beautifully written manuscript contained Latin marginalia and paraphrases from Balthasar Hubmaier's printed works. (7) The name of Hans Zuckenhammer (d. 1598), (8) a Hutterite servant of the word, appears on its title page. This entry is written in the same hand as the article on baptism by a copyist identified only as "W. M.," (9) who also wrote the title page of the second article about communion. The professional hand of the Hutterite scribe Hauprecht Zapff begins on that same page with a small addition to the original text. (10) Zapff copied the article concerning communion and all subsequent material parts (articles 2-5). In these sections the cooperation of "W.M." seems to be restricted to some artistic floral drawings and stylized initials created from ornate boughs, using shading to achieve a three-dimensional effect. Josef Beck concluded from the title page that Zuckenhammer was the author of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," (11) a judgment supported by Johann Loserth. (12) Robert Friedmann, however, disagreed. Friedmann regarded the blind-stamped initials "MW" to be the signature of the writer (13) and argued that Zuckenhammer was only the "first owner of the volume." (14) Friedmann also collated a series of similar manuscripts: a shorter version titled "Three Articles" (baptism, communion and community), now located in Esztergom, was written already in 1581; (15) "A Short Excerpt of Three Articles" (Wolfenbuttel); and "Some Articles" (originally in Olmutz, now in Brunn) bound in 1582 for "MW." (16) As Friedmann demonstrated, the shorter versions in Esztergom and Wolfenbuttel explicitly name Peter Walpot, the presiding elder of the Hutterites, as the author. The content of these manuscripts consisted of extracts from the "Five Articles of the Great Controversy," which was inserted no earlier than 1580 (17) in the entry for the year 1547 in the Hutterite Chronicle. Friedmann interpreted the title of the Wolfenbuttel manuscript, which he did not examine personally, to mean that it was an excerpt from a hypothetical "original source" composed between 1570 and 1577, which he named the "Great Article Book," and which he equated with "Ein schon lustig Buchlein." Its author, he suspected, was Peter Walpot (who died early in 1578) or a group of co-authors that included Walpot. (18) The later manuscripts, he further surmised, including the Zuckenhammer codex, were only copies of this hypothetical original. Friedmann advanced this interpretation in several treatises, most recently in his edition of the "Great Article Book" of 1967. (19)

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

More recent scholarship, by contrast, based on new manuscript discoveries as well as on textual criticism and philological arguments, has dated the composition of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" to the period after Peter Walpot and the "Five Articles of the Great Controversy," in the Hutterite Chronicle without identifying its author as the smith and preacher Hans Zuckenhammer.

Indeed "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" avails itself of the same biblical proof texts as the "Five Articles." Nevertheless, the commentaries on biblical texts, to the extent that they parallel the "Five Articles," are completely reworked, and "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" contains additional textual material that has no parallels in the "Five Articles." In other words, based on the principle that "living documents as a rule increase with time," we have here a complete reworking of the earlier text, with newly-edited materials added to the excerpts. (20)

Is it possible that a hypothetical original text was written during Walpot's lifetime? The answer is found in "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" itself. Friedmann thought he had identified the terminus post quern in a reference to the 1571 protocol of the Frankenthal Disputation. (21) But Friedmann overlooked the identification of the actual earliest possible time of composition in a passage that refers to Emperor Maximillian II as "no longer here." (22) Emperor from 1564 to 1576, Maximillian II died on October 12, 1576, in Regensburg. The news would likely have reached the Hutterite settlements in south Moravia via traffic on the Danube around All Saints' Day (November 1). Since presiding elder Peter Walpot died on January 30, 1578, he or his "team" would have had to have completed the extensive work in the last year of his life--theoretically possible but unlikely. A closer look at the editing process enables us to be more precise. In the summer of 1577 (after July 25) Walpot wrote a letter to a group of Swiss Brethren in Modenbach in Baden. In the Wolfenbuttel and Gran manuscripts this letter appears directly adjoining the "Three Articles." In keeping with the practice of that time of informing those of other persuasions about one's own confession, we can infer that the "Three Articles" had been sent along with Walpot's letter to the Swiss. The appendix, however, was only an excerpt, which suggests that "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" was not yet editorially complete in the late summer of 1577. At the time only the systematic form of the first three articles was in presentable shape, namely what appeared in the Great Chronicle in 1580, with the articles on the sword and divorce added. (23) As a matter of fact, the tract was copied in this form into the seventeenth century, while the "Three Articles," which named Walpot as the author, were no longer reproduced. This observation suggests that in Walpot's time there was a draft at the sorting and collecting stage but not yet a complete book. The end of the article on community of goods in the "Three Articles" includes several small additions that first reappear in 1583 in the Codex Zuckenhammer: namely, the text from Sirach 2:5 about "gold in fire" being a testing oven for yieldedness--a well-known theme of the martyr chronicles--and an obviously homemade verse ("Gottes Wort war nit so schwar, wenn nur der Eigennutz nit war"). In "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" this verse stands at the beginning of the third article on community of goods. (24) The inclusion there of verses from the Apocrypha is the essential systematic point of distinction from the "Five Articles" (which first appear in 1580 and 1581 in the Great Chronicle), (25) since they rigorously avoid proof texts from the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. Whether, beside these small additional texts, there are passages or paraphrases from Walpot's letters in the oldest, 1583 manuscript of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" is a matter that remains to be investigated. (26)

Clearly, Peter Walpot was the author of the "Excerpt," and to that extent co-author of the "Five Articles" in the Great Chronicle of the Hutterites, which were completed after his death. However, to the degree that these texts were enlarged in 1583 to become "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," Walpot's part in this latter work is diminished. A key to understanding the reception history of the book lies in the presiding elders who followed Walpot. One name here is unavoidable--that of the Hutterite scribe Hauprecht Zapff, who was elected as preacher in 1594 and from whose hand came the oldest PreBburg manuscript of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" (the manuscript was his work with the exception of the first article). In 1580, Zapff also completed the first exemplar of the Great Chronicle, apparently through the death of Peter Riedemann in 1556, (27) taking up the work of Caspar Braitmichel, who had brought the manuscript to the entry for 1542. Then, along with Walpot's successor, Hans Kral, Zapff edited the second, definitive exemplar of the Chronicle, which in 1581 extended only to the entry for 1562. (28) Both copies refer to Hauprecht Zapff, in his own hand, as coauthor (or compiler). (29) Sometime during these years, possibly in 1578, Zapff also completed a small writing, which Josef Beck named "Codex Ritualis." (30) This little book, which originally numbered only sixty-seven folios, contained two baptismal catechisms in Zapff's professional scribe's hand, together with additions on blank pages by later copyists and additional later broadsides that were bound together with it. A perusal of the booklet's table of contents shows a connection to Walpot's "Three Articles"--with a slight rearrangement. "Christian community" is now the first article, followed by sections that reproduce almost word for word the headings of the editions of "Three/Five Articles" of 1580-1583: "On true Christian baptism and how infant baptism is against it" and "On Christian communion and how the priests' sacrament is against it." (31) A comparison of content confirms the booklet's dependence on the short versions of the articles from 1581 and 1582.

Our investigation has therefore answered a number of questions. We now know that Zapff was the connecting link between the versions of the "Three Articles," which followed a simple plan, and the many-sided, "dogmatic"--in the words of Friedmann in 1931--"Ein schon lustig Buchlein" of 1583. But who was the person that Friedmann claims creatively assembled the numerous individual citations and data from church history, (32) so as to draft a first "apparatus" of the book? From the Hutterite standpoint, all these writings belonged to a list of questionable books that, if not explicitly prohibited, were certainly objects of suspicion: Balthasar Hubmaier, for example, whose "On the Sword" (33) marked him as a supporter of a "worldly," government-supported version of Anabaptism; the writings of church fathers, as well as "modern teachers"; reformers such as Luther, Zwingli, Bucer, Calvin and Brecht; and the writings of the so-called "false brothers"--namely, the Graubunden-South German Anabaptists gathered around Pilgram Marpeck and Leupold Scharnschlager. A few exemplars of these books had been preserved for polemical purposes in the chancellery of the Hutterite presiding elder in Neumuhl. Here the scribe merely needed to avail himself of the resources of the elder's library, with Zapff initiating Hans Kral, the new presiding elder, into these arcane materials. According to the division of labor described by Friedmann, Zapff was responsible for the "ordering, use and interpretation" (34) of the contents of the chancellery; he was also responsible, according to Friedmann, for the editing of the Great Chronicle. (35) It appears that Kral let his head of chancellery (besides Zapff, there were other scribes at Neumuhl) do as he pleased.

It has already been established that the work on the Great Chronicle was interrupted for a long period after 1581. (36) Possibly Neumuhl now became the center of power for Jesuits who had been working since 1579 in the territory of Nikolsburg for the conversion of Anabaptists--be they Sabbatarians, Swiss Brethren or Hutterites. After bringing the Great Chronicle forward to the year 1562 in 1581, Zapff completed another great work or copy in 1583, the oldest extant version of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein." On November 14 of that year Hans Kral, the congenial presiding elder, died and Klaus Braidl, a veteran of Hutterite missions, was elected as his successor. (37) From this point in time there are no further extant works in Zapff's hand comparable in size to those of 1580 and 1583. Only in 1593, ten years after Braidl's election to office, was Zapff able to create a Hutterite paraphrase of the Apocalypse of St. John based on the model of a writing by Melchior Hoffman; (38) and finally in the same year he was able to continue the Chronicle until 1591, and before his election as preacher, to entrust the Chronicle project to a successor.

AUTHORSHIP OF "EIN SCHON LUSTIG BUCHLEIN"

But what about the probable authorship of the "Great Article Book," as Friedmann called "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," or the authorship of the related versions of the "Three Articles" and the "Five Articles"? First, Peter Walpot is without doubt the author of the "Three Articles" of 1577. The "Five Articles" should probably also be attributed to Walpot, although they were produced only after his death by Hauprecht Zapff and Hans Kral. Second, in the same period of time Hauprecht Zapff produced the catechism called the "Codex Ritualis" (which was dependent on the "Three Articles" and "Five Articles") and he also produced in 1583 "Ein schon lustig Buchlein." Hence Zapff's role as co-author (or at least compiler or editor) of the "Five Articles" (1580), the "Codex Ritualis" (ca. 1577-1590) and "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" (1583) can no longer be dismissed. As shown by his signature and annotations in the introduction to the Great Chronicle (two exemplars, the first dating from 1580, which runs to 1556, and the second dating from 1581 and running to 1562 at the latest), Zapff was the one whose experienced hand put these great Hutterite projects of the 1580s into presentable form. The long pause in the continuation of the second, authoritative version of the Chronicle, until 1593, showed that nothing happened without his involvement.

But we still have the question of the identity of the monogramist "MW," whom Friedmann regarded first as copyist, then as owner, of the preserved copies of the "Three Articles." The current scholarship on this subject can be quickly summarized. The manuscripts of Peter Walpot's version of the "Three Articles" discussed above--one in Brunn and a second in Wolfenbuttel--bear blind-tooled stamped initials and the year of binding (known as supralibros) of "15MW82" on the front cover. A third manuscript, the oldest version of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," bears the supralibros "15MW83." Robert Friedmann solved the problem raised by these initials by contending that an owner entry showed that the Wolfenbuttel manuscript belonged to "Michel Hasel or Weber." (39) Friedmann's interpretation, emphatically seconded by Eberhard Arnold, became a fixed assumption of Hutterite scholarship.

However, a more precise examination of this entry in the Wolfenbuttel manuscript suggests a different conclusion. Below the so-called owner entry on the inside of the front cover is a note, a non-Hutterite fragment pasted in upside-down. The entry in black ink, probably from the seventeenth century, reads: "Michel Hasel von Sch < ... bach [or borch] wider defer > uf Wittlingen." The Hutterite missionary Michael Hasel, a weaver, was imprisoned from 1588 until his death on July 1, 1592, in Hohenwittlingen in the Wurttemberg jurisdiction of Urach. (40) Since Hasel would have hardly referred to himself as an "Anabaptist" (wider defer), however, his connection to the Codex Augusta in Wolfenbuttel is speculative. The same question also applies to the other manuscript, now in Brunn, previously in Olmutz.

Nevertheless, the bindings of the manuscripts in Brunn, Wolfenbuttel and Bratislava (41) have common characteristics besides the "MW" supralibros, which suggests that they come from the same bookbindery. For instance, all have a palmetto frieze as an outer frame. The front cover of the Brunn volume, moreover, is decorated with a plate-seal containing the engraved initials "MW." Although they are rare, Hutterite seals with raised master craftsmen's marks have been discovered previously. (42) The names of some Hutterite bookbinders--for instance, Peter Trier, to whom Josef Beck directed our attention (43) are known. However, the ornaments signifying the ownership and origin of Hutterite manuscripts of the sixteenth century have never been systematically studied. That the three manuscripts share a common origin is further indicated by the fact that the Bratislava manuscript also has an expensive and elaborate seal on its front cover, while the Wolfenbuttel manuscript has a pomegranate as its central ornament. Thus one can say that the three plate-seal bindings constitute a special group among the more typical, single-stamped Hutterite bindings suggesting a common origin. In summary, all three volumes are untypical of the Hutterites, if we take the volumes of Peter Trier as the standard. But based on the master mark on the Brunn manuscript, it is possible that the "MW" supralibros actually stands for a workshop. This argument is strengthened by the fact that the Bratislava and Wolfenbuttel manuscripts were written by professional scribes. Accordingly, the bindery would have been located in the vicinity of the Hutterite chancellery at Neumuhl. In a letter of August 1584 from the Hutterite missionary Benesch Keller (or Wenisch Kohler) to the servant of the word Matthaus Binder (sometimes called Schneider) greetings were sent to a "Mathias Buchbinder zu Bulawutz" (Bilowitz/Velke Bilovice). (44) "MW" could then be read as "Matthias W.," who could be identical with the Hutterite brother, Mathes Wagenknecht, originally considered by Friedmann as the person behind "MW." Wagenknecht was imprisoned, together with three companions, in 1579 on a mission journey to Poland; he remained steadfast under interrogation and threat of torture and was freed after about three weeks. (45) This fact would offer a plausible explanation of the bond with Wenesch Kohler, who was setting out on a similar dangerous missionary journey, in his case to Switzerland.

Assuming that "MW" is a bookbinder, it still remains to be clarified as to whether the monogramist, "WM," signed "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" as a scribe. As indicated above, this monogram appears on folio 4r at the end of the table of contents in a loop at the end. It suggests that the person who wrote the initials was the copyist of Article 1, and probably also the co-painter of the ornate initials shaped from boughs. These same tendril-ornamented, knotted initials are present in pasted-in notes at the end of the Great Chronicle of 1581. They contain the names of the Hutterite chief elders in chronological order, along with their regions of origin. (46) The names of all the elders up to Klaus Braidl are drawn by one hand, as is especially evident in the rendering of the regions of origin. The note with the name of elder Sebastian Dietrich seems to have been the work of Zapff himself, while the name drawings for Ulrich JauB1ing and Valentin Winter are recognizably the work of seventeenth-century scribes skilled in calligraphy. Zapff had also entered the name "Balthasar Mairhofer" following this succession of presiding elders. (47) Werner O. Packull described the fate of the Mairhofer family in detail on the basis of Anabaptist sources. Balthasar Mairhofer the Elder from Nidervintl had served Michael Gaismair as a messenger. Although his wealth was estimated at 10,000 gulden, Mairhofer was a "key member of the Anabaptist movement in the Pustertal." (48) Practiced in financial affairs, and the former holder of a hereditary episcopal fief, he served the Hutterites as a servant of temporal needs before his death in 1552 at Altenmarkt (Stara Breclav) in Moravia. In the register of the Chronicle, in the text and in the pertinent marginalia, Zapff called him "Walser Mairhofer der al(l)t." (49) Balthasar Mairhofer the Younger, probably a son, was likewise elected a servant of temporal needs. In the corresponding entry in the Chronicle Zapff referred to him, as with the older man, as "Walser Mairhofer." (50) Where Mairhofer acquired his ability in anatomical observation, which enabled him to achieve relief effects in his drawing, remains a matter of speculation. In any case the painter Walser Mairhofer, as explained above, should be on the short list of those who may have been the copyist "WM" and as a likely contributor of additional decorative elements to "Ein schon lustig Buchlein."

All the persons who appear in any form in the manuscripts as either "MW" or "WM" are excluded from the circle of demonstrable coauthors of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein." Thus, Loserth's explanation must be preferred over that of Friedmann. (51) However, what is to be concluded about more recent scholarship that points to the smith Hans Zuckenhammer? (52) Several writings by Zuckenhammer have been preserved. First, there is his report on a missionary journey he undertook to Bavaria in 1579 with Wolf Rauffer and on their common imprisonment in Tittmoning. (53) Further, Zuckenhammer is credited with being the co-composer of three songs from his mission; (54) and finally he came under the ban because he was accused of misusing his office. On the latter occasion Zuckenhammer's supposed speeches in his own defense are recorded in the Great Chronicle. The recorder of the proceeding, however, was no longer Hauprecht Zapff but an unknown successor. (55) The songs inform us that Zuckenhammer, as his friends wrote, undertook his missionary activities "with joy." A report in the Great Chronicle about his sixteen-week imprisonment in the Bishopric of Salzburg includes a passage containing the distinctive German idiom uberzwerch (perverse, false, shifty), (56) which also appears in the Hutterite article books. When interrogators suggested to the imprisoned that they ought to believe in infant baptism, they replied that it "was an abomination in the eyes of God, against Christ and uberzwerch." (57) In a slightly altered form this same idiom found its way into the "Five Articles" and "Ein schon lustig Buchlein": "For this reason infant baptism is in all respects against Christ and uberzwerch." (58) Accordingly, Zuckenhammer is not only named on the title page of the Bratislava manuscript, but he is also cited in it.

We are now in a position to summarize the most likely division of roles in the course of the editing of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein." The "Three Articles" or "Five Articles" of presiding elder Peter Walpot, who died in January 1578, provided the basic pattern. Hans Zuckenhammer may have had the role of generating the ideas for a substantial book of catechetical instruction. In any case the project was carried out by the professional scribes W. M. and Hauprecht Zapff. Another participant was certainly Hans Kral, who in some form must have authorized the time-consuming collation of the "collection," because it likely took place during the time he was presiding elder--probably not much earlier and certainly not later. Hence we discover the method this circle of persons used in the creation of a central catechetical writing, along with their primary objectives. From the outset, it must be assumed that the Hutterites were unaware of the authorship of most of the writings of the Marpeck-Scharnschlager circle. Marpeck's "Admonition" appeared to them as a work of edification by an anonymous Anabaptist. Certainly the impulse to incorporate parts of the "Admonition" into their own doctrinal structure would have been weaker if they had been aware of the identity of the author. For the Hutterites, Marpeck was "N. Pilgram," whom they remembered as an accursed "slanderer." Werner Packull suspects that he had criticized community of goods. (59) So what was it that made the anonymous "Admonition" so attractive as the pattern for "Ein schon lustig Buchlein"? From a comparison of the two documents we learn the following:

1. The Hutterite author(s) of the "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" drew citations from all parts of Marpeck's "Admonition" up to Signature N (it contains Signatures A to O in its entirety). That suggests that behind the extensive citations of the Hutterite manuscript there was a systematic sorting of sources according to their length.

2. The order of citations in "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," however, is not the same as that of its model, which had evidently been catalogued. This is also the case for the other citations, particularly those from Leonhard Schiemer's tract on baptism. This throws a light on the Hutterite method. The original source of the so-called "Great Article Book"--including Peter Walpot's "Three Articles" and the "Five Articles About the Great Controversy" in the Hutterite Chronicle--was a kind of index file consisting of a collection of excerpted notes. The more or less smooth arrangement with its transition formulas, paraphrasing of selections into new wordings, and grouping of thematic subunits on the basis of their own Hutterite Bible concordance--such as the "knowledge of ancient teachers" (article 1: Baptism, [paragraph] 123) or "knowledge of the elders" (article 2: Communion, [paragraph] 144)--is the point and accomplishment of the "beautiful collection," as the Hutterite writing describes itself in its title.

3. The systematic manner of the Hutterite authors' work is also clear in the treatment of the individual passages from Marpeck's "Admonition." Long, complicated sentences, with their repetitions and tautological arguments, were generally abbreviated or made easier for the "ordinary brothers" among the Hutterites to understand by breaking them up into short, simple ones. (60)

Even more interesting are aspects of the work that go beyond the merely technical matters of sources and editing. Although it has an apologetic nature like virtually every Anabaptist confession, "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" also shows thoroughly polemical traits. This basic character is evident in almost every paragraph and corresponds to the Hutterite teaching of the two kingdoms (the Kingdom of Christ versus the "world"). A verse of Scripture or a rational reflection--such as the incapacity of infants for judgment as expressed in article 1 on baptism--was paired with an exegesis that reflected on the contrasting praxis of the "world." In individual sections theories or theological interpretations of "worldly Christians" were subjected to the proof test of biblicistic Hutterite doctrine: Zwingli's view that Old Testament circumcision corresponds to infant baptism, for example; or baptism as a matter of middling importance (probably an argument against Spiritualists and optional baptizers like Gabriel Ascherham); or the notion of the "hidden faith" of infants in the Catholic tradition and Luther as a basis for their baptism. Because of its anticlerical tone, echoing the controversies of the early Reformation, this late Hutterite text has a peculiar, almost anachronistic tone in many passages and in its overall impression. Some examples illustrate this:
 The small child cannot believe, neither in God [...] nor in Jesus
 Christ. Whoever can teach a baby in the cradle, may baptize it. If
 you cannot teach it, you cannot baptize it. For baptism is a water
 bath in the word, [in the margin: Eph. 5] (62)

 Infant baptism is monkey business. It's as if you were to send the
 Emperor a contingent of babies to his camp so that they could fight
 the enemy, [in the margin: Lk. 22, I Cor. 11] (64)--If Christ was
 physically present in the bread, he could not have said that we
 should remember him in this way. Instead he shows that he is not
 physically present, but in his word. (128)


This is the tone of the Anabaptist hedge preachers in the tributary valleys of the Pustertal in the days of Leonhard Schiemer and Jakob Hutter. Naturally Pilgram Marpeck from Rattenberg in the Inn Valley is not free from this kind of language; he, too, called infant baptism "monkey business" in the manner of Thomas Muntzer. (61) However, as we survey the list of the expressions and arguments going back to him, we see that the authors of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" also appropriated systematic considerations, above all, from Marpeck's reworking of Rothmann's Confession of the Two Sacraments (cf. Appendix nos. 1-11, 15, 16, 19, 20) which he issued as the "Admonition" (Vermannung; auch gantz klarer grundtlicher un[d] unwidersprechlicher bericht zu warer Christlicher ... puntssvereynigung ...) From the beginning they draw on Marpeck's "Admonition" as the chief demonstration of the Hutterite conception of baptism, although at points we observe uncertainty among the Hutterites (for example, on the understanding of the baptism of John the Baptist and the words of Christ on baptism).

To the extent that the Hutterites treasured the "Admonition" as a contribution to their systematic theology--and hence to the formation of a mature confession--they clearly relied on the theologies of Rothmann and Hubmaier in the form that the Latin-schooled Marpeck transmitted them. This is evident, for example, in the statements that the act of immersion in baptism is only the "sign" of a work; or that the sign (water) is united with the "inner essence" for believers (no. 16); or finally, in the reasoning about why the term "sacrament" is to be rejected for the Anabaptist understanding of communion (no. 19).

In the description of baptism as a "work" the basic Anabaptist principle that "faith without works is dead" is embedded into the very act of baptism as the first "work" of the faithful Christian on the way to salvation. In fact "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" introduces the epistle of James already at the end of the very first paragraph of Point 1. In this article the instruction of candidates for baptism is "working" or a "work" (actually "teamwork") because it is regarded as a cooperative learning process. It is not the sole responsibility of the person giving the instruction but an occasion when "everyone works together." The paraphrase from James--"Just as faith without works is of no account, so also works that do not result from faith" (see Jas. 2:17-18)--shows what is expected of the believer as a member of Christ, and what Christ expects: namely, work in the form of daily cooperative endeavor. Apparently this idea favors the success of Hutterite missions, particularly in times of economic crisis. (62)

Another text has a similar homiletic effect through its combination of the ancient rhetorical device of epanodos, a figure of speech in which the parts of a sentence or clause are repeated in inverse order. For example, "It helps no one before he understands it, no one understands it (1:2, 2:1), with an emphasis on the free decision for baptism (hence, incorporating oneself into the body of Christ and putting oneself under the cross). This effect is achieved through a threefold or fourfold repetition of "self" (see Appendix nos. 4 and 15). (63) In this way a tension is created in the first sentence that is logically and stylistically resolved in the following sentence. Riedemann merely states: "The baptismal candidate must first ask for, implore and desire [baptism]," so that three prior conditions are enumerated for a genuine act of baptism. (64) Rothmann--and, following him, Marpeck--presents the same baptismal act differently: namely, as a positively expressed act of free decision. (65) This stress on free decision also corresponds to other principles of the Marpeck-Scharnschlager circle, particularly to community of goods, which is only conceivable for them as an act of voluntary sharing for the purpose of alleviating social needs in the congregation.

THE RECEPTION HISTORY OF "EIN SCHON LUSTIG BUCHLEIN":

WAS THE "MAIN DOGMATIC WRITING" OF THE HUTTERITES AN ECLECTIC SYNTHESIS?

When the Hutterites copied books, they were not intending them to be put in a drawer. Their most popular materials, the chronicles and the songbooks, were frequently handled to the point of falling apart. As often demonstrated by the various owners' names on the inside covers, they were passed from hand to hand, read, added to, and copied again and again.

This, however, was not the case with "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," which gives the impression of being virtually unused. The work was only completed, as already noted, at the time of the death of chief elder Hans Kral, the sponsor of the project. His successor, Klaus Braidl, seems not to have had the same understanding as his predecessor for the eclectic composition. Thus, contrary to the objective of its authors, a user applied the references to the sources of the compilation at the beginning of some paragraphs. In this way citations from Balthasar Hubmaier's reply to Zwingli's tract on infant baptism were noted with page or folio numbers. (66) It was typical Hutterite practice to include marginalia and data about content because they served as a concordance, which gave the basis for a text. However, many marginalia are missing in the later copies of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," (67) which is a sign that the officially commissioned copy of 1583 did not circulate for long, if it was copied at all. The last user may have been the marginal commentator who undertook the task of identifying the sources of the anonymous citations. To judge from his handwriting, he was no professional scribe--thus no colleague of Hauprecht Zapff--but nevertheless someone from the sixteenth century. Most likely a preacher would have had access to the special library at the residence of the chief Hutterite elder at Neumuhl, which through the breadth of its collection offered the possibility of identifying anonymous writings.

We might speculate that the Hubmaier references show the hand of the new chief elder Klaus Braidl. Whereas Braidl's predecessors had sponsored literary projects according to Peter Riedemann's motto, "Go forth and eat the new," (68) Braidl's own maxim for his life and the conduct of his office was the one he pronounced on his death bed: "Take care that you introduce no innovations, or start something new." (69) To call on Hubmaier, the defender of the sword, as a witness for your own understanding of baptism, amounts to a "displacing of old boundary stones," as Braidl also was supposed to have said in his parting words. Thus, the references suggest an investigation into the foreign ideas that had slipped into the teachings of the Hutterian Brethren. The effort to prevent this would be a sign of sharpened confessionalization.

Recent scholarship has noted that Hutterite literary efforts passed their prime soon after Braidl took the leadership of the group. (70) "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," which appears to have been in the first instance an apologetic directed against Roman Catholic teachings, remained an isolated undertaking. Likewise, Hutterite leaders no longer made the continuation of the Great Chronicle a high priority--as we have seen, Hauprecht Zapff had to interrupt his work for ten years. Moreover, an enumeration of the Hutterite manuscripts extant in Europe from the period 1584-1591 (71) shows that only ten manuscripts were produced in these years, mostly small chronicles, including the Dreller-Chronicle, which, according to its title page, was a 1655 copy of a lost original of 1585. (72) There are no European manuscripts extant from the years 1585 and 1586. One of the reasons for this may have been the drought of the summer of 1585, which led to a scarcity of paper. This situation was past by 1587 at the latest, but in that year only a medical book was produced. In 1588 there was a school order of Braidl's, as we learn from later manuscripts. In 1589 we know of no manuscript production, and in the next two years we are informed only of a concordance, a small songbook and the beginning of a chronicle. In fact, the period, which was retrospectively idealized as a time of affluence and peace, (73) can be described as such only in the sense that material craft culture flourished in the brotherhood during that time. But progress in that sphere came at the expense of individual freedom and typical early modern work relations thanks to the rigid regulation imposed by work ordinances that promoted an organization of early industrial division of labor with centralized purchasing and pricing. This rationalized craft organization demanded quiet and order in what had previously been understood to be a latently revolutionary and emancipated contemplative and intellectual sphere. Confessionalization took the form of regulations that organized each week and each year, encouraged group singing from the hymnals, preferred chronicles as formats for Hutterite copyists, and promoted simple values such as loyalty, perseverance in the face of worldly temptation, devotion to the community (as the personified body of Christ), and discipleship as the historical model. This form of confessionalization was more serviceable to industrialization than an artificially compiled catalogue of argumentation that forced the community members to wrestle with strange, disturbing patterns of ideas.

During this period when the collection and dissemination of the reports of Hutterite and non-Hutterite martyrs and confessors was clearly on the decline, (74) Hans Zuckenhammer--the moving spirit behind "Ein schon lustig Buchlein"--who had been a successful Hutterite missionary, had to wait twice as long as the three colleagues who entered the probationary status together with him in 1580 before he was finally confirmed in the preaching office. Balthasar or Walser Hasenfelder, Paul Itzmuller and Gilg Molt were elected together with Zuckenhammer on Oculi Sunday (March 6) 1580. After the normal two- or three-year waiting period they were confirmed as servants of the word, hence as preachers for life. At the same time Hans Baldauf, who only served as preacher for two years, became a servant of the word. (75) But Zuckenhammer, by contrast, had to remain in the period of "testing" until February 24, 1585, when he, too, was confirmed in the preaching office by the laying on of hands by the elders. Only then would the former wandering missionary enter into a relatively short career as a Hutterite preacher. Then in 1597 he was ordered to move to another colony by the gremium of elders, who were responding to complaints that he was too strict with the members of his community. When he did not accept the punishment the career of this willful blacksmith came to an abrupt end with his excommunication.

In that same year a copy of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" was once again bound. (76) Might this have been the reason for the somewhat obscure ban process against him, which was only reported in the chronicle of community officers? Might Zuckenhammer, in violation of a promise, have put his own hand to this copying task? Might the manuscript now preserved in Berlin have been his autograph? Some of the evidence does suggest that here we have a manuscript tradition independent from the Zapff manuscript in Bratislava. Assuming that the Friedmann edition is precisely accurate, the Berlin manuscript lacks the marginalia containing the testimonies of the "old" and "new" teachers. On the other hand, in the definition of sacrament in "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" ([paragraph]130 of the communion article) the Berlin manuscript contains a textual interpolation that shows that this more recent manuscript copy is closer to the original--namely, Marpeck's "Admonition"--than the corresponding version in Bratislava. (77)

CONCLUSION

Just as there never was a "Great Article Book" of the Hutterites that served as the common original source of the "Three Articles," the "Five Articles" or "Ein schon lustig Buchlein," neither did "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" ever attain the status of being a "main dogmatic writing" of the brotherhood. (78) Rather, as in the case of the Great Chronicle, what we have is an experimental writing that fell short of an official Hutterite statement. Both works were similarly overestimated by modern scholarship as more or less authoritative--presumably because they were edited and, in comparison to the other writings of the Hutterites, presented a comparatively unified, logical standpoint: the Great Chronicle as a sketch of God's historical redeeming work with the Hutterites, and the "great catechism" as the collection of salvific religious principles. Historians will certainly resist any relativizing of their "sources," from which they draw over and over again. A lot is at stake in holding such sources as trustworthy, including the fact that the most frequently cited account of the first adult baptisms in Zurich on January 21, 1525, is transmitted exclusively in the Hutterite Chronicle.

Hutterite contemporaries, however, maintained a degree of inner distance from writings that undertook to deal with the ideas of "learned" theologians, even when they were put together by their own membership. To be sure, "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" received an odd revival of interest in the seventeenth century--it was first copied in 1602, and so far as we know last copied in 1654. (79) Also, after Klaus Braidl's death, Marpeck's "Admonition" was also copied, primarily it seems as an exercise for scribes.80 The need for new contemporary compositions arose by the era of Andreas Ehrenpreis (presiding elder from 1639 to 1662), possibly because the anticlerical tone of the sixteenth-century writings was now felt to be anachronistic. Nevertheless, the influence of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" was mirrored in Ehrenpreis's "Report and Confession" when he reflected on the meaning of the conception of "sacrament":
 If we examine this word 'sacrament' we find that it is a sign,
 figure, or reference to a holy thing [...] It the learned should
 explain it [...] they convict themselves of their error, that the
 bread and wine are not the body and blood of the Lord, but merely a
 figure of and reference to the same. No one is so lacking in
 understanding as to mistake a reference to something for the real and
 natural essence to which it refers. (81)


Here in substance we have the ideas of Bernhard Rothmann expressed in the moderate diction of Pilgram Marpeck, now modernized by Andreas Ehrenpreis to serve his time and his objectives.

--Translated by James M. Stayer

Appendix:

Pilgram Marpeck's "Admonition"(1542) as a Source in the Hutterite "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" (1583/1597)

The table below tracks the occurrence of the Marpeck periphrases in the left column as they appear in the dependant source, "Ein schon lustig Biichlein," in the right column. An effort was made to retain the larger context and meaning of the quotations in each selection from the "Admonition." The Marpeck texts, however, were abridged in such a way that they approximately correspond to the Hutterite version. The paragraphs of the original text are retained; only the punctuation is modernized. Biblical quotations were introduced only where they appear as continuous interpretation in paraphrases (e.g., no. 1) or where the quotation seemed to cite a specific biblical verse. Otherwise the contrast would amount to a comparison of various Bible editions. For the proof of the biblical quotations one can point to the editions of Hege and Friedmann. The maintenance of the paragraphs as they appear in the Berlin manuscript of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" (1597) facilitates a comparison with the nonfoliated, oldest exemplar of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" of 1583 (Bratislava, Lycealna, Rkp. zv. 391). Wherever this is not the case (for example, at the current nos. 3-4), the text following is a continuation of the same paragraph. A careful edition of both works remains to be completed. Therefore, in some cases I suggest a rectification of corrupted or mistranscribed passages.

I. Baptism
No "Admonition" (1542), Page, "Ein Schon lustig page,
 Edition HEGE 1925 line Biichlein" (1597) line

1. Die wort von der 193, Johannes des 60, 18-6
 tauf Johannis seind 33-39 tauffers wort sein
 dise und red sie dise und redt sie
 Johannes selbs Johannes selbs,
 Matth. 3 und sagt: sagende: Ich tauf
 Ich tauff euch mit euch mit wasser
 wasser in die buB. zuer bueB, etc.
 Die tauffwort Die taufwort aber
 Christi aber Christi lautten
 lauttend also: also: Taufft sie
 Tauffent sie in dem im namen des
 nammen des vatters, vatters, sons und
 des suns und des heilligen geists.
 heyligen geystes. So Sovill nun
 vil underscheyd nun underschaidt in
 in disen worten ist, den wortten ist,
 so vill underscheyd sovill
 ist auch in beden underschaidt ist
 tauffen, das werck auch in baiden
 ist als eines oder tauffen. Das
 gleich [...] werckh ist woll
 einander gleich.

2. Mir ist geben aller 198, [section] 1. [...] 61, 2-6
 gwalt in himmel und 6-9 Mir ist geben
 auff erd, darumb aller gwalt im
 gehet hin und lernet himel und auf
 alle volcker, erden. Darumb gont
 tauffet sie in dem hin und lernt alle
 nammen des vatters, volckher und
 des suns und des taufft sie im
 heyligen geystes, namen des vatters,
 lernet sie halten sons und heilligen
 alles, was ich eiich geists; sie
 befolhen hab. Hie [leerende]82
 haben wir [...] die halten alles, was
 ordnung, wie man ich euch bevolhen
 ordentlich zu der hab. An disem ordt
 tauff kommen mag. wirt uns die
 ordnung, recht zu
 tauffen,
 angezaigt

3. Tauffen heyBt also 192, Tauffen aber 61,
 vil, als ins wasser 35-37 haisst alsvill als 16-19
 duncken oder dauchen 201, ins wasser
 und tauff so vil als 17-18 tunckhen oder
 ein einduncken oder tauchen und taufft
 wasserbesprengung sovill als ein
 [...] wann nicht das eintunckhung oder
 werck, sunder der wasserbesprengung
 verstand und meynung [...] und nit das
 des wercks ist, das werckh, sonder der
 da gilt. verstandt, inhalt
 und mainung des
 werckhs ist das,
 das gilt.

4. [...] die tauff 198, 19, Die tauff ist oder 61,
 [...] welche dann 22-28 mag niemandt nutz 22-27
 niemants nutz ist 231, sein, ee ers
 oder sein mag, ee 17-20 versteeth, und es
 ers verstehet, und cf. versteets
 es verstehts below niemandts, er sey
 niemandts, er sey no. 15 den vor underricht
 dann vor underwiesen und geleernt.
 und gelernet. Darumb haist er
 Derhalben gibt erstlich leeren,
 Christus disen discipelus und
 ordentlichen junger oder
 befelch, man soll leerling machen,
 alle volcker lernen nachmals die
 und verkundigen das underrichten
 evangelium aller tauffen, welche
 creaturen und machen die leer selbs
 discipel, junger willig, selbs
 oder lerling, welche wissent, selbst
 dann leer willig und glaubent und selbs
 gern annemen, die bekennent geern
 sollten sie tauffen annemen. Sonst
 [...] [231:] und wer gilt es nichts.
 sich nit selbs (83)
 willig, selbs
 wissend, selbs
 glaubend, selbs
 bekennend [...]
 tauffen lasset
 [...], dem werden sy
 [= die Sunden, M.
 R.] behalten [...]

5. Im Marco steht also. 245, [section] 2. 62, 1-10
 Gehet hin in alle 7-9, Marcus am 16.:
 welt, predigt das 12-18 Gondt hin in alle
 evangelium alien welt und prediget
 creaturen, wer da das evangelium
 glaubt und wirt aller creatur. Wer
 getaufft, der wirt da glaubt und
 selig, wer nit taufft wirt, der
 glaubt, der wirt wirt sallig, wer
 verdampt. [...] Sie aber nit glaubt,
 sollen predigen das der wirt verdambt.
 evangelium aller [!] Hie syhestu
 creaturen. HeyBt sie feerner, das der
 zumerstenpredigen, tauff auff die
 nemlich nit mit [!] predig und auff
 holtz, steyn oder den glauben
 den bergen, auch nit gegrundet ist. Dan
 den unverniinfftigen er haist abermals
 thieren, auch nit seine apostel zum
 unwissenden kindern, ersten predigen.
 ob sie wol all Wem aber? Nit dem
 creaturen seind, ein holtz, stain oder
 jegklichs doch in den bergen, auch
 seiner ordnung und nit den
 geschopff Gottes, so unvernunfftigen
 werden doch deren thieren oder den
 keyn gemeynt von unvernunfftigen
 Christo, das sie der kindlen. Ob sie
 leer verstendig und woll alle
 annemlich [...] creaturen sein,
 sollen seyen [...]. aber ein yeder in
 seiner maB, so
 wirt aber
 dochderenkains von
 Christo gemaindt,
 das solche der
 leer verstendig
 und annemlich
 seyen.

6. Also zun Romern am 200, [section] 21. 68,
 6. spricht Paulus: 36-37 Wisset ir nit, 14-21
 Wust jr nit, das 208, sagt Paulus, der
 alle, die wir in 37-40 apostel, das alle,
 Christo Jesu getauft die wir in Jessum
 [!] seind, das wir Christum getaufft
 in seinen todt sein, die seindt
 getaufft seind [...] in seinen todt
 derhalben wie auch getaufft. So sindt
 Origenes sagt, ja wir yhe mit im
 gleich, als niemant begraben durch den
 lebendig mit den tauff in den todt,
 todten begraben auff das gleichwie
 wurt, also auch mag Christus ist
 niemand, der noch aufferweckht
 den sundten lebt in worden von den
 der tauff mit todten durch die
 Christo begraben herrligkait des
 sein oder werden, vattern, also wir
 welcher der sund nit in einem neuen
 gestorben ist. leben wandlen
 sollen. Darum
 gleich als keiner
 Iebendig mit den
 todten begraben
 wirt, also mag
 auch niemand, der
 noch in seinen
 sundten lebt und
 der nit
 abgestorben ist,
 in der tauff mit
 Christo begraben
 sein oder werden.

7. [...] Galat. am 3. 206, [section] 24. 69,
 [...] Alle, die jr 9-14 Wievill eur 24-27
 in Christo getaufft getaufft sein, die (84)
 seind, die haben haben Christum
 Christum angezogen. angezogen, das ist
 Was ist doch anders nichts anders, dan
 anziehen, dann wie wie der heillige
 der heilig Petrus Petrus sagt, das
 sagt, mit und in den wir uns mit
 selbigen gedancken Christy mueth,
 sinn und mut (als synn und
 der herr Christus) gedanckhen und [!]
 wandlen, gewapnet, wappnen sollen und
 und gerustet sein, richten und
 gleicher gestalt wie gleicher gestalt,
 er gewandlet hat, dz wie er gewandlet
 wir also hat, im
 nachfolgen. nachvolgten [!].

8. Erstlich, die ware 220, [section] 26. 70,
 tauff Christi ist 29-34, [...] Darumb ist 19-24
 und sollt sein ein cf. 201, der war tauff ein
 thor und eingang in 40; 205, eng thor und
 die heilich kirch, 21-22; eingang in die
 dann niemant soll in 209, 29, heillige
 die heylig gemeyn 40 christliche kirch.
 Christi eingelassen Dan [...] Es muefs
 werden, es sei dann alles vor diser
 [...], das da werde port [...] getodt
 [...] dem teufel und und abgewurgt
 alien fleischlichen werde [!] des
 Lusten widersagt fleisches anmuet
 [...] und willen [...]

9. [...] Petrus [...] 211, [section] 28. 71,
 sagt. In der arch 34-43 [Marg.: 1. Pet. 3] 16-17,
 seind acht seelen Zu der Zeit Noah, 19,
 durch das wasser da man die arch 27-28
 behalten bliben, zurust, in welcher
 also macht uns auch [...] acht seelen
 die tauff selig, behalten wurden
 [...] durch die durchs wasser oder
 tauff (als durchs sundtflueB [...]
 wasser) [...] geht in der arch ist
 man in den leib kein kindt
 Christi [...] als gewesen. [...] Dan
 die war arch darinn durch den tauff
 man fur den sundfluB geeth man in die
 erhalten wurt durchs gmain und kirchen
 wort des gehorsams. Christi als die
 ware archen, darin
 man durchs wort
 der gehorsame
 erhalten wirt.

10. Nu volgt das ander 199, [section] 38. [..] 77, 5-11
 lernen nach der 18-27 Wie es dan noch
 tauff, und das ist, 38-39 sein sol, das man
 das man die die getaufften
 widergebornen und vorhin [Marg.:
 die getaufften Math. 28] leert,
 kinder Gottes lernet zu halten alles,
 halten alles, was was Gotts bevelch
 Christus befolhen ist, und seim
 hat [...], dem wilen, den sie
 willen jres vatters angenomen [...]
 allezeit nachzuleben. Das
 nachzukummen. Den sie sich nit
 selben getaufften wenden von vom
 gibt man nun ein heilligen gebott,
 befelch, das Petrus das inen geben
 in der zweyten ist, dan es inen
 [Epistel] (85) im besser were, das
 anderen cap. das sie den weeg der
 heylig gebot nennet. warheit nie
 Und man lernt sie, erkennt heten
 fur an den willen [Marg.: 2. Pet.
 Gottes volbringen, 2], den das sie
 und in dem weg der zuruckhtretten,
 gerechtigkeyt, in die hund zu dem
 Christo Jesu, jr gespibnen und die
 leben zu vollenden. geschwembte saw
 Dann besser were, wider zum treckk.
 das sie den weg
 dergerechtigkeytnie
 erkent hetten, dann
 wider
 zuruckzutretten [2.
 Pet. 2,21) [...] als
 die hund zu jrer
 gespihenen speis
 oder als gewaschene
 saw wider zum dreck
 wollen wenden [2.
 Pet. 2,22].

11. Das ander argument, 238, [section] 40. Die 78,
 damit man die 41-43 kindstauffer 10-11,
 kindertauff beweren 240, sagen, Christus 25-3079,
 will, schliessen sie 10-13, sprech Last die 5-12
 auB d'red Christi, 16-20 kinderlein zu mir
 nemlich: LaBt die (32), kommen und weeret
 kinder zu mir 34-39, inenit, dan
 kummen, und werend 41 sollcher ist das
 jnen nit, wann himelreich.
 sollicher ist das Vermainen, die [!]
 reich der himmel. kindertauff sey
 [...] So sy dann Christus. Aber wie
 sagen, es seynd die will sich reumen
 kieynen kind zu der kindertauff
 Christo gebracht, und Christus [...]
 und daraus Ja, solte alles,
 schliessen, man moge was Christo
 kinder tauffen. zuebracht ist
 Dises aber will sich worden, getaufft
 keyns wegs zu der werden, so wurde
 tauff reimen [...] furwar da ein
 und solle alles (was seltzam spill
 Christo zugebracht daraus werden und
 ist) getaufft mueste man auch
 werden, furwar, da die stainen krueg,
 wurde ein seltzames znBpfenung, golt,
 spil auB werden, weyrauch und
 dann so mtiste man myrhen zu tauffen
 erstenmals steynerne bringen und
 krieg, zinBpfennig, tauffen lassen.
 golt, weyrach und Dan wir finden,
 mirrhen zu der tauff das dises alles
 bringen und tauffen, und anders meer
 dann wir finden zue im bracht ist
 [...], das difs worden sowoll als
 alles, und die kinder, [...]
 dergleichen auch
 meer dem herren
 Christo bracht
 worden seind. [...]
 Christus sagt [...],
 sollicher, und nit
 deren, und gibt
 damit zu verston
 (wie er dann in dem
 vorgehenden (86) 13.
 capitel selber
 aufsleget), welche
 also umbgekert [...]
 und arm seind am
 geyst als die kind
 noch von natur
 seind, solche [...]
 gehort das reich der
 himel. Doch lassen
 wir es sein, das den
 kinden [!] das
 himmelreich zugehor
 [...]. Soll (87) man
 darumb die kinder
 tauffen ee dann sie
 gelernt, underricht,
 auch ee sie geneygt
 und begirig zu
 geschehen das, so in
 der tauff von
 nottenist [...]

12. Der herr Christus 223, [section] 65. Der 94, 9-21
 hatt sich auffs 21-38 Herr Christus hat
 zukunftig keynem sich auffs
 menschen vertrawen zukunfftig keinem
 wollen, dann er menschen vertrauen
 wuste, was der wollen, dann er
 mensch was, er auch wisset, was der
 seinem vatter fur mensch war.
 keynen oder anstatt Gebetten hat er
 keynes menschens woll fur die
 zukunfftig gutts, menschen zu seinem
 glauben, vatter. Die
 frummwerdung und gfattern der
 zukunfftige kindstauffer aber
 vermeidung des stellen sich da
 bosens [!] je mitsambt den
 zugesagt, wol fur kindstauffern vor
 sie gebetten [...] Gott und unersteen
 Die gefattern aber sich hohers und
 stellen sich dar mit grossers gwalts
 sampt den dan der Herr
 kindertauffern vor Christus selbs.
 Christum und Gott Haisset das nit
 vatter und underston ein grewel und an
 sich hoheres und Gotts statt
 grosseres gwalt dann gestellt, ja, fur
 der herr Christus Christum, den son
 selbs, heyBt das nit Gottes dargeben?
 ein grewel und an Man sagt ein gmain
 Gotts statt spruchwort und ist
 gestellet, ja aller menschen
 Christum, den sun mundt gmain: Die
 Gottes sich burgen sollt man
 dargeben. Man sagt wurgen. Furwar, so
 ein gemein solches in
 spruchwort und ist zeitlichen sachen
 in aller menschen zu furchten ist,
 mund gmein, nemlich so geben sich
 [...] die purgen solche menschen in
 soll man wurgen usw. ein grausame
 Furwar, so sollichs gefarlichkeit, das
 in zeitlichen sachen sie in
 zu furchten ist, so glaubenssachen vor
 geben sich sollich Got guets zusagen
 in ein unwissend und das boBbofs
 grausame verreden fur die
 gefarlichkeyt, so in kinder, die sie
 glaubens sachen (als doch nit darum
 Gottes eer und der bitten, und
 seelen seligkeyt) zu verhaissen, das
 sagen und sie selbs nit
 versprechen fur ein leisten konen und
 andern, ja und solches auch fur
 sunderlich fur unmuglich achten.
 kinder, mit sampt
 dem, der sie taufft,
 die sie auch nit
 darumb bitten noch
 bitten mogen.

13. Es hetten auch [...] 240, [section] 82. 104,
 die papisten 22-23 [...] Zum 7. ist 29-31
 gehandlet [...], so es noch weiter umb
 alle ding, als sich gefressen wie
 glocken und anders der krebs, das sie
 pflegen zu tauffen glockhen, kertzen,
 [...] buxen und andere
 tode ellament meer
 tauffen [...]

14. Aber der kindertauff 216, [section] 86. 106,
 ist [...] auch 30-32 Recht ist er ein 14-15
 unrecht, und heyBt kindstauff genennt
 billichen der und haist billich
 kinder, und nit der der kindstauff und
 tauff Christi [...] nit der tauff
 Christy.

15. Were aber die tauff 221, [section] 94. 108,
 nach (89) dem 13-19 [...] Dan selbs 29-31
 befelch Christi und willig, selbs (91)
 gebrauch der apostel wissent, selbs
 bestendig und glaubent und selbs
 onverendert bliben, bekenent solle man
 also, das niemandt getaufft werden,
 were getaufft und in eingeleibt und
 die heilig kirch erbauen in Christy
 eingenummen worden, curchen.
 er hette dann zuvor
 selbs seinen glauben
 bekandt, selber dem
 teufel widersaget,
 und sich selbs
 Christo in der tauff
 [...] verpflicht,
 (90) furwar die
 heylig kirch were
 wol bei ehren und in
 gesunden standt
 bliben.

16. Wir halten [...] 206, [section] 103. Das 110,
 dafur, das niemandts 23-29 wasser ist nuer 36-38
 [...] glaub dz das 206, ein zeug und 111, 1-2
 wasser [...] 38-42 eusserliche 111,
 solliche krafft habe 207, bekanntnus und 12-14
 [...] dann es muB 19-22 versyglung, das 17-21
 solliches in dem 35-38 wir innerlich
 glaubigen hertzen taufft seyen mit
 durch den heyligen dem hailligen
 geyst auBgerichtet geist und dem
 und volbracht werden glauben in
 [...] Wir achten Christo. Wie will
 [...] auch, dz das nun der tauff
 wasser nit mer zeugen, wo der
 mitbring [...] dann glaub, [111] wort,
 ein auBwendig werckh und that
 zeychen [...] aber oder verstandt nit
 [...] was soll doch verhanden ist, von
 das zeychen, da das wem will sie dan
 wesen nicht da ist? zeugen? [...]
 [...] Wer aber die Welcher aber die
 warheyt im hertzen warheit und das
 hat (welche er mit wesen, so er mit
 dem eusserlichen dem eusserlichen
 zeychen anbeut und zaichen abbildt,
 abbildet), dem ists (92) im hertzen
 keyn zeychen, sunder hat, dem ists kein
 ein wesen mit dem zaichen meer
 innwendigen. [...] allein, sonder ein
 Also auch die kinder wesen mit dem
 der gepurt des inwendigen. [...]
 geists und wesens in Nun will er [Gott]
 Christo, was der uns aber auff
 vatter [...] thut am erden haben, den
 inwenndigen glauben, den wir
 menschen, das thun im hertzen tragen,
 auch [...] die mit etlichen
 glider des leibs zaichen zu
 Christy [...] am bekennen, als da
 auBwendigen sein der tauff und
 menschen, in allem, das abentmall, das
 mit tauff und die welt wiB, das
 abentmal. wir nachvolger
 Christy sein.

II. Communion

17. Wir haben gehort, 261, [section] 1. Andre 126,
 was uns Christus hie 14-23 nachtmall 126, 30-34
 zuthun befolhen hat, werden gebraucht
 nemlich das abentmal zu 30-34
 zu halten. Nun [...] underhalltung des
 wollen wir weitter natturlichen
 auBlegen, wann diB lebens, aber des
 auch damit zu Herren nachtmall
 verstohn, das zu der gedachtnus
 dardurch des herren Christy. Darum
 nachtmal von anderm wirt es durch
 gemeinen essen, figurliche,
 nachtmalen oder abgewechselte redt
 malzeiten seinem leyb und
 unterscheyden wird, bluet nach genennt
 dann andere gemeyne und dardurch von
 malzeitten [...] andern mallzeiten
 werden gebraucht zu unterschaiden.
 underhaltung des
 naturlichen lebens.
 Aber des herren
 nachtmal wirt zu der
 gedechtnus des
 herren [...]
 gehalten [...]

18. Dann [...] das 272, [section] 39. 140,
 gedenckzeychen 25-29 [Marg.: Exo. 12] 20-27
 offtermals geheyssen 30, 35, Die schrifft
 und genennet wirt, 42-43 vermag woll, das
 mit dem nammen des 273,2-7 ein zaichen eines
 wesens das darbei dings eben das,
 gedacht wirt [...] [was] es
 Aber die simbola bezaichnet,
 oder gedenckzeychen genennt werdt, wie
 mogen nit dasselbig Israel das lambel
 sein das sie uberschritt hieB.
 bedeutten, oder Nun war es nit der
 dasjhenig das man uberschritt selbs,
 darbei gedenckt oder sonder desselben
 begehet. Wir haben getachtnus und
 dises wol ein hell erinnerung. Dan,
 exempel in der wan der engel von
 geschrifft [...] Gott [sie] nit
 Exodi 12 [...] DiB verschonet hette,
 lamblin nun das also sie weren lang nit
 gessen worden, ist uberschritten
 phasach oder paschen worden durch des
 genant worden, das geesen lamblein.
 ist furgang od' Darumb die simbola
 uberschrit [...], oder denckhzaichen
 wer das nach dem mogen dasselbig
 befelch Gottes asse, nit sein, das sie
 da ist d' engel bedeiten, oder
 furuber gangen. dasjenige, so man
 [...] daher nun das darbey gedenckht
 lamblin paschen, das und handlet.
 ist, ein ubergang,
 genant wirt, dann es
 ist zu einer
 gedechtnus des
 ubergangs eingesetzt
 [...]

19. Sacrament ist ein 190, [section] 130. Das 163,
 latinisch wort, 29-30 nachtmall hueB nit 22-32
 kumpt her von sacer, 191, unrecht 164,
 sacra, sacrum und 32-33 'sacrament', sover 1-2,
 heyset heylig [...] 254, das wort 4-7
 Also haben auch die 6-15 sacrament, das ist
 alten eynen eyd ein 19-23 ein zaichen, ein
 sacrament genant, 25-27 bedeuttnus, ein
 darumb das der eyd 30-31 fugur eines
 ein zeichen ist heilligen dings in
 eines heiligen dings sein rechten
 [...] Wiewol [...] natturlichen
 das nachtmal nit verstandt genomen
 unrecht sacrament wirt. Aber
 heysse od' genent angesehen, das
 mage werden, wann schier menigclich
 das wort sacrament vill ein anders in
 in seinem rechten disem wort
 naturlichen verstand versteet dan seine
 genummen wirt. natturliche
 Jedoch angesehen, bedeutung ist und
 das schier dardurch der recht
 menikglich (93) vil verstandt des
 ein anders in disem abentmals mit
 wort versteht dann disem wortlein
 seine naturliche 'sacrament' gar
 beteuttung ist, vertunckhelt und
 dardurch der recht verfunstert worden
 verstand des ist, das vill leut
 nachtmals mit disem sein, so man sie
 wortlin sacrament, fragen solt, was
 schier ver-tuncklet das sacrament wer,
 und verfunstert ist, solten sie balt
 aufs dem wollen wir sprechen, es wer
 uns dises worts Got oder Christus
 entschlagen. [...] selbs oder Got
 Auch wird nindert in gleich. Fraget man
 der geschrifft das sie von dem
 nachtmal, sacrament abentmall, so
 geheyssen. Paulus wurden sie nit
 nennet es des herren wissen, was sie
 abentmal [...] Es sagen sollt und
 seind vil leut, die seindt also durch
 halten von dem sacrament in ein
 hochwurdigem aberglauben
 sacrament des altars gefuert. [...] In
 trefflichen vil und suma, weil sie das
 hoch, und achtens wort sacrament in
 gleich Gott sein und solchen mufsbrauch
 Gott selbs. [...] bracht haben,
 Ja, solt man sie [...] So sollen
 fragen, was das wir uns desselben
 sacrament were, worts entschlagen
 solten sie bald [...], weill das
 sprechen, es wer abentmall in der
 Gott. [...] Also schrifft mit
 seind die leut mit solchen wortten
 dem wort sacrament nit benamset ist,
 [...] durch sonder, des Herren
 mifsverstandt in abentmall' nennet
 eynem aberglauben es Paulus.
 abgefurt [...]
 demnach wollen wir
 das wort sacrament
 underlassen [...]

20. Der Bapst [...] 255, 33 [section] 132. 165,
 derselb antichrist 35-43 Manicherleyweifs 20-28
 halt (94) auch das 256, 1-3 haben sie das
 nachtmal [...] und 6-8 abentmall des
 hat allzeit ein Herren verkeert.
 affenspil damit in stufftkirchen
 getrieben [...]. sycht mans auf
 gWann, wie du noch in den gruenen
 den stifftkirchen donerstag, da wirt
 uff den dunerstag das abentmall als
 vor Ostern (welcher ein spill auch von
 der grundunerstage inen getriben und
 genent wirt) sehen waschen die
 magst, so wirt diB pfaffen die
 abentmal und spil undereninander
 getriben, und furwar fueB und lesen des
 mitt gleichen Herren redt, in
 geberden, aber on dem abentmall von
 alien geyst, lieb im gesprochen,
 und warheyt. Als taillen das brodt
 dann waschen auch aus undschenckhen
 die pfaffen auch den wein umb.
 undereinander die Darnach nehmen sie
 fuB, lesen des die presentz oder
 Herren red, in dem besoldung und geen
 abentmal von jm wieder darvon,
 gesprochen, teylen alles mit den
 das brodt anB, wortten Christi
 schenckhen auch den sagende .Surgite
 [256] wein umb eamus hinc, das
 und darnach nehmen sie ist: steet auf ind
 sie die presentz und lasset uns von
 gond wider darvon, hinen geen. Ist
 alles mit den worten aber nit das
 Christi, sagent:, nachtmall, sondern
 Surgite eamus hinc', ein affenspill und
 das ist, steht auff verspottung.
 und laBt uns von
 hinnen gon. [...]
 ist deBhalben [...]
 nit das ndchtmall
 Christi, sunder ein
 affenspill, in
 welchem dz exempel
 Christi gantz
 verspottet wirt.

21. Welchen brauch Lucas 266, [section] 139. 169, 6-9
 [...] aufsdruckt 9-13 Lucas schreibt von
 [...]: Sie bliben der apostelischen
 aber bestendig in klirchen: Sie
 der apostel leer, bliben bestendig
 und in der in der apostel
 gemeinschafft und leer, in der
 brottbrechen und gmainschafft, im
 im gebett. Dise brodtbrechen und
 vier stuckh triben im gebeet. Dise
 sie ernstlich in der vier stuckh triben
 brechung des brots, sie ernstlich in
 so sie gemein der brechung des
 hielten [...] brots, das sie
 gemain hielten.

22. Der christen 266, 1-6 [section] 144. 170, 6-8
 nachtmal heyfst [...] Tertulianus, cf. 126,
 Tertulianus agape, Apolo. cap. 39, 6-11
 das ist, ein nennet das
 brudermal oder ein nachmall agapy,
 gasterei der liebe, das ist ein
 da haben sie (wa die bruedermall oder
 bruder mit einander gasstung der lieb
 gessen) die und gmainschafft.
 geschrifft [Cf. [section] 1:]
 aufsgelegt und [...] das
 darauff [...] das dargeraichte
 brotbrochen, das zu brodt, das
 einem wortzeychen, In mans essen und
 das sie all ein brauchen soll.
 leib, kocht, kuchen Will er sagen, zu
 und brot weren und einem steten,
 mit Christo alle immer zu
 ding gemeyn hetten erneuernden
 [...] getachtnus und
 erinnerung meiner
 liebe [...]
 gleichwie die
 kornlein zu einem
 brodt gemallen
 werden, zu
 gmainschafftern,
 glidern und
 mitgnossen meines
 leibs [...]


Other sources (examples):
Nr. Peter Riedemann page "Ein Schon lustig page,
 (1541/45, Rprt. 177f. Buchlein" (1597) line
 1988)

1. Zum ersten sehen [section] 9. [Marg.: 64, 32-35
 wir, dafs Petrus, Acto. 2] Petrus, der 65, 1-5
 Apg. 2, nach Apostel, prediget dem
 gethaner Predigt, volckh. Da zerstach sich
 damit er dem des volckhs hertz und
 horenden Volk das [sie] sprachen: Lieben
 Herz traf, also brueder, was sollen wir
 dafs sie auch thun? Petrus leernet sie
 bewegt wurden zu weiter: Thunt buefs und
 fragen, was ihnen lafs sich ein yedlicher
 zu thun ware; so tauffen in den namen Jesu
 giebt er ihnen Christi, zur vergebung
 Antwort: Thut der sunden, so [65] werdt
 Bufse und lasse ir empfahen die gaab des
 sich ein heilligen geists. [...]
 jeglicher taufen Die nun sein wortt geern
 auf den Namen annamen, die liessen sich
 Jesu Christi zur tauffen. (95)
 Vergebung der
 Sunden, so werdet
 ihr empfahen die
 Gabe des Heiligen
 Geistes. [...]
 Die nun dies Wort
 gern annahmen,
 liefsen sich
 taufen.

Nr. Leonhard Sciemer Hab. 5 "Ein Schon lustig page,
 (1528)% Buchlein" (1597) line

2 Als so einer [[section] 9] Wer aber 65, 5-11
 einen brief macht [nu] taufft und darnach 94, 26f
 und verfertigt, leert, der scheust die 34-36 113,
 darnach begert byxen ab, darnach fragt 6-9 101,
 er, man soll im er erst, wo das zill sey, 13-24
 den versiglen, darzu man schuessen soll,
 aber niemant wil versigelt (100) ein laren
 seyn zeugnus oder brueff, darin noch nicht
 sigil geben, er geschriben ist. Dan ir
 wiss dann zuvor, glaubigen seit ein brueff
 was im brief Cristy, sagt Paulus,
 stee; wer nun ein durch unsern dienst
 kind taufft, der zuberaitt [2. Kor. 3,3].
 versigelt einen Die seugling konnen nit
 laren (97) brief. durch den dienst des
 [...] Wer aber nu worts zueberait werden.
 tauft und darnach Wan der brueff geschriben
 lernet, der ist, so bitt man und
 scheust die kombt erst, umbs insygl
 buchsen ab, aufzutruckhen. [[section]
 darnach fragt er 66] Der glaub ist ein
 erst, wo das zil gaab Gottes. So wollen
 sey, darzu man sie, das es des gefattern
 schiessen sol, gaab sey, als het er
 item der ein kind gwalt uber die waall
 auB der tauff Gottes. [...] Einer fur
 hebt, thut eben den andern zu glauben ist
 also einer eben, als wen einer
 scheust, der scheust, ein ander schaut
 ander schauet fur nach dem zill furhin
 in umb oder nach [...] [[section] 109]
 dem zil firhin, Alle pflantzung, die mein
 kurtzumb: Die himelischer vatter nit
 kindertauff hat gepflanzet hat, die wirt
 keinen grund inn auBgereutet [Marg.: Mat.
 der gschrift. 15]."" Nun hat ye weder
 Cristus hat der vatter noch der sun
 keinen heissen noch seine apostel den
 tauffen, der die kindstauff nit
 ler des gepflantzt, sonder den
 evangelions nit tauff der glaubigen.
 annympt (ouch die Darumb wirt der
 appostl nit). kindstauff billich
 (98) Darum sagt auBgereutt und abgestelt.
 der Herr: Ein [[section] 80] Es geben
 jede pflanntzung, etlich fur, sie wollen
 die mein sich am kindstauff
 himlischer vater begnuegen lassen und nit
 nit pflantzt hat, meer oder recht getaufft
 wirt ausgereyt." werden. Antwort: [...]
 (99) Hat nu Got Wer aber glaubt, das er
 die kindertauff recht getaufft sey,
 nit gepflantzt, dieweill er in kindsweiB
 so bedarffs nit getaufft ist, der glaubt
 vil disputierens. [...] in bapst, pfaffen
 [...]. Es soll und lugnern, weil der
 auch keiner kindstauff nit auf Gottes
 sagen, den wir wort [...] erbaut ist.
 tauffen, das er Wie kan mich einer das
 zwier getaufft goldschmidt-handwerch
 sey. Dann mit leernen, der nit selbs
 solchen worten ein goldschmidt ist? Also
 bekennt er des mag mich auch keiner
 bapsts kinderbad annemen zu einem
 auch ein tauf christen, der nit selbs
 sein [...] Aber ein christ ist.
 die tauff Cristi
 geben alein die,
 so Cristen sein.
 Wie mich keiner
 des goldschmid
 hantwerckh lernen
 mag, der nit
 selbs ein
 goldschmid ist,
 also mag mich
 auch keiner
 annemen zu einem
 Cristen, der nit
 selber ein Crist
 ist.


(1.) An English translation of the full title reads: A Fine Diverting Little Book on Some Main Articles of our Christian Faith, Compiled with Much Godly Testimony and Beautiful Content.

(2.) [Pilgram Marpeck] Vermahnung [Admonition], reprinted as "Pilgram Marbecks Vermahnung. Ein wiedergefundenes Buch," ed. Christian Hege, Gedenkschrift zum 400jahrigen Jubilaum der Mennoniten oder Taufgesinnten 1525-1925 (Ludwigshafen am Rhein: Konferenz der suddeutschcn Mennoniten e. V., 1925), 178-282. Hege's text, published without commentaries, contains some errors. An exemplar of the original print is in the Wurttembergische State Library in Stuttgart, where I was able to examine it on Sept. 16, 2002.--[Pilgram Marpeck], "Vermahnung; auch | gantz klarer / grundtlicher | vn(d) und vnwidersprechlicher be= | richt/ zu warer Christlicher / ewig= | bestendiger pundtbsuereynigung [...] mit grund heyli= | ger schrifft / durch bewerung warer Tauff | vnd Abe-ntmals Christi [...] /utragend," [1542]. A facsimile of the title page appears in Stephen B. Boyd, "Pilgram Marpeck," in Bibliotheca Dissidentinm. Repertoire des non-conformistes religieux des seizieme et dix-scptieme siecles, ed. Andre Seguenny and Jean Rott (Baden-Baden & Bouxwiller: Editions Valentin Koerner, 1995), 17:60. A critical source edition in the original early modern High German would be useful. An English translation of the "Vermahnung" can be found in The Writing? of Pilgram Marpeck, ed. and trans. William Klassen and Walter Klaassen (Scottdale, Pa.: Herald Press, 1978), 159-302. The dating of the text comes from the response of the Spiritualist Caspar Schwenckfeld, Uiber das new Buchlein (Hs. V. 33, Augusta, Wolfenbuttel).--Cf. Johann Loserth, "Marbeck, Pilgram," Mennonitisches Lexikon, 3:30a. According to Heinold Fast the "Admonition" appeared in the spring of 1542. He assumes that the work was composed in Graubunden, where Marpeck is supposed to have lived until 1544.--Cf. Heinold Fast, "Pilgram Marbeck und das oberdeutsche Taufertum. Ein neuer Handschriftenfund," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 47 (1956), 212-242. Marpeck's associate Leupold Scharnschlager was suspected to be the co-author.--cf. Hege, "Pilgram Marbecks Vermahnung," 181; William Klassen and Gerhard Hein, "Scharnschlager, Leupold," Mennonitisches Lexikon 4:47a. Frank J. Wray proved that Marpeck re-worked a High German translation of Bernhard Rothmann's Bekenntnisse der beyden Sacramenten, Doepe vnde Nachtmaele, der predikanten tho Munster into the Vermahnung.--Cf. Wray, Frank J.: The "Vermahnung" of 1542 and Rothmann's "Bekentnisse," Archiv fur Refornation sgeschiclite 47 (1956), 243-251. All of the citations and paraphrases that the Schon lustig Buchlein took from the "Admonition" appear to have been present in Low German in the Bekentnisse.--Cf. Die Schriften Bernhard Rothmanns, ed. Robert Stupperich (Munster: Veroffentlichungen der historischen Kommission Westfalens, 1970), 138-195. The question of whether these citations from the "Admonition" might have come directly from the Bekenntnisse--or, in other words, whether the authors of the Schon lustig Buchlein might have grounded themselves directly on a writing of the Melchiorite preacher of the Anabaptist regime in Munster--can be answered by examining the wording in the texts that show that the Hutterite formulations are actually closer to those of the ""Admonition." For example, in the definition of the concept "sacrament" (cf. our example no. 19 in the appendix) both Marpeck and the Hutterite statement say "schier menigklich," whereas Rothmann writes "de ghemeyne man."--Stupperich, Die Schriften Bernhard Rothmanns, 175.

(3.) Cf. Robert Friedmann, "Eine dogmatische Hauptschrift der hutterischen Taufergemeinschaften in Mahren," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 28 (1931), 233f, on article 1 on baptism. Friedmann, however, only gives a thorough reference to one text from Franck's Chronica, which was relevant to article 3 on community of goods (item 148).--Friedmann, "Eine dogmatische Hauptschrift," 235f. As will become clear below, the references in the apparatus of Friedmann's edition do not reflect current scholarly standards.

(4.) Cf. Hege, "Pilgram Marbecks Vermahnung," 265f.

(5.) This is a reference to the metaphor about grains of wheat and grapes that the Hutterites liked to use in discussing communion (the grains of wheat were ground into one bread, and the grapes pressed into one wine, as a symbol of the transcendence of the individual and his egoism through the body of Christ, in the sense of "the communion of saints"). Robert Friedmann and Gottfried Seeba[beta] have shown that this image was used in Luther's sermon "Vom hochwurdigen Sacrament."--Cf. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter II, ed. Robert Friedmann with help from Lydia Muller (Gutersloh: G. Mohn, 1967), 33, 209; Gottfried Seebafi, Muntzers Erbe. Werk, Leben und Theologie des Hans Hut (Gutersloh: Gutersloher Verlagshaus, 2002), 478. Here I want to thank the "revisionists," such as Heinold Fast, Hans-Jurgen Goertz, Werner O. Packull and Gottfried Seeba[beta], for the great stimulation and many impulses for thought that 1 have received from them since 1992 in numerous personal conversations, letters and e-mails. Through these discussions I have concluded that, just as once it was a fundamental step in scholarship to question the "Anabaptist Vision," now it is necessary to question many unexamined assumptions about the "authoritative" or "normative" character of certain sources (e.g., the Great Chronicle of the Hutterites), a situation that seems to have developed through the easy accessibility of modern editions.

(6.) Codex Bratislava, Library of the Lyceum, Rkp. zv. 391.

(7.) Von dem christlichen Tauff der Glaubigen (1525), Schriften / Balthasar Hubmaier, ed. Gunnar Westin und Torsten Bergsten (Gutersloh: G. Mohn, 1962), 116-123; Ein Gesprach Balthasar Hubmaiers auf Meister Ulrichs Zwinglis zu Zurich Taufbuchlein von der Kindertauf (1526).--ibid., 164-214. Friedmann's references to the latter writing are to the reprint that was used in the Westin/Bergsten edition.--Cf. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:116n. The editio princeps of the Nikolsburg printing of the "Gesprachbuchlein" [title: Einn Gesprech Balthasar Hubemors | von Fridberg. Doctors, auff Mayster Vlrichs Zwinglens Ze Zurch Tauff buechlen. von dem Khindertauff. Die warhayt ist vntoedtlich] is edited in excerpted form in Flugschriften vom Bauernkrieg zum Tauferreich (1526-1535), ed. Adolf Laube, et al. (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1992), 605-614 (cf. the commentary by Helmut Claus in ibid., 614ff).

(8.) Hans Zuckenhammer came from Gangkofen in Bavaria and died in 1598 in Protzko in Hungary (now Brodske in Slovakia).

(9.) The handwritten lettertypes "WM," which are painted as a monogram in an ornamental loop (fol. 4r) correspond to the same professional "markup type" ("gothic" lettertype) as in the other markups in article 1 on baptism. The type face of the first and second hands (W. M. and Zapff) are very similar and can hardly be distinguished A (third) secondary hand, writing in running hand style [Kurrent], furnished explanations in various places, as in article 2 next to paragraph 130 ("Vom Namen | Sacrament").

(10.) On Hauprecht Zapff (born ca. 1546/47 in Sprendling, died 1630 in Sabatisch), cf. Matthias H. Rauert, "Die 'Bruder-Schreiber' in Mahren. Zur kollektiven Historiographie der hutterischen Taufer," Mennonitische Geschichtsblatter 56 (1999), 111-113, 119f.

(11.) Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 96. In his Geschicht-Bucher, however, Beck listed the "Schon lustig Buchlein" among the writings of Andreas Ehrenpreis.--Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, ed. Josef Beck (Wien, 1883; Reprint: Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1967), 503n.

(12.) Johann Loserth, "Der Communismus der mahrischen Wiedertaufer im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. Beitrage zu ihrer Geschichte, Lehre und Verfassung," Archiv fur osterreichische Geschichte 81 (1895), 237.

(13.) Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 86: "signed 'M. W.' by the writer." Cf. ibid., 91, sub I and IV; and Robert Friedmann, "Eine dogmatische Hauptschrift der hutterischen Taufergemeinschaften in Mahren," Archiv fur Reformationsgeschichte 29 (1932), 17. Possibly there is a confusion with a monogram "WM" entered by Zapff on fol. 4r, cf. below.

(14.) Cf. Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 86.

(15.) Gran (Esztergom), Library of the Primate, MSS. III. 128 (olim GJ X. 8). According to Beck, Cod. "O" is in the handwriting of the clothier Caspar Artlof who wrote, among others, the mss. Bratislava, Municipal Archive, Hab. 5 (written in 1570) and the so-called Montana-Codex (written in 1565-1566), which had hitherto been attributed to Caspar Braitmichel.--Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, xxviii.

(16.) In his catalogue, Friedmann no longer wrote of it "having been signed," but of it being "blind-stamped in leather by M. W." (in Olmutz [Olomouc], Statni vedecka knihovna, M I 180 [now in Brunn, Sign. G 10, c. 798]).--Robert Friedmann, Die Schriften der huterischen Taufergemeinschaften. Gesamtkatalog ihrer Manuskriptbucher, ihrer Schreiber und ihrer Literatur 1529-1667, compiled by Robert Friedmann with assistance by Adolf Mais (Wien: Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1965), 59; referring to Library of Herzog August, Wolfenbuttel (Augusta), Guelf. 87. 3. Aug. [12.sup.mo]. Friedmann knows only of the number in the catalogue of manuscripts by Heinemann, No. 3844.--Ibid., 63.

(17.) This is the older one of the two manuscripts of the Great Chronicle, finally located on the Miller ranch in Montana.--Cf. Rauert, "Die 'Bruder-Schreiber' in Mahren," 108. The five articles here (fol. 222:217v- 258:252v); the younger print version, according to the chronicle of 1581, is edited in Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, ed. Rudolf Wolkan (Macleod, Alb.: Standoff-Colony, 1923), 209-231 (partly with wrong and missing Bible references). The critical, diplomatic edition is Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder. Ein Sprachdenkmal aus fruhneuhochdeutscher Zeit, ed. A. J. Friedrich Zieglschmid (Philadelphia: Carl Schurz Memorial Foundation, 1943), 269-316.

(18.) Cf. Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 99, 101.

(19.) Cf. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, ed. Lydia Muller (Leipzig: G. Mohn, 1938), 2:49-58.

(20.) Werner O. Packull, Die Hutterer in Tirol. Fruhes Taufertum in der Schweiz, Tirol und Mahren (Innsbruck: Schlern-Schriften, 2000), 48.

(21.) Cf. Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 102; Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:121.

(22.) Cf. Glaubenzeugnisse oberdeitscher Taufgesinner, 2:130f.

(23.) Hence against Astrid von Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition. Etabliertes Leben zwischen Ordnung und Ambivalenz (Mainz: Institut fur Europaische Geschichte, 2003), 155, 161ff. it is shown that the "Three Articles" could not have been "shorter summaries" of the Schon lustig Buchlein.

(24.) In number 10 of article 2 on communion, cf. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:175.

(25.) A further copy of the "Five Articles" in miniature format, dated 1596, came into the Zurich region, apparently connected with mission activities, and went from there to Hamburg.--Cf. Martin Rothkegel, "Hutterische Handschriften in Hamburg," Mennonitische Geschichtsblatter 54 (1997), 128-132.

(26.) The article on community of goods (no. 138) presents an explanation of Sirach 33:23 in an objective style reminiscent of a letter. The passage treats the introduction of community of goods as a free decision and why no property can be returned to those who fall away.--Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:228f.

(27.) Cf. fol. 291:285v (designation of the quire Llv = L15), where the obituary on Peter Riedemann fills the whole paper down to the bottom space. The final mark of the text is a centered * (star), a mark that has no parallels in the whole manuscript. The connecting text according to the "Reklamante" ( = the last word of the verso page which is repeated in the bottom space and claims the text connection on the recto page) in the right bottom corner of the page should begin with Zu der [Zeit] = "At this time ..."). Instead, the connecting text from fol. 292:386r (as in Geschicht-Buch tier Hutterischen Brtider, 269) is continued "Vmb dise zeit hat es sich begeben [...]" ("Around this time it happened ...") with the history of the joining of a Swiss Anabaptist circle led by Lorenz Hueff with the Hutterites (cf. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 270-278; Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Brtider, 357-367), the beginning "V" painted as capital letter. Thus the text about Hueff must have been entered at certain temporal distance, indeed in 1581 in the new "fair copy," i.e., in the second copy of the Great Chronicle, which no longer furnishes such splits in the text. The star in the copy of 1580, therefore, marks the first closing of the manuscript, whereas the inaccurate text connection from Llv to Ll[6]is a proof of a later, varied perpetuation.

(28.) Cf. Rauert, "Die 'Bruder-Schreiber' in Mahren," 130, where it is shown that in 1581 Zapff had only brought the Chronicle to 1571. However, we should now assume that the text in the 1581 manuscript could only have been carried forward to 1562, since Klaus Braidl, who became presiding elder on Nov. 19, 1583, desired a revision of the entry on his own election as servant of the word in 1563. Probably in 1581 the second exemplar of the Chronicle contained only a textually smoothed out version of Hutterite history to the death of Peter Riedemann in 1556. There are additional indicators that a continuation of the second exemplar in the form of a transcription from the older exemplar happened only in 1593, but a detailed grounding of this view will have to be presented elsewhere.

(29.) Cf. the conclusion of the "preface to the reader" in the more recent exemplar of 1581 signed by: "... Caspar Braitmichel / Ein Diener Jesu Christj ... und haupprecht zapf[f] seinen Schreiber."--Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, lxix.

(30.) Bratislava, Library of the Lyceum, Rkp. zv. 213.

(31.) Cf. also the excerpt from the section on community of goods in Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 204. There the author suspects that "Schon lustig Buchlein" is the source of "Codex Ritualis." On the contrary, the first preserved copy of "Schon lustig Buchlein" dates from 1583, as she herself notes.--Ibid., 202. That would either push the origin of the "Codex Ritualis" into the time after 1583 (in which case this little writing would be one more excerpt) or it would be attributed once more in the manner of Friedmann to a hypothesized "original" from the lifetime of Peter Walpot. Friedmann himself estimated the time required for the composition of "Schon lustig Buchlein" at two years.--Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift,"101. If we apply this heuristic assumption to the terminus post quern of Nov. 1576 that we established above, then the work could not have been completed before the end of 1578, in any case after Walpot's death. The only escape from this reasoning would be to hold that the mention of Maximillian 11 was an interpolated passage, a solution that Friedmann suggested as a possible explanation for the reference to the "Protokoll" of Dathenus.--Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 101. This, however, would be to accept one more speculation in opposition to the extant manuscript sources.

(32.) Cf. Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 101.

(33.) [Nikolsburg: Simprecht Sorg] 1527.

(34.) Cf. Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 101.

(35.) Ibid., 98n.

(36.) Cf. Rauert, "Die 'Bruder-Schreiber' in Mahren," 130, n38.

(37.) Klaus Braidl, born 1529 in Hessen (?), was baptized in 1550 by Peter Hagen or Schuster, and one of the prisoners of Falkenstein (1539-1540). In 1563 he was elected into the service of the word together with Caspar Ebner, Andreas Mairhofer and Gilg Federspil, and confirmed as preacher already in 1564, while Ebner and Mairhofer had to wait until 1566. Like Hauprecht Zapff, Federspil, who was "witnessed" in 1553 by Hans Mandl in Tirol according to the older Chronicle (fol. 259 original numbering; cf. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 696) and was a servant of temporal needs from as early as 1559, appears to have been excused by the congregation from a probationary period. On Nov. 19, 1583, Braidl was elected at Neumuhl in Moravia (Nove Mlyny) as presiding elder of the Hutterite congregations, a position he held for more than twenty-seven years until his death at age 82 in Neumuhl on Jan. 21, 1611. From 1593, and particularly in 1605-1606, his leadership became increasingly difficult due to the consequences of the renewed war between the Habsburgs and the Turks.--Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, 195, 214, 216, 237f, 287f, 359; Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 499f; Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 655.

(38.) Esztergom, MSS. II. 243.

(39.) Cf. Friedmann, "Ein dogmarische Hauptschrift," 87. He thought this suspicion was confirmed by a letter of a Hutterite correspondent now preserved in Canada.--Friedmann, "Ein dogmarische Hauptschrift," 17.

(40.) Cf. Gustav Bossert, "Hohenwittlingen," Mennonitisches Lexikon, 2:337f; Gustav Bossert, "Hasel, Michael," Mennonitisches Lexikon, 2:262 (with a manuscript description by Eberhard Arnold).

(41.) Rkp. zv. 391.

(42.) On the binding of Codex Esztergom (Library of the Primate, MSS. II. 513) see Rauert, "Die 'Bruder-Schreiber' in Mahren," 126.

(43.) Cf. Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, xxvii, on Codex "N" (Bratislava, Stadtarchiv, Hab. 6), bound in 1582. If we take this binding as a model, then the binding of, for instance, Esztergom, MSS. III. 128, is also a work of Peter Trier in Austerlitz. That is logical, for if the copyist, Caspar Artlof, was a close acquaintance of the Hutterite chronicler Caspar Braitmichel (in the Montana-Codex of 1565-1566 Artlof copied a letter of penitence by Caspar Braitmichel to Schlesing in Silesia) then Artlof's home would likely be located in the vicinity of Austerlitz, where Braitmichel died in 1573.--Cf. Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, 261.

(44.) Letter of Benesch Keller, near Zurich, to Matthaus Binder (Pinder) in Kostel (Gostal/Podivin, Moravia), Aug. 12, 1584, cf. Loserth, "Der Communismus der mahrischen Wiedertaufer im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert," appendix, as reprinted in Die Hutterischen Episteln 1527 bis 1767, ed. Hutterite Brethren in America (Elie, Man.: Hutterite Brethren, 1987), 2:183f. Binder, the addressee, was a tailor by trade, and was imprisoned from 1572 to New Year 1576 along with the missionary Paul Glock in Hohenwittling. He died in 1593 at Altenmarkt (Stara Breclav) in Moravia.--Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, 253, 257, 264f, 269, 319. We learn from the letter cited above that he officiated in Kostel, in the vicinity of Bilowitz.--Jarold Knox Zeman, Historical Topography of Moravian Anabaptism (Goshen, Ind.: Mennonite Historical Society, 1967), 23.

(45.) Cf. Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 505-514.

(46.) The chronicle of 1581, not numbered fol. [3r]-[5r], cf. the introduction by Zieglschmid, Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, xxvf. As a facsimile illustrates (ibid., Table IV-VIII), the labels with the names of the chief elders Braidl and Dietrich appearing on Table VII, and JauBling (Hs.: "Lausling") and Winter on Table VIII.

(47.) The chronicle of 1581, unnumbered fol. [6v]; cf. the introduction by Zieglschmid, Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, xxvi. ZiegIschmid, who was the first to discover the nexus between the highlighting of Mairhofer and the ornamental letters, is not supported by the text of his edition when he concludes that "Mairhofer was Krai's assistant."--Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, [vi]. Zieglschmid ascribes all the ornamental letters to Mairhofer, even the great wattle work initials.--Cf. Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, Table XIV to fol. 3r of the 1581 Chronicle. These, however, are only figured from books, mainly the Bible editions, which was a common practice for Hauprecht Zapff.

(48.) Cf. Packull, Die Hutterer in Tirol, 234f (citation from 235).

(49.) Cf. Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, xviii, 342.

(50.) Ibid., 397; referred to as "Ba. Mairhofer" in the marginalia corresponding to this place in the text. On Jan. 25, 1568, Mairhofer was elected servant of the word, and he became active in 1570; on Feb. 3, 1586, he died at Altenmarkt, where the elder Mairhofer also found his final resting place.--cf. ibid., 426, 459, 546.

(51.) It should not be denied here that the mere contact with "Schon lustig Buchlein" could have occasioned contributions and suggestions from third parties; but at present there is no way to prove this.

(52.) Cf. Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 202, n361.

(53.) Cf. Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 515-520; Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 400-403.

(54.) They are: 1) "Hort zu, was wir euch singen tun, ihr Gottes Hausgenossen," text: Die Lieder der Hutterischen Bruder, ed. Hutterischen Brudern in Kanada (Cayley, Alb.: Macmillan Colony, 1983), 705-707, cf. Rudolf Wolkan, Die Lieder der Wiedertaufer: ein Beitrag zur deutschen und niederlandischen Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte (Berlin: B. Behr, 1903), 234; 2) and 3) two songs composed together with Rauffer: "Ihr auserwahlten Gotteskind', hort, was wir euch tun singen" and "Horet ein Lobgesang unserem Gott" with the names of the two authors in the acrostic.--Text: Die Lieder der Hutterischen Bruder, 741-743, cf. Wolkan, Die Lieder der Wiedertaufer, 237). A further composition that is sometimes ascribed to the name of Zuckenhammer, "Wohl dem, der Lust zum Wimet (or: Winnet) hat," according to the acrostic "Hanns Zuckhenhammer aus Lieb gemacht zu einer Letz," was made at home by the missionary's friends "as a good-bye" ("zu einer Letz") text: Die Lieder der Hutterischen Bruder, 746-750, cf. Wolkan, Die Lieder der Wiedertaufer, 237.

(55.) Cf. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 449-454; Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 584-590; narrative according to Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder in Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 267-269.

(56.) Zieglschmid explains "uberzwerch" (Middle High German) as "verkehrt, falsch," cf. Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 1019. Hans Bahlow, Deutsches Namenlexikon, 515b, refers to a songwriter in Nuremberg in 1469, Heinz Ubertwerch, whose name means "schrag, verkehrt."

(57.) Cf. Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 518; Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder reads "wie er ein Grauel war und in alien Dingen uberzwerch wider den rechten Tauf Christi."

(58.) Cf. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 209; Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 271; Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutecher Taufgesinnter, 2:61.

(59.) Packull, Die Hutterer in Tirol, 161f.

(60.) This is not so much evident in the comparative tables in the appendix, since the primary task there was to demonstrate the agreement of the corresponding passages of the two works. Hence the text of the "Admonition" was shortened without word rearrangements, etc., so that a correspondence to the Hutterite edition is directly recognizable. The effect is that the citations of the Hutterite editors are more visible than their secondary paraphrases. The merit of this approach is that it makes possible a more comprehensive assessment of Marpeck's train of thought and gives evidence of the extensive editing (cf. examples nos. 10, 11, 16, 18 and 19) all the more evident in the breaking up and rendering of quotations taken from Leonhard Schiemer's writing "Von der wahren Taufe Christi," incorporated into four places in the Hutterite article on baptism. What is required in the badly needed new edition of the "Schon lustig Buchlein" is to show the texts of its prototypes critically and comprehensively in the apparatus. I do not claim to have pinpointed all of the work's predecessors.

(61.) Cf. Hege, "Vermahnung," 222, 233, and on communion, example no. 20 in the Appendix. These are genuine supplements of Marpeck to his prototype: in Rothmann (cf. Stupperich, Die Schriften Bernhard Rothmanns, 163, last line) the expression is "huchel werck," instead of "affenspil" as in Hege, "Vermahnung," 222, line 36.

(62.) After he was received into the brotherhood the individual member of the Hutterite communities was freed from all the cares of daily existence, so long as he turned over his possessions and worked together to the extent of his powers with other community members. This applied to the securing of work, materials and provisions; paying of individual taxes; tithes, rents, tolls, and labor services; child care; illnesses; care for the aged and for one's own old age; and possible scruples of conscience about whether one had fulfilled the obligations of Christian love. This idea is clearly expressed in article 3, no. 26: "Dan sorgen gehoret Got zu, arbeiten gehoret uns zu. DeBhalb ist auch die gmainschafft, damit er uns der zeitlichen sorg und geitz entledige und [wir] im allein anhangen und unser sorg allein auf das gotlich zu haben."--cf. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:183. Hence community of goods was also a community of work. In this sense contribution to this community was not only for a certain time but rather was a lifelong task.

(63.) Through the use of a simple "selbs" the accentuation of free will in opposition to the Lutheran teaching of justification emerges as early as the Seven Articles of Schleitheim.--cf. Laube Flugschriften vom Bauernkrieg zum Tauferreich, 729: "Der tauff soll geben warden alien denen so gelert sind [...] und alien denen so es in solcher meynung von uns begeren und fordern, durch sich selbs."

(64.) Cf. Peter Riedemann, Rechenschaft unsrer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens: von den Brudern, die man die Huterischen nennt (Falher, Alb.: Twilight Hutterian Brethren, 1988), 74f.

(65.) The emphasis on the personal will in the act of baptism, in the specific formulation of our examples no. 4 and no. 15, goes back to Rothmann: "... also dat nummant wer gedopt vnd in die hilge kerke ingenommen, he hedde beuor af suluen synen gelouen bekant, suluen den duuel versaketh vnd sych suluen Christo in der doepe [...] verplichteth," (so that no one can be baptized and be incorporated into the holy Church, before he has professed his own faith and resisted the devil and committed himself to Christ in the act of baptism).--Stupperich, Die Schriften Bernhard Rothmanns, 162. Stupperich, too, stresses the emphasis on the individual act of the Christian as the distinguishing mark of Rothmann's theology.--Stupperich, Die Schriften Bernhard Rothmanns, xvi, xix.

(66.) Article 1 (baptism, nos. 50, 54, 56, 63, 72, 106); article 2 (communion, nos. 9,122).

(67.) These places are not contained in the later transcripts: 1) Article 1 (baptism, [section] 75 [incipit: "Sie sagen: Man soils aber aus Liebe tauffen ..."]): "Wie im Ul=|mischen Cate= | chismo steet | von Occelam= | padio, Blau = | rer und Fregt [recte: Oekolampad, Blarer und Frecht] | gestellt"; 2) the Latin quotations, often erased with a razor blade and corrected in the sections "Zeugnus der alten" resp. "neuen Lehrer" ("testimony of the old theologians" respectively, "of the new ones"), cf. e.g. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:117, line 24ff on Erasmus: "Lutherus | De seno [recte: servo] ar = | bitrio ..." In the case of other transcripts, so the manuscripts of Gran-Esztergom references of confronting arguments are sometimes missing, e.g. in article 2 on communion in [section] 114 the reference: "Franc. Kolb in | Bern, disput. | fol. CIII a.," a reference to the Reformed preacher Franz Kolb (ca. 1465-1535), from 1527 on a colleague of Berthold Haller in Bern, a participant of the dispute of Bern in 1528.

(68.) Cf. Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, 207.

(69.) Cf. Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 654; Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 499.

(70.) Schlachta complains about the lack of devotional letters ("Episteln") in the Hutterian community of the late sixteeenth century and the fact that mission letters were not preserved in Hutterite codices.--cf. Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 167, 168. Contrary to Friedmann, who identified the beginning of the decline in spiritual life of the community in the decades after the Thirty Years War, Schlachta follows Johannes Waldner, the author of the so-called "Smaller Chronicle," for whom the "decline" of the Hutterite congregation began at 1598 with the leadership of Klaus Braidl.--cf. Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition. 112f. This variant is neither original nor quite new. Already in 1931 John Horsch, referring to Waldner, suggested that the "ideal way of Christian living began to decline toward the end of the sixteenth century."-cf. John Horsch, The Hutterian Brethren 1528-1931, A Story of Martyrdom and Loyalty, reprint (Cayley: Macmillan Colony, 1977), 71-74, here 71. These conservative interpretations are all called into question by a contradiction: why did the production of handwritten books decrease under a new strong leader like Braidl after 1583, and why was there a significant increase once again after the election of another strong leader like Andreas Ehrenpreis after 1639 in the context of a distinct crisis within the whole society?

(71.) This statement is based on the revised "Catalogue of Hutterite Manuscripts and Printed Works from Hutterite Collections in Europe," now in final editing.

(72.) Bratislava, Stadtarchiv, Hab. 16.

(73.) In the "Description of the General Prosperity" (1592-1593). Hartmut Kugler dates the origin of Hutterite Chronicle's "Description of the General Prosperity" (cf. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 331-338; Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 430-440) to Krai's time as presiding elder from 1578 to 1583.--Hartmut Kugler, "Das 'Dicke Buch' der Gemeinde Gottes. Zur literarischen Selbstdarstellung der Huterischen Taufergemeinschaft," in Literatur und Laienbildung im Spatmittelalter und in der Reformationszeit, ed. Ludger Grenzmann and Karl Stackmann (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1981),162. This contention, however, makes no sense. The time references in the first paragraph of the "Description"--"danach" and "20 Jahr lang und daruber, wie hernach [that is, after 1571] gesehen wird"--are directed to the years of famine, 1569-1572, which had just been written about, and do not pertain to 1578 or 1583. Also in need of correction is his assertion that after the "einleitende Betrachtung [...] folgt in der Beschreibung eine Reihe kleiner Absatze, die sich unschwer als Paraphrase der alten Ordnung von 1527 erkennen lassen." He is referring to the "Ordnung der Gemein dazumal, wie Christ leben soil," which appears in the entry for 1529 [!] in the Hutterite Chronicle.--Cf. Geschicht-Buch der Hutterischen Bruder, 60f; Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 83-85; Packull, Die Hutterer in Tirol, 46-49, 60-65, 67, 343-350. Here we cannot go into the confusion that Kugler's printing error created for Astrid von Schlachta (cf. Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 14f.), who misunderstands Kugler's "Alte Ordnung von 1527" in the "Description of the General Prosperity" as a reference to the Seven Articles of Schleitheim. If this were true it would amount to an academic sensation! Kugler is correct to discover a congregational ordinance in the "Description of the General Prosperity," but it is not the Ordinance of 1529 of the proto-Hutterites at Austerlitz, but rather a miniature version of the "Five Articles." In any case, this shows that at this time Braidl himself regarded the "Five Articles" as being in conformity with Hutterite teaching.

(74.) Cf. Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 167.

(75.) Baldauf was elected as a servant of temporal needs on Easter 1578 at Neumuhl (Nove Mlyny). On Feb. 26, 1581, he was elected to the service of the word.--Cf. Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, 273, 275, 282; Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder (with partially varying data), 501, 525, 530.

(76.) The manuscript in Berlin (Ms. Germ. Qu. 1977) once belonged to the Library of the Primate in Gran-Esztergom. In Josef Beck's time it bore the signature GJ X. 6, later MSS. II. 295. As a duplicate it was sold abroad in 1934 and acquired by the Preupische State Library. Beck drew upon it for several citations from article 5 on marital separation.--Cf. Die Geschichts-Bucher der Wiedertaufer in Oesterreich-Ungarn, 215 n., corresponding to Glaubenzeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:309-313.

(77.) At the end of the first sentence in the Bratislava manuscript, for example, the reading is "... in sein rechten verstandt genumen wirt." In the Berlin version and in the "Admonition" the reading is "...in seinen rechten naturlichen verstandt genomen wirt."

(78.) On the basis of a comparison of several handwritings Martin Rothkegel expressed his doubt about Friedmann's thesis of the identity of the "Three/Five Articles" with the "Schon lustig Buchlein," though he didn't consider the hypothesis of a common "original source."--cf. Rothkegel, "Hutterische Handschriften in Hamburg," 131, 140. Astrid von Schlachta, however, to whom Rothkegel's objection is known (cf. Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 202, n361), follows the argument of Leonard Gross ("The Golden Years of the Hutterites: the Witness and Thought of the Communal Moravian Anabaptists during the Walpot Era, 1565-1578," Ph.D. diss., Michigan: 1975) in assuming Friedmann's construction of a "Great Articlebook," whereby the "Three/Five Articles" in each case are "excerpts" from "Ein Schon lustig Buchlein."--of. Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 15, 161-165. Yet she contradicts herself in the following concerning article 3: "From the argumentation and the exact and precise legitimating of the community of goods on the basis of the Biblical texts the 'Schon lustig Buchlein' is definitely to range into the phases after Walpot."--Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 201. Again, relating to article 3, she estimates the work's "origin in the late Walpot period or afterwards."--Schlachta, Hutterische Konfession und Tradition, 202, n361. Italics added by the author.

(79.) 1602: Esztergom, Library of the Primate, MSS. II. 294 (olim: GJ X. 2), copied by a single hand; restored and bound by Isaak Dreller, 1615; Pannonhalma (Martinsberg), Foapatsagi Konyvtar (library of the arch-abbey) 118 F. 27, 1654, written and bound by Isaak Dreller.

(80.) Budapest, University Library, Ab 10 (olim: C. 8; VIII. G. 29), copy of "Vermahnung" [1542], first third of the seventeenth century, school writing by several hands.--Cf. Friedmann, "Ein dogmatische Hauptschrift," 222; Friedmann, Die Schriften tier huterischen Taufergemeinschaften, 49 (1 fol. of this ms. in Sarospatak). A much abbreviated copy of the "Vermahnung" [after 1620] (not in Friedmann, Die Schriften der huterischen Taufergemeinschaften, 50) was identified in 2001 by Matthias H. Rauert.--Budapest UL, Ab 12 (olim: V. f.), fol. 46r-109v.

(81.) [Andreas Ehrenpreis], Bericht und Bekenntnis etlicher Glaubensartikel der Bruder, so man die Hutterischen oder Mahrischen nennt, edited in Die Hutterischen Episteln 1527 bis 1763, ed. Hutterite Brethren in America (Elie, Man.: Hutterian Brethren, 1988), 3:244-332 after the manuscript Bratislava, Slovakian Academy of Sciences, Library of the Lyceum, S. A. IV. 46 (copyist Isaak Dreller, 1662). Italics added by author.

(82.) Completed according to Zieglschmid, Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 270.

(83.) Cf. ibid., 270, 432. As to further occurrences of the 2-4 times ranged "selbs" (self) as the expression of the free will to baptism cf. the proof no. 15 and Hege, "Vermahnung," 209, 30-41: "Welche [...] solliches bekennen, die soil man tauffen [...] und [...] widerfart dem, des da taufft wirt, durch seine eygne erkantnus Christi, seinen selbs eigen glauben, und das er mit selbswilligen gutten hertzen [...] seines fleisch lusten auBgeht und Christum anzeucht."

(84.) Cf. Zieglschmid, Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 274.

(85.) A non-marked omission in the edition Hege, " Vermahnung."

(86.) Hegc, "Vermahnung," 240, 35 reads "vorgenhenden."

(87.) Hege, "Vermahnung," 240, 40 continues after the end of the sentence "?" (in small letters) "soll."

(88.) Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2 reads: "18," actually a nonprovable version of the manuscript.

(89.) Hege, "Vermahnung," reads "noch."

(90.) Hege, "Vermahnung," 221, 18 reads "verpficht."

(91.) According to the Esztergom manuscript, Library of the Primate, MSS. II. 295.

(92.) Claubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2 reads "anbildt.

(93.) It actually means "menigklich."

(94.) Hege," Vermahnung" : "hat."

(95.) In Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutecher Taufgesinnter, 2:65, Z. 3-5 even a transition passage follows here after the "Five Articles" 1580/81, ("Darumben die apostel allweg erstlich geleert, darnach die glaubigen getaufft haben, und nit die kinder."--cf. Zieglschmid, Die alteste Chronik der Hutterischen Bruder, 271) and then continues with the above proved patchworked passages of Schiemer's "Von der wahren Taufe Christi," 1528. Marpeck formulates it in a way very similar to that found in "Schon lustig Btichlein."--cf. ibid., 194, lines 38-39, 195, 1-3, 195, 13-16.

(96.) Leonhard Schiemer, "An die Gemeinde in Rattenberg am Inn: Von der wahren Taufe Christi," Text: Bratislava, Archiv mesta Bratislavy, Hab. 5, written 1570; variations according to the "Kunstbuch"(Burgerbibliothek Bern, Cod. 464), cf. Briefe und Schriften oberdeutscher Taufer 1527-1555. Das * Kunstbuch * des Jorg Probst Rotenfelder gen. Maler, ed. Heinold Fast and Martin Rothkegel and Gottfried Seebass (Quellen zur Geschichte der Taufer 17) (Gutersloh: Gutersloher Verlagshaus, 2007), 335-337. The text can also be found in Bratislava, Slovakian Academy of Sciences, the Library of the Lyceum, Rkp. zv. 305 (1618), abridged edition in Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 1:77-79.

(97.) Hab. 5 reads einen instead of "mir ain." Belonging to the variation "ein laren" in Rkp. zv. 305, cf. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 1:79.

(98.) (ouch ... nit): addition in Bern, Cod. 464 (1561).

(99.) wirt ausgereyt is the variation in Bern, Cod. 464; Bratislava, Municipal Archive, Hab. 5 reads: die mueB auBgereid werden und auBgewurtzlet.

(100.) Rectified, Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2 reads "versigell."

(101.) A similar biblical phrase based on Mt. 15:13 is used again in the article on baptism in "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" in a reversed way in [section] 72 (cf. Glaubenszeugnisse oberdeutscher Taufgesinnter, 2:98, 18-20): "Christus spricht nit, alle pflantzung, die mein himelischer vatter verbotten hat, sonder alle pflantzung, die er nit gepflantzt hat, sollen [!] auBgereutt werden." Mt. 15:13 was constitutive for the understanding of Balthasar Hubmaier's exegetic use of the Holy Scipture; he relied on this passage as soon as the October dispute in Zurich in 1523, when the assembly dealt with the abolition of the idolatry (Gotzemoerk).--cf. Torsten Bergsten, Balthasar Hubmaier. Seine Stellung zu Reformation und Taufertum, 1521-1528 (Kassel: J. G. Oncken Verlag, 1961), 114, 356. In the same sense as Hubmaier--actually with an allusion that "die Papste in ihren Satzungen geordnet haben, die Kinder (so das Vaterunser und Glauben sprechen konnen) zu taufen" [the Popes had ordered in their rules that the children should be baptized when they are able to recite the Lord's Prayer and the Creed] a place which can recall Hubmaier's Urteil, Mt. 15:13 is quoted by Peter Riedemann in Rechenschaft unsrer Religion, Lehre und Glaubens: von den Brudern, die man die Huterischen nennt (Falher, Alb.: Twilight Hutterian Brethren, 1988), 64. Who, however, of the early Anabaptists transmitted the place to the authors of "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" is ultimately irrelevant (it can also be regularly found at the end of the Froschauer Bibles as a frametext around the printer's label "Frosch-tree"). It is a fact that they took the Anabaptist loci of Riedemann as a basis, even though they alluded to non-Hutterian Anabaptists and predecessors in their explanations of their arguments. The brief paraphrases of Riedemann were exactly appropriate for the Hutterite catechists; their teachers, however, missed a writing that catalogued each conceivable argument. In other words, "Ein schon lustig Buchlein" should be conceived as a catechetical handbook.

MATTHIAS H. RAUERT *

Dedicated to Gottfried Seeba[beta]

* Matthias Rauert is an associate of the GeniaNet publishing house in Pecs, Hungary, and co-editor of the "Vivarium Fontium" Greek-Latin sourcebooks. He wishes to express his gratitude to James M. Stayer, Queens University, for his accurate translation. He also thanks Balint Rado, University of Pecs, for rereading the final text; Gary J. Waltner, director of the Mennonitische Forschungsstelle in Weierhof, for kindly loaning his private microfilm duplicates; and Joe Springer, curator of the Mennonite Historical Library, Goshen, for loaning the microfilms of the older Great Chronicle from 1580 and the Montana-Codex.
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Author:Rauert, Matthias H.
Publication:Mennonite Quarterly Review
Article Type:Critical essay
Geographic Code:1USA
Date:Jul 1, 2009
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