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"An Esoteric Babylonian Commentary" Revisited.

This paper aims at interpreting a previously published Babylonian commentary. It is suggested that the tablet provides a further example of a later corpus of texts that reveal the predominance of astrology over other divinatory techniques.

"An Esoteric Babylonian Commentary" was published by R. D. Biggs in RA 62 (1968): 51-57. The tablet belongs to a group of late astrological texts that still await proper interpretation due to their rather enigmatic contents. In his article Biggs offered a copy of the tablet, a transliteration, a translation, and a detailed commentary. On the basis of LBAT 1601, which he identified as a partial duplicate, he pointed out that at least parts of the "esoteric commentary" were excerpted from a longer text. He also stated that some sections must have formed part of a single traditional text. [1] The tablet possibly dates to the Persian Period and was found at ancient Kutha. The text is divided into three sections and ends with a colophon. For clarity's sake I shall first reproduce the text in transliteration and translation (with only slight variations from Biggs' version).


1 BE-ma iz-bu SA.GIG alam-dim-mu-u

2 [LU.HUN.GA.sup.mul] [GU.sub.4].[AN.NA.sup.mul][SIPA.ZI.AN.NA.sup.mul]

3 ana E la-nu ki-i ik-su-du alam-dim-mu-u

4 iq-ta-bi ni-sir-tu AN u KI u-sur

5 BE-ma iz-bu ana IGI-ka lu-ma-su sa ITI-su DIB-iq-ma

6 MAS-su ma ITI: MIN-i IGI-mar iz-bu GAL-ma

7 [] sa im-mal-la-du LA-ti

8 BE-ma ina SAG [MAS.sup.mul] DIS-en ma SA [UDU.TIL.MES.sup.d] IGI.LA

9 lu-u in-ni-mi-du lu-a NIM MAN ina SA iz-ziz


11 [UZ.sup.mul] a-na bu-lum

12 iz-bu sa TA UGU UR.A a-sar-ru-u

13 ina SA sa UR.A ina IGI [A.EDIN.sup.mul d] Rev.

14 BE-ma SER sa sa-a-tum ana IGI-ka tu : ta : ti

15 u : a : ia: e sa-nis AN-e a KI-tim

16 KUR-u tam-tim u sa-a-ri ub-te-e

17 [GIS-BAR.sup.d] : [DIS.sup.d] : IZI : ul-la-nu : [40.sup.d] mu-u

18 [IM.sup.tu].HUR.SAG : [en-lil.sup.d] : sa-a-ri: su-ut KA sa sa-a-tu e-du-tu

19 su-ut KA mas-a-al-tum []

20 IM gi-ti [] A sa [(d)40.sup.m]- DIN-su A [LU.EN.BAR.sup.m] [EN-sar-bu.sup.d]

21 [] [LUGAL.GIS.ASAL.sup.d] ana [IGI.DU.sub.8].A-su IN.SAR ib-ri-im

22 lu kur nig abzu pi.el. la. am A.MES : sa ABZU MU NE

23 E i-sa-tum i-ta-kal [GIN.sub.7] tu-u-ru it-tas-pak

1 (The series) "If a Malformation," (the series) "Symptoms," (and the series) "Physical Characteristics" (are correlated with)

2 Aries, Taurus, (and) Orion-

3 serving to predict the appearance. [2] When they (i.e., the star constellations) culminate, physical characterisics [3]

4 are meant. Keep the secret of heaven and earth!

5 If you want to find the izbu: (if) the constellation of the month passed by and

6 you see half of it in the second month, there will be an izbu (such that)

7 the child who will be born will be defective.

8 If at the beginning of Capricorn one of the planets reaches first visibility

9 or reaches a stationary point or is high(?) (and?) another (planet) remains visible,

10 women will bear twins.

11 Capricorn (will be relevant) for cattle.

12 The izbu which began with Leo

13 inside the constellation Leo in front of the star Erua.

14 If you want to find proof (for it) in the collection of commentaries, (then) tu:ta:ti (which is)

15 u:a:ia:e or heaven-earth,

16 mountain, deep sea, and wind has to be looked up.

17 Girra: Anu: Fire. Primeval Ea: water;

18 East Wind : Enlil : wind. According to learned?/isolated? commentaries. [4]

19 With reference to the explanation of a scholar.

20 One-column tablet (belonging to) Nabu-sum-lisir, son of Ea-uballissu, descendant of the sangu-priest of the god Bel-sarbi.

21 The lamentation singer of Bel-sarbi wrote (and) checked (this tablet) for his perusal.

22 The enemy has desecrated... apsu; water is apsu...

23 Fire has consumed the house; it has been made into a heap of ashes.

Out of the wide range of cuneiform omen treatises only summa izbu, sakikku, and alamdimmu deal with the human body and the appearance of man. The arrangement of three omen series in 1.1 and three star constellations in 1.2 suggests a possible correspondence between them. However, none of these constellations is referred to in the following paragraphs of the text, except for Capricorn and Leo. The sequence could thus stand for an abbreviation of the full zodiacal circle, meaning: "summa izbu, sakikku, and alamdimma (are correlated with the zodiac, i.e.,) Aries, Taurus, Orion (etc.)".

The following is an attempt to elucidate some aspects of the "esoteric commentary" and puts forward some suggestions on the interdependence of astrology and other divinatory techniques.


The first text category in 1. 1 is the treatise on malformations and birth omens, summa izbu. The series consisting of twenty-four tablets falls into two parts: [5] summa izbu, which concerns animal malformations, and summa sinnistu aratma "if a woman is pregnant and (the foetus cries)," which deals with anomalies of as yet unborn children.

It is this kind of omen that is treated in the second section of the text, 11. 5-13. Two predictions, 11. 5-7 and 11. 8-10, refer to human births occurring at exactly the moment when astrological constellations are observed. The first statement is concerned with a partially visible zodiacal constellation--an occurrence which possibly stands for incompleteness, if MAS-su ("its half") indeed refers to lumasu, the zodiacal constellation. This, in turn, affects the child born at the time of this occurrence, indicating that it will be defective. The second sentence predicts the birth of twins, probably because two planets are visible.

These astrological and teratological phenomena could be explained in accordance with one of the most prominent features of divinatory techniques, namely the connection between a sign or an observation and its meaning through analogy. [6] Accordingly, partial visibility stands for a defect, the visibility of two planets for doubling. This interpretation, though speculative, points to the interdependence of birth omens and astrological data.

Let us turn to 1. 11 (part three of the second section): "Capricorn is relevant for cattle." This sentence again raises questions of interpretation and significance. What is the relationship of Capricorn to cattle? Why is this zodiacal constellation relevant for the animals? Given the context involving summa izbu, one is inclined to consider the time of calving. Cattle mate around the first month in spring, i.e., the Babylonian month of Nisannu. Since the average gestation period for cattle is approximately 284 days, the birth would occur nine to ten months later, which corresponds with the month of Tebetu. Tebetu is precisely the month when the constellation Capricorn rises. Thus, the line seems to give the time in astrological terms when anomalies (as well as non-anomalies) in cattle births may occur. [7]


The second omen category cited in I. 1 is the hand-book of diagnostic-prognostic omens, entitled "Symptoms." R. Labat reconstructed the series, which consists of forty tablets. [8] The handbook gives an account of symptoms and of clusters of symptoms and describes how they develop into illness. The observations are complemented by a diagnosis stating the supernatural causes of the illness, or by a prognosis about the chances for the patient's recovery.

Although our text does not treat diagnostic-prognostic omens, the partial duplicate LBAT 1601, as clearly demonstrated by Biggs, preserves at least one Sakikku-omen (see his commentary to lines 12', 13', and 15'). According to Biggs' interpretation, LBAT 1601 is "at least in part, involved with illness, and apparently give[s] the astrological correct times for undertaking diagnosis. [9] Thus it seems that the rising of zodiacal constellations referring to Sakikku omens indicates the moment when the appearance of the sick can best be examined medically.

Few iatromathematical texts have been treated in detail. One can mention LBAT 1597, which is dealt with by M. Leibovici, JA 244 (1956): 275-80, [10] or the commentary to a medical text from Nippur (11 N-T4),11 interpreted by E. Reiner. [2]


The Babylonian divinatory treatise Alamdimnu [13] is a compendium about what can be learned from various parts of a man's body concerning his character, his social and economic status, his family, and his fate in general. The term alamdimmu is a Sumerian loanword; the dictionaries of Akkadian translate it "form, figure" [14] and "Gestalt." F.R. Kraus, who gave us the editio princeps of the series, took the term as a "vornehmes Ersatzwort," [15] namely of Akkadian nabnitu.' [16]

Since the physiognomic omen treatise is the last one cited in 1. 1 of the commentary, questions of interpretation and of significance rise once more. What do the constellations signify? What is the connection of the component's physiognomy and astrology?

So far, no cuneiform text combining both categories is known to this author). [17] This genre, however, is certainly attested in Hebrew and classical sources. Before describing three examples, I should make clear what is meant under this category.

Texts dealing with the appearance and the fate of humans born under a particular sign of the zodiac are called zodiologia. Zodiology differs from both the so-called judicial astrology that predicts the destiny of king and country (like the omens of enuma anu enlil) and from the horoscopic astrology or genethlialogy that gives the exact position of planets at the time of birth as well as prophecies on the new-born child's future.

Qumran: 4Q186

Until recently it was assumed that there was no Jewish interest in astrology before the early Middle Ages. This holds true for the Old Testament, as well as for the Pseudepigrapha. [18] Nevertheless, texts like the "Testament of Solomon," [19] the "Sefer Ha-Razim," [20] and the "Treatise of Shem" [21] do present astrological ideas. [32]

The use of astrology is also attested in texts from Qumran. At least four manuscripts dealing with astrological matters are available to date. [23] 4Q186 and its Aramaic counterpart 4Q561, [24] the brontologion 4Q318, [25] and 4QMess ar (= 4Q 534), [26] a text that links physiognomic features with a prediction concerning Noah's birth. Since the contents of 4Q186 are rather enigmatic, it was first interpreted as a horoscope about the physical characteristics of the messiah. [27] Recently, however, R. Bergmeier has put forward another interpretation comparing the manuscript with Greek zodiological texts. Frag. I, col. II 11. 5-6 reads:

And his thighs are long and slender, and the toes of his feet are slender and long. And he is in the second position. His place is divided into six parts in the house of light and three parts in the pit of darkness. And this is the constellation in which he was born: the foot of Taurus. He will be poor. And this is his zodiacal sign: Taurus.

No doubt this passage sounds quite enigmatic. Nevertheless, texts such as 4Q186 are distinguished by a technical vocabulary that should be briefly explained. The phrase "he is in the second position" could be understood as the second zodiacal constellation or month which the sun traverses throughout the year. [28] Since the year begins with Nisan or Aries, the second stands for Iyyar or the zodiacal constellation Taurus. The house of light and darkness might refer to day and night. Accordingly, the text deals with the physiognomy of a person born under Taurus, as the text itself explicitly concludes.

Hippolytus, "Against Heresies"

In classical times zodiologia [29] apparently became quite popular. [30] Difficult calculation or expensive casting of horoscopes by an expert was superseded by predictions based only on the zodiac, which could easily be made by the layman through the use of the calendar.

A precise physiognomic description of a person, also as it happens born under Taurus, can be found in Hippolytus' treatise "Against Heresies." Hippolytus, a Roman presbyter and (probably) rival bishop of Callistus of Rome, was martyred in 235 A.D. [31] In his Refutatio omnium haeresium he engages in a detailed refutation of astrology as a deterministic doctrine. Among the astrological practices to be condemned we read: [32]

Those who belong to the sign of Taurus are recognised by their round head, abundant hair, their square-shaped, dark eyes and bushy, black eyebrows, and their broad face. The whites of their eyes are covered with red veins, the eyelid is thick (...).

Cairo Genizah: T-S. K 21.95L

T.-S. K 21.95L belongs among the texts dealing with merkavah mysticism. [33] This stream of mysticism also included speculations about human physiognomy. [34] Only a few available manuscripts belong to the genre of zodiologia. These texts, as mentioned above, are concerned with human appearance, as well as with man's moral qualities and destiny dependent on the month and zodiacal constellations in which he is born. So far, two zodiological texts have been edited: T.-S. K21.88 [35] and T.-S. K21.95L. [36] The latter will be quoted:

He who is born under the constellation Libra, on the first day, under the domination of Jupiter or the Moon (...). The finger of his hands and the toes of his feet will be marked, or he will be born with an additional finger or toe. This man will be quick (...) and he is one of the good ones (...).


Line 4 of our tablet stresses that its contents are considered to be "secret knowledge": "Keep the secret of Heaven and Earth!" As recently summarized by P.-A. Beaulieu, "such formulas are merely an expression of scholarly pride in the value of literary knowledge and should not be taken too seriously." [37] Another interpretation of this line is possible. The verb masaru in the context of celestial phenomena denotes the act of observing or keeping watch. [38] Nisirtu, in turn, refers more generally to secret events, occurrences, or matters. [39] Accordingly, one could perhaps understand: "Observe the secret (i.e., omens) in Heaven and Earth!"

Such a statement recalls a text which A. L. Oppenheim published and titled "A Babylonian Diviner's Manual." [40] This tablet from Assurbanipal's library claims the following connection between terrestrial and celestial omens:

The signs on earth just as those in the sky give us signals. Sky and earth both produce portents though appearing separately. They are not separate because sky and earth are related. [41]

While this "manual" states that both kinds of divinatory practice should go hand-in-hand, our text seems to indicate that astrology plays the predominant part. The observation of teratological phenomena, the time for undertaking a diagnosis, and the interpretation of human physiognomy are all dependent on the zodiac.

Recently E. Reiner has studied this strong influence of astrology over other divinatory techniques. It is, for example, also attested in relation to hepatoscopy. The Seleucid tablet W 22666/0 (SpTU IV no. 159) from Uruk establishes "correspondences between the liver examined by the haruspex and the heliacal risings of constellations." [42] Reiner also points out the dependence of magical practices on astrology, as reflected by texts such as BRMIV nos. 19-20 that refer to the correct timing, with respect to the position of constellations and planets, for carrying out rituals. [43] Regarding the text W 22666/0, the same author states that the process culminating in the prevalence of astrology started around the beginning of the reign of Nabonidus. [44] The "esoteric Babylonian commentary" may thus be seen in light of this development as representing a further example of the interdependence between astrology and other divinatory techniques, in this case teratology and physiognomy.

The rather late date of these tablets dealing with zodiology or iatromathematics and comparable texts of the Hellenistic Near East leaves room for speculation about a possible tradition. Indeed, as pointed out by J. C. Greenfield and M. Sokoloff, astrological omens as compiled in the series enuma anu enlil have their counterpart in Jewish sources, as well as in manuscripts from Qumran. [45] Recently, attention has been drawn to the profound Babylonian influence upon Jewish Hellenistic law and legal institutions, medicine, and magic as well. [46] The Babylonian physiognomic tradition also seems to have been part of this lore. [47] Nevertheless, whether the influence of late cuneiform literature upon the body of knowledge of the Hellenistic Near East was one-sided or whether it was reciprocal must remain an open question.

A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the two hundred and seventh meeting of the American Oriental Society held in Miami, Florida, March 1997.

(1.) RA 62 (1968): 53.

(2.) Biggs interpreted the expression ana e-la-nu as belonging o the verb kasadu: cf. his commentary on p. 55 sub 2. A reading ana qabe(E) lani is also possible. For qabu in an astronomical context see CAD Q 40 qabu mng. 8b)--2' with reference to ). Neugebauer, ACT

(3.) Alamdinumu in 1. 3 may not refer to the series of physiognomic omens but rather to its basic meaning "physical characteristics" in parallel with lanu.

(4.) See A. Livingstone, Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 74.

(5.) See, for the edition of E. Leichty, The Omen Series Summa izbu, TCS IV (Locust Valley, N.Y.: J. J. Augustin, 1970).

(6.) See, e.g., J.-J. Glassner, "Pour un lexique des termes et figures analogiques en usage dans la divination mesopotamienne," JA 272 (1984): 15-46.

(7.) L. Pearce has kindly drawn my attention to some cryptographically written astrological omens published by H. Hunger, "Kryptographische astrologische Omina," in lisan, mithurti, ed. W. Rollig (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1969), 133-45. It is noteworthy that, insofar as Hunger's Text A (BM 92684) is preserved, only the tenth month is concerned with cattle (pp. 134-37, 11. 37-40).

(8.) Traitd akkadien' de diagnostics et pronostics medicaux (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1951). A new edition of parts of the handbook is being prepared by N. Hee[beta]el, Heidelberg. E9.)

(9.) RA 62 (1968): 53.

(10 Add to the corpus of iatromathematical texts in LBAT the following texts: LBAT 1597 (for II. 10-14, see A. Sachs, "Babylonian Homscopes," ICS 6 [1952]: 74) and LBAT 1598.

(11.) Published by M. Civil, "Medical Commentaries from Nippur," JNES 33 (1974): 326-37.

(12.) "Two Babylonian Precursors of Astrology'N.A.B.U 1993/26.

(13.) See my Die babylonisch-assyrische Morphoskopie, AfO Supplement, no. 27 (Vienna: Institut fur Orientalistik, 2000).

(14.) CAD A/l, 332a; Ahw, 35a.

(15.) Die physiognomischen Omina der Babylonier, MVAeG, vol. 40.2 (Leipzig, 1935), 1.

(16.) The title of the compendium is attested outside the series proper in catalogues such as "A Catalogue of Texts and Authors, W. G. Lambert, JCS 16 (1962): 59-77 (see K 2248: 2 on p. 64), or "The Nimrud Catalogue of Medical and Physiognomical Omina," J. V Kinnier Wilson, Iraq 24 (1962): 52-62 (copy: CTN IV no. 71), and its recently published duplicate, I. L. Finkel, "Adad-apla-iddina, Esagil-kin-apti, and the Series SA.GIG," in A Scientific Humanist, Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, ed. E. Leichty et al. (Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1988), 143-59.

(17.) Shortly after I had given this paper, I had the pleasure of discussing parts of it with Professor E. Reiner in Chicago. She kindly informed me that precisely such a type of text is the subject of a forthcoming publication of hers. In spite of this, I proceed with my argument, even though the claim that no such text in cuneiform exists has now become obsolete.

(18.) E.g., Deuteronomy 4:19; Isaiah 47:13-14; 1 Enoch 8, 3; Jubilees 12, 16-18.

(19.) See D. C. Duling, "Testament of Solomon," in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. J. H. Charlesworth (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1985), I: 935-87; see also E. Schurer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, tr., ed. G. Vermes, F. Millar, and M. Goodman (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1986), 111.1: 372-75, with bibliography.

(20.) See E. Schurer, The History of the Jewish People, 347-50, with bibliography.

(21.) See J. H. Charlesworth, "Treatise of Shem," in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, II:437-86; see also E. Schurer, The History of the Jewish People (1986), III.1:369-72, with bibliography.

(22.) See J. H. Charlesworth, "Jewish Interest in Astrology during the Hellenistic and Roman Period," in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt, vol. 20.2, ed. H. Temporini and W. Haase (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1987), 926-50. On magic in Jewish sources, see P. Schafer, "Jewish Magic Literature in Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages," JSS 41(1990): 75-91.

(23.) Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, "La secte des esseniens et les horoscopes de Qumran," Archeologia 15 (Mars-Avril 1967): 24-31.

(24.) For 4Q186 see J. M. Allegro, "An Astrological Cryptic Document from Qumran," JSS 9(1964): 291-94; R. Bergmeier, Glaube als Gabe nach Johannes (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1970), 78-81; F. Schmidt, "Astrologie juive ancienne: Essai d'interpretation de 4QCryptique (4Q186)," Revue de Qumran 69(1997): 125-41. For Q561 see J. Starcky, "Les quatre etapes du messianisme a Qumran," RB 70 (1963): 481-505; see M. J. Geller, "New Documents from the Dead Sea: Babylonian Science in Aramaic," in Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon, ed. M. Lubetski, C. Gottlieb, Sh. Keller. JSOT Sup. Ser., vol. 273 (Sheffield: Sheffield Univ. Press, 1998): 227-29. A translation of 4Q186 and 4Q561 can be found in F. Garcia Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 456-57.

(25.) See J. C. Greenfield and M. Sokoloff, "An Astrological Text from Qumran (4Q318) and Reflections on Some Zodiacal Names" (with appendices by D. Pingree and A. Yardeni), RQ 64 (1995): 507-25; see also M. O. Wise, "Thunder in Gemini," Journal of the Study of the Pseudoepigraphia suppl. S.15 (Sheffield: Sheffield Univ. Press, 1994), 13-50 (ch. 1); M. Albani, "Der Zodiakos in 4Q318 und die Henoch-Astronomie," Mitteilungen und Beitrdge der Forschungsstelle Judentum der theologischen Fakultat Leipzig 7(1993): 3-42; M. J. Geller, "New Documents from the Dead Sea," 224-27.

(26.) See F. Garcia Martinez, "4Q Mes. Aram. y el libro de Noe," Salmanticensis 28(1981): 195-232; for bibliography, E. Schurer, The History of the Jewish People, III.1: 466; see also K. Beyer, Die aramaischen Texte vom Toten Meer (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1984), 269-71, and his Erganzungsband (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994), 125-27.

(27.) See, e.g., J. M. Allegro, "An Astrological Cryptic Document."

(28.) Glaube als Gabe nach Johannes, 79-80.

(29.) Cf. the definition put forward by W. Gundel and H. G. Gundel in Astrologumena: Die astrologische Literatur in der Antike und ihre Geschichte (Wiesbaden, 1966), 269: "Diese [Zodiologia] enthalten vorwiegend ganz vage und ohne Berucksichtigung der Planeten formulierte Geburtsprognosen, in denen das kunftige Aussehen und Schicksal der in einem betimmten Bild bzw. dem betreffenden Monat geboren skizziert wird." See also pp. 256-74. For examples of classical zodiological texts, see W. Gundel, "Individualschicksale, Menschentypen, und Berufe in der antiken Astrologie," Jahrbuch der Charakterologie 4 (1927): 157-76.

(30.) Cf. M. P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion, vol. II (Munich: C. H. Beck, 19502), 489.

(31.) Cf. The Oxford classical Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, [1992.sup.2]), 519b.

(32.) Book IV, 15, 1, according to the edition of P. Wendland (Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1977). The translation is mine.

(33.) See I. Grunwald, Apocalyptic and Merkavah Mysticism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1980).

(34.) See G. Sholem, "Hakkarat panim we-sidre sirtutin," in Sefer Asaf: Festschrift Simha Assaf (Jerusalem, 1952-53), 459-95 (not available to me); see also his revised version in German: "Em Fragment zur Physiognomik und Chiromantik aus der Tradition der spatantiken judischen Esoterik," in Liber Amicorum: Studies in Honour of Professor Dr. C. J. Bleeker (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1969), 175-93.

(35.) Grunwald, "Qeta[subset]im hadasim mi-sifrut hakkarat-panim we-sidre-sirtutin," Tarbiz 40 (1970-71): 306-17.

(36.) P. Schafer, Hekhalot-Studien (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1988), 84-95 (ch. 6: "Em neues Fragment zur Metoposkopie and Chiromantik").

(37.) "New Light on Secret Knowledge in Late Babylonian Culture," ZA 82 (1992): 99. There, Beaulieu publishes a tablet (NBC 11488, YOS 19 no. 110) that points to the fact that the recitation of texts which actually belong to the category of "secret knowledge" was not the object of reproval or punishment.

(38.) CAD N/II, 38b, mng. 5.

(39.) CAD N/II, 276a, mng. 1.

(40.) JNES 33 (1974): 197-220.

(41.) I follow Oppenheim's translation.

(42.) Astral Magic in Babylonia, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, no. 85.4 (1995): 79.

(43.) See E. Weidner, "Besprechungskunst und Astrologie in Babylonien," AfO 14 (1941-44): 51-284.

(44.) Astral Magic in Babylonia, 77.

(45.) "Astrological Texts in Jewish Palestinian Aramaic," JNES 48 (1989): 201-14.

(46.) M. J. Geller, "The Influence of Ancient Mesopotamia on Hellenistic Judaism," in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, ed. J. Sasson, vol. I (London: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1995), 43-54; St. Dalley and A. T. Reyes, "Mesopotamian Contact and Influence in the Greek World," pt. 2: "Persia, Alexander, and Rome," in The Legacy of Mesopotamia, ed. St. Dailey (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 107-16.

(47.) See my Die babylonisch-assyrische Morphoskopie, 66-67.
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Date:Oct 1, 2000
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