Women and globalization in South East Asia: new strategies for new times.

FOR THE LAST 30 YEARS, FAST developing global economic trends and policies have negatively impacted women workers all over the world, especially in the fast-developing economies in the Asia-Pacific region.

Globalizing trends have exacerbated inequalities between women and men, reflected in the existence of what Harvard academic Gita Sen has described as a gendered labor market. This market is related to the gender-based division of labor, in which women and men do different kinds of work, have different pay levels and experience ongoing segregation and hierarchy. This division is underpinned by the way in which society views gender roles, ideologies and norms and has given rise to the phenomenon of subcontracting and demands for increased demands for casual work and flexibility in the workplace, especially in the sectors where most women work, thus subjecting women to further exploitation or lack of access to any form of legal and social protection or benefits. (Gita Sen, "Gendered Labour Markets and Globalisation in Asia," UNCTAD/EDM/Misc.133, p6.)

CREATING THE "INFORMAL" ECONOMY Working women in East and South East Asia are systematically pushed into the informal sector of the economy, or rather, the sectors of the economy which are undergoing "informalization." This has happened as many social structures have withered away, increasing their burden of economically and emotionally sustaining their families.

The precarious position of Asia's women workers is compounded by persisting discriminatory and patriarchal value systems throughout the region. In particular, the persistent patriarchal ideology which designates the male as "breadwinner" and the income of women as merely supplementary has maintained the devaluation of women's work and is used to justify the employment of women as short-term, irregular (euphemistically called "flexible") workers, with low wages and no protection or security.

Almost all new jobs for women are in this "informal economy," particularly in the so-called care industries: domestic work, entertainment, nursing, teaching, the sex industry, outsourced back offices and call centers. In manufacturing, they are concentrated in food processing and the garment and textile industries, which more and more are being transformed into home-based sub-contracted units.

These industries, increasingly organized by transnational networks of agencies and contractors, are typically defined by the absence of government and legal regulations and protections leading to loss of the protections historically gained in formal sectors.

The characteristics of this work are well-known: short contracts overseen by an intricate system of subcontractors, rampant exploitation of migrant workers, an absence of unions and working conditions aptly described by the three Ds: dirty, dangerous and demeaning.

MIGRATION

Globalization is characterized by the relatively fluid movement of capital, technology and information between markets. This has lead to increased disparity between and within nations, providing the stimulus for rapidly increased migration. In the search for better opportunities for themselves and their families, women are looking farther and farther afield, crossing internal and external borders. In general there are many more legal opportunities for men to migrate, due to bilateral agreements in traditionally male industries (construction and agriculture), but few regulations for the above-mentioned care professions in Asia, where women migrants find themselves disproportionately represented.

In addition, while there appears to be a demand for migrant labor in developed economies, there are also increasing moves to close borders even more tightly and to restrict the movement of people. This adds to the vulnerability of migrants in search of work, especially women, pushing them into more and more dangerous methods of migration and encouraging the involvement of transnational organized crime, resulting in exploitation and trafficking.

Indeed, while many destination countries tolerate the presence of undocumented migrant workers in the sectors where they are most needed--construction, agriculture and entertainment-politically they cater to the public's non-acceptance of immigration and contribute to the growth of xenophobia, cloaked in manufactured fear of terrorism.

Thus, a look at the situation for women workers in Southeast Asia reveals two trends: the "feminization of poverty," meaning that more and more women lack access to both economic resources and many decision-making processes and the "feminization of migration," with more and more women joining the migration stream within and across borders.

ORGANIZING WOMEN WORKERS

Traditionally, organizing women workers has taken the form of forming trade unions, providing services, running employment schemes and advocating for legislative provisions and rights. However, in the last 10 years, the traditional methods of organizing have proven increasingly inadequate and nongovernmental organizations have been working to develop new strategies for organizing women workers in the informal sector. (Information for this section is gleaned from three forthcoming studies by the Committee for Asian Women in Bangkok, Thailand.)

Common obstacles to organizing workers in the informal sectors include: a lack of financial resources compared to traditional unions who receive membership dues and informal workers are poorly paid and can contribute less. The alliances created in this sector are often lacking in organizational and management skills and many states exercise tight control over workers' movement, enacting strict laws to preserve investors' interests. Finally, in generally insecure times for everybody, the process of inspiring and growing new activists to support the workers' movement is slow and difficult, as the Shahar Molkarin Sanghatana, or Domestic Workers Movement, in Pune, India, found.

The Domestic Workers Movement of Pune (PSMS) was founded in the early 1980s, after a domestic worker was terminated by her employer for being absent from work due to illness and domestic problems. More than 500 furious workers in the area went on a spontaneous strike, meeting every day, marching and holding other collective actions. Activists from local trades unions and women's organizations helped them to form their own union. Over time, a series of strikes won them significant wage increases of up to 40 percent, an annual bonus and different rates for different types of work. The PSMS is expanding its reach to other unorganized workers and is campaigning on a massive scale at the state as well as at the national level.

An important tenet of the PSMS is that it works with and not for domestic workers. It stands for the building of active participation and control by domestic workers, including the recognition of the different needs of women in the informal economy. The PSMS holds the firm view that it is only the toiling sections of women who can carry the true message of women's liberation. It is through their participation that the Sanghatana has been able to run a women's counseling center in Pune, which has so far handled over 15,000 cases of problems within the family. This strategy is important, as, while workplace issues may be pressing at times, they may not be so all the time. The organization has different rationales for different times and often they can be mutually reinforcing.

Another group of informal sector workers, Sub-Contracted Cleaning Workers (SCCWS) in Hong Kong's high-rise residential parks, are mainly middle-aged women who have migrated to Hong Kong from mainland China as spouses of local men. They are often exploited for their multiple identities as migrant workers as well as working mothers, suffering low wages and long working hours. Not knowing how to secure their rights, they are deprived of labor welfare and protection enjoyed by ordinary Hong Kong workers. Bearing the double burden of being the principal family wage-earner and working mothers restricts their choices of jobs, since they need jobs which are near their homes to make it possible for them to take care of their families. With limited choices their bargaining power is seriously limited. At the same time, the working pattern of this group of workers renders traditional organizing approaches unsuitable and makes it also almost impossible for them to join trades unions, let alone participate in activities. In fact, the activities of most SCCWS are restricted to the community in which they live and the only way to reach them is to visit them at their place of work, instead of waiting for them to take the initiative.

Past experience taught the organizers of SCCWS in Hong Kong that the most effective period to organize them was when the contract between the Housing Authority and the private company expired. At that point, the employers no longer have power over the workers. So, without the fear of losing their jobs and livelihoods, the cleaners are more willing to expose the wrongdoings of the employers. However, this approach makes it difficult to mobilize midcontract to demand better working conditions.

Given the power imbalance between workers and employers, community organizing involves other social forces in the community and serves to tip the balance to the advantage of SCCWS. It is also hoped that exposing the inhumane working conditions and widespread violations of labor laws will put pressure on the government to take action.

Community organizing established bonds with other residents, based on a shared experience of workers suffering from low pay and intense workloads and neighbors striving for the wellbeing of the community. Appealing to the empathy and support of residents is an essential part of the community organizing strategy.

NEW TACTICS

Community organizers use four strategies:

1. Mobilizing workers: SCCWS in the public housing complexes play an active role by taking part in meetings with residents, recruiting neighbors to sign petitions and speaking out via the mass media. Through this interaction they are empowered by the support and the positive response from the society and no longer feel ignored and in a weak position.

2. Mobilizing residents: Links established between residents and SCCWS have a three-pronged impact: The first prong creates the concept of a fair deal; if we want a high quality of hygiene, we should treat workers fairly in terms of wages, working hours and working conditions. The second cultivates a sense of community by emphasizing that workers are part of the community. The third builds a common working class identity among residents and SCCWS, through fostering a variety of exchanges including organizing surveys, signature campaigns and meetings to facilitate greater understanding among residents about SCCWS' working conditions.

3. Mobilizing local forces: There are many local forces in the community--district councilors, resident committees and resident groups--that can play an influential role in matters concerning cleaning services and that can be approached for support.

4. Mobilizing non-local forces: The organizers joined with broader social forces to exert more pressure on the government, including Oxfam Hong Kong, university scholars, like-minded trade unions and individuals.

In places like Hong Kong, where there are more than 200,000 domestic workers from the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, Nepal and India, there are various transnational networks of NGOS organizing workers. They provide services, like shelter and counseling and legal aid, as well as more traditional trade union organizing activities, such as rights-awareness education and political advocacy for legal reforms and other measures to address the many human rights and labor rights abuses migrant workers face. Because of the nature of domestic work, where workers are isolated in individual workplaces--the private homes of their employers--organizers have to be creative to find ways to reach the workers. These are usually in the places where the workers congregate on their day off: parks, shopping malls, churches, temples and mosques as well as other outdoor areas.

In recent years, an economic strategy has been developed, starting with Filipino migrant workers' networks and now including also Indonesians. This consists of organizing a savings-cure-investment scheme, whereby migrant workers systematically save a portion of their income that is used to invest in selected economic enterprises or to start new ones in their home country. Families and whole communities are involved, and the objective is to create sustainable economic alternatives to the perpetual migratory flows.

THE WAY FORWARD

The 3,000-strong PSMS has noted that the novel strategies adopted by the movement have lead to a vibrant and expanding organization. It is entirely membership-led, with all the resources coming from the domestic workers alone. The fact that its members work in the homes of the very people who make and implement laws adds greatly to its influence. Empowered domestic workers will begin to take a leadership role at the national level and deal with obstacles as they emerge.

In Indonesia, the Humanika Working Group has also identified some positive steps. These include:

* An increased awareness among workers about global issues

* A sense of growing solidarity among trades unions

* A newly emergent working people's identity

* A greater accessibility to informal workers

* An opportunity to establish alliances within the labor movement at both regional and national levels

* A broader network of overseas labor organizations and trades unions providing support to the Indonesian labor movement and

* An increase in women's involvement in decision-making in labor organizations.

Similar benefits have also been noted by SCCWS in Hong Kong.

The increasing destructuralization of the workplace and the informalization of working practices have led to the blurring of the boundaries between work and home, especially for women, who have to balance and juggle spaces as well as time, between working for wages and working and caring for their families and in their homes. Nevertheless, the protection of their already precarious rights necessitates organizing, which in itself necessitates a strategy.

From the examples described above, we can draw some conclusions as to what types of strategy are required to meet the new circumstances. These include building solidarity among workers and with other movements; learning negotiation skills, both individually and collectively; asserting rights at all levels; harnessing community support; using the media and participating in the wider movement for social change.

LIN CHEW is the activist in residence at the Global Fund for Women, where she has spent considerable time recently working with women's organizations in Asian countries affected by the tsunami. Born in Singapore, Lin lived for 26 years in the Netherlands and, since 1999, has lived in Hong Kong. She is a founding member Of HER Fund (Hong Kong), a grandmother and a potter.