War in Iraq: America's second major military action since 9/11 could reshape U.S. foreign policy and the Middle East. U.S. officials hope the risks of going to war pay off. (America At War).

In the end, neither the United States nor Iraq could back down.

After months of diplomatic effort warning Saddam Hussein of "serious consequences" if Iraq did not give up its weapons of mass destruction, a U.S.-led coalition unleashed intense airstrikes and ground offensives to disarm the country.

The invasion was the first test of the Bush administration's new national security strategy of pre-emptive war. The doctrine asserts that the U.S. has a fight to take the offensive against potential enemies amassing weapons of mass destruction, without international approval.

The war, America's second major military action since the September 11 attacks, took the nation into unknown territory, with risks and possibilities not only for the U.S. and Iraq, but for the rest of the Middle East and perhaps the world balance of power.

At home, the war heightened fears of terrorist attacks and steep increases in oil prices that could further damage the nation's economy, and that of the world. Internationally, the war promised to open a new epoch of U.S. influence in the Middle East. The war also threatened to reshape relations between Washington and its key allies, unchallenged since World War II.

In a televised address to the nation, President George W. Bush cautioned that the Iraq campaign "could be longer and more difficult than some predict," but he added, "we will accept no outcome but victory."

FOR U.S. SOLDIERS, AN IMMENSE TASK

For months if not years to come, the U.S. military's task in Iraq may be among the most complex in the history of war.

Besides defeating the Iraqi military, American troops are to act as weapons specialists, expected to find and destroy Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. They have a police function as well, to protect the oil fields that are Iraq's hope for economic recovery, and to prevent the outbreak of civil war. They also have a humanitarian mission to prevent a massive refugee crisis if millions of people flee the fighting or attempt to make their way to homes they were forced to leave under Saddam's regime.

Bush administration officials want to avoid a repeat of the U.S. occupation of Japan after World War II, which lasted seven years. The general in charge of the attack on Iraq, Tommy R. Franks, carries the additional duty of overseeing its military occupation.

His troops will see to the removal of the top leadership of Saddam's Baath Party, which had controlled Iraq since 1968. Establishment of a temporary government, in which power would be shared among the country's many religious and ethnic groups, was also Franks's responsibility.

Bush made clear that he believes a stable, democratic Iraq could bring greater democracy to the Middle East and act as a first step toward solving the bitter fight between Israelis and Palestinians that has been going on for more than 50 years.

Yet many students of Iraqi history, as well as governments in the region, see the President's hopes for a quick transformation to representative government as unrealistic, given Iraq's lack of democratic traditions and the intense distrust among rival groups. Others in the Mideast say the presence of a large U.S. force in the region will only fuel the call of radicals to battle the U.S. under the banner of Islam.

"The extent of destabilization in the region and uncertainty in Iraq in the case of a war may go far beyond our imagination today," said Javad Zarif, Iran's envoy to the United Nations.

The Iraq war could reshape international relations far beyond the Middle East. Bush's decision to go to war revealed a deep diplomatic schism about U.S. leadership and power in the world (See "How Diplomacy Failed," page 13).

A DIPLOMATIC FIASCO

France, Germany, Russia, and China were key opponents of the attack on Iraq. The United Nations Security Council, made up of 5 permanent members with veto power, and 11 rotating members from countries without veto power, refused to back war plans offered by the United States and Britain.

While the council unanimously agreed that Iraq had to disarm, there was disagreement over what steps to take and how and when they should be applied. The Bush doctrine of pre-emptive action against perceived threats also made some council members uneasy, and led to questions about how the U.S. exercises power. Said one senior Bush administration official: "The more these differences arose, the more they aggravated resentment over American power in the world."

Some expect those resentments to be intensified in the wake of the Iraq war. Many in the world are fearful of the way that U.S. culture and ideas, embedded in everything from movies to business to politics, are imposed on other cultures.

The diplomatic fiasco in the days before the war also raises questions about the future of the UN. The UN was largely created by the U.S. after World War II, but in the days before he ordered the troops to march, President Bush angrily hinted the organization needed to be remade, and said that after the invasion of Iraq, it could perhaps "begin to get its legs, legs of responsibility back."

HIGH COST OF WAR

One result of the diplomatic meltdown is that the U.S. will likely foot the bill for much of what happens in Iraq. (In the 1991 Persian Gulf war, which repelled Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and coalition allies paid most of the costs). Unofficial Bush administration estimates varied wildly, from as little as $50 billion--about the cost of the Gulf War--to between $100 billion and $200 billion. And after the war, the costs could be even higher: an additional $250 billion over 10 years to rebuild the country, according to Raad Alkadiri, a director at PFC Energy, a Washington consulting group.

The price tags are important, because the U.S. government is already running deficits--meaning it is spending more than it is taking in from taxes--that will hit a record $304 billion this year. Critics of those deficits say they will force cuts in needed government spending, for services such as health care, and will drive up interest rates for loans. (When the government borrows money, that reduces the amount of money available. That, in turn, can drive up interest rates, limiting business investment and hurting the economy.) However, Treasury Secretary John W. Snow said the deficits "are really modest and clearly manageable and will not have any impact on long-term interest rates, which is the real concern."

FEARS ABOUT OIL

For many Americans the most immediate consequence of the war could be higher oil prices. Worst-case scenarios envision disruptions in oil shipments from the Persian Gulf, made worse by Iraq's decision to set fire to some of its own oil fields during the attack. With the U.S. economy already limping along in the weeks before the conflict, the possibility remains that high oil prices could plunge the U.S. into a full recession. But oil prices could remain steady, if Arab oil producers make good on their promise to make up any shortfall.

For President Bush, along with his potential Democratic rivals in the 2004 presidential election, the Iraq war presents huge challenges. A quick war that does little damage to the U.S. economy would help the President. But U.S. setbacks could hurt his re-election chances.

"His biggest danger is the economy," said Allan J. Lichtman, a historian at American University in Washington, D.C. "No incumbent President has ever been re-elected during an election-year recession, and that's one of the most potentially perilous effects of this war."

Desert Soldier

1 * NIGHT VISION

Essentially a tiny video camera that electronically amplifies existing light (from moon, stars, etc.); flips up when not in use.

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2 * WEAPON

Compact, lightweight M-4 carbine; can be equipped with grenade launcher, night vision sight, laser targeting.

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3 * HELMET

Made of Kevlar, five times stronger than steel; can be equipped with headset.

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4 * BODY ARMOR 

Kevlar vest with ceramic plates. Vest alone protects against shrapnel (from mines, grenades, etc.); plates can stop assault rifle bullets (previous "flak jacket" didn't).

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5 * ELBOW/KNEE PADS

Protective pads made from nylon and hardened plastic.

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1991

Persian Gulf War: U.S.-led alliance, with UN backing, liberates Kuwait from Iraqi invaders. As part of ceasefire, Iraq agrees to destroy weapons of mass destruction and to allow the UN to verify that.

1991-92

Iraq crushes revolts by Kurds in north and Shiites in south. Allies, led by the first President Bush, prohibit Iraqi flights over rebel areas ("no fly" zones), enforced by warplanes.

1996

After Saddam's troops seize Kurdish city in northern Iraq, President Bill Clinton gives order to attack Iraqi military targets with cruise missiles. Iraqi troops pull back.

1998

UN inspection teams withdraw in frustration after Iraq denies full access to weapons sites. U.S. and Britain bomb suspected nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons sites.

2002

JANUARY:

President George W. Bush says three countries sponsor terror--North Korea, Iran, and Iraq. He labels them an "axis of evil."

2002

SEPTEMBER:

U.S. begins military buildup in Persian Gulf. Israel, attacked by Iraq in 1991 and fearing biological weapons attacks, orders emergency workers innoculated against smallpox.

2002

OCTOBER-NOVEMBER:

U.S. Congress authorizes use of force against iraq. UN orders iraq to comply with weapons inspections, or face "serious consequences." Bush says U.S. will act alone if necessary.

2003

FEBRUARY-MARCH:

UN inspectors report finding no weapons of mass destruction, but ask for more time. UN deadlocks on use of force. Bush declares diplomacy window closed and orders attack.

lesson plans

DISCUSSION QUESTIONS

* Should the U.S., as the world's sole remaining superpower, act as a world police officer?

* Why do you think the U.S. wants to avoid setting up a military government in Iraq?

TEACHING OBJECTIVES

To help students understand President Bush's decision to go to war against Iraq. Students will learn how the war could affect U.S. relations with other countries, its possible influence on terrorists, and how it could impact the U.S. economy.

CLASSROOM STRATEGIES

CRITICAL THINKING/DISCUSSION: The article notes that defeating the Iraqi military and ousting Saddam Hussein is just one phase of a wider effort to introduce democracy to Iraq and the region. Note also the complex web of tasks that the U.S. military is expected to undertake in the wake of the war.

Tell students to suppose that there may be a U.S. presence in Iraq for many years to come. Ask if any of them could envision themselves serving in the U.S. military in Iraq in, say, 2009?

STUDENT POLL: One way to engage students is to have them conduct a poll--first in class, and then outside, in school, of parents, and others. The key question should be whether the U.S. military should remain in Iraq to prevent civil war and oversee the other tasks outlined in the article. But the poll should require more than a simple yes or no response. Respondents who favor a continued U.S. presence should then be asked if they would favor it if:

* the monetary cost becomes excessive;

* resentment over the U.S. action in Iraq is manifested in significant anti-American behavior in other countries.

WRITING EXERCISE: Expand on the anti-Americanism issue. Assign all students, regardless of their views on the war, to write brief letters to a fictitious person in another country who says the U.S. "go-it-alone war" is another example of the "Americanization" of the world. What would they tell this person about the America they know that might help dilute anti-American feelings?

FRIENDS AND ALLIES: Read "How Diplomacy Failed." Note that many Americans deeply resent France's opposition to the war. (See "War Names," page 7.) Ask whether the U.S. should demand loyalty from allies. Is the split just an honest difference between friends?

WEB WATCH: For more background and news about events in Iraq go to www.scholastic.com/Iraq.

Upfront QUIZ 1 MULTIPLE CHOICE

DIRECTIONS: Circle the letter next to the correct answer.

1. The most accurate description of President Bush's policy regarding Iraq is

a pre-emptive war.

b aggressive diplomacy.

c consultative engagement.

d containment.

2. One concern about the postwar period is that the U.S. economy might be hurt by

a the cost of replacing weapons lost in the war.

b the cost of transporting troops back home.

c reduced trade with countries that opposed the war.

d a steep jump in oil prices.

3. Besides defeating the Iraqi military, U.S. troops are expected to find and destroy Iraq's

a oil wells.

b farms.

c weapons of mass destruction.

d transportation system.

4. France, an ally since the American War of Independence, opposed war with Iraq. The French

a said Iraq should be trusted to give up its weapons.

b believed Iraq was not hiding weapons.

c blamed the United Nations for the confrontation.

d wanted to give UN weapons inspectors more time.

5. President Bush believes a stable democratic Iraq can help solve a bitter 50-year fight between

a the UN and the U.S.

b East and West Europe.

c Israelis and Palestinians.

d rich and poor nations of the world.

6. Many people in the world fear so-called Americanization, defined as

a the power of the U.S. vote in the UN.

b the U.S. policy of colonizing other countries.

c the way U.S. culture and ideas are imposed on others.

d disrespect for Muslims.

ANSWER KEY

1. (a) pre-emptive war.

2. (d) a steep jump in oil prices.

3. (c) weapons of mass destruction.

4. (d) wanted to give UN weapons inspectors more time.

5. (c) Israelis and Palestinians.

6. (c) the way U.S. culture and ideas are imposed on others.

RELATED ARTICLE: How diplomacy failed: did Saddam Hussein pose an immediate threat? The U.S. said yes and demanded action, but many nations disagreed.

By Patricia Smith 

Last fall, when President George W. Bush asked members of the United Nations to support the disarmament of Iraq, the international community breathed a sigh of relief. The U.S., it appeared, had opted to resolve the crisis through diplomacy.

By the time the U.S. went to war, six months later, it was clear that diplomacy had failed to overcome a profound difference in how the U.S. and other countries viewed their national interests.

On one side of that diplomatic canyon was the Bush administration, arguing that Iraq's Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, and might use them to threaten American security--either directly, or by giving such weapons to terrorists. Military action was justified, the thinking went, to prevent those threats from becoming reality.

"Instead of drifting along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety," said Bush, making the case for U.S. military action, even without the backing of the UN. "Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed."

Other nations saw things differently. Russia, China, Germany, and France all opposed the war, but the French led the diplomatic charge. "Iraq does not today represent an immediate threat warranting an immediate war," said French President Jacques Chirac.

The French and others argued that UN weapons inspections, given time, could disarm Iraq without war. The U.S. countered that inspections could never guarantee disarmament without Iraq's full cooperation--which was slow in coming.

The French and others also distrusted Washington's motives. Many believed the real U.S. goal was not to disarm Iraq, but to remove Saddam from power.

As U.S. forces poured into the Persian Gulf region, France announced it would use its veto power to block the UN Security Council from authorizing military action against Iraq. The move, many analysts say, effectively ended the UN's role in these diplomatic negotiations.

Bush later said that whatever happened, France and Germany were "still our friends, and we'll deal with them as friends." But whether the crisis will have serious effects on international alliances remains to be seen.