Walking on the periphery: gender and the discourse of modernization.

Introduction

The Spanish feminist and Socialist legislator Margarita Nelken minced no words when she called walking the greatest symbol of what separated the contemporary, twentieth-century woman from her mother and her grandmother. Ambulation represented to Nelken an even greater emancipation than did women's access to paid employment. "This footing," she wrote in 1923, "this morning walk--elastic step, rhythmic body in loose, comfortable clothing--of the girls that walk for hygiene in these clear and warm days of early spring ... they have opened the windows of the sad room in which their grandmothers sat." (1) Unencumbered walking such as Nelken described suggested that by the 1930s women experienced and used space unselfconsciously, without the need to discipline their bodies.

Unfortunately, in the early twentieth-century a woman alone was unable to walk as freely and easily as Nelken fantasized. Public opinion did not assume women's right to be on the streets. (2) Newspaper columns and cartoons, women's magazines, conduct manuals, urban directories, and tourism guides all suggest that when women walked they carried a great deal of ideological baggage with them. These sources convey the need to "legitimate" women's presence on the street and a sense of the struggle over what would comprise legitimate behavior and who would define it as such. Although reasons of health and hygiene constituted common defenses of women's presence in the street, arguments for her access became increasingly intertwined in Spain with the idea that women's public presence represented a crucial element in the fulfillment of Spain's ambition to "modernize" and "Europeanize." (3)

The question of how women would use space evolved as part of a broader discourse about Spanish modernization during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Feminism's interaction with other popular discourses on the regeneration of Spain, on the state of Spanish liberalism and the role of public opinion, and on the condition of the middle class, fostered a debate on women that grew enormously during the early twentieth century. (4) Although Spanish intellectuals focused on strengthening the nation by granting women economic and civil rights and opening some professions to them, much of the debate-- especially later--took place in terms of culture or lifestyle. This included a discussion about how women would and should use space in a modernizing nation. (5)

Critics debate whether women experienced the urban spaces of modernity differently than did men in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century. While one group emphasizes women's restricted access to urban spaces, a second argues that the modern city offered women increased freedom (6) In Madrid, as elsewhere, changes in women'S relations to the city were occurring simultaneously and, in part, because of, physical changes in urban spaces. (7) This spatial reconfiguration entailed new possibilities, and women enjoyed a subjectivity that incorporated access to the activities and behaviors facilitated by an urban environment. Yet, representations of the social relations that occurred in these spaces suggest that urbanization also accommodated a desire to maintain gender difference. Although space created new possibilities for the performance of gender, the use of space continued to reinforce gender distinctions, even if in a modified form.

John Fiske offers a useful way of understanding these spatial relations when he explains that certain spaces are anomalous, located on the boundary-of public and private, partaking of both, and allowing the values of one to mingle with those of the other. (8) For my purposes, I understand this to mean that women increasingly participated in what we usually consider to be "public" spaces, such as the street, the library, the cafe, and the club, but that the private values associated with femininity shaped expectations of how women would use these spaces.

The middle-class women whom I discuss in this essay were expected to behave, for example, with a particular set of body languages that conveyed to contemporaries respectability and femininity. The process of interaction between space and gendered expectations of its use transformed both public and private. Women were expected to act feminine, but now one could be feminine while, for instance, playing soccer. The meaning of spaces did not remain static, and women could occupy an increasing number of spaces, but their presence carried particular social connotations not completely detached from their mothers' and grandmothers' eras. (9) Although modern, urban spaces were pliable enough to reflect historical changes, their concrete nature suggested that gender differences could not be eroded easily.

Gender and the City

The material conditions of spatial change existed in Madrid as they did in other cities such as Paris and St. Petersburg. (10) Madrid underwent the familiar litany of reconstruction involved in the making of a modern European city--the broadening of boulevards, public lighting, easier access to potable water, albeit on a smaller scale than in Paris. Perhaps consequently, there was also a less intense reaction to the city than in countries such as Great Britain. The many experimental, utopian communities built in Britain found only one counterpart in Spain, on the outskirts of Madrid, the suburban Ciudad Lineal. (11) Socioeconomic conditions, including the availability of public funds, a smaller urban population, and, perhaps, a lack of public will, all contributed to a slower rate of change, but by the turn-of-the-century Madrid was on its way to becoming a modern city, as city planners added, named, and renamed streets, as engineers created boulevards which would accommodate both those who strolled and those who drove automobiles, and as politicians had monuments erected.

That these spaces did not necessarily provide opportunities is apparent when we look at physical aspects of the city, such as street names and built monuments, and see that women's visibility in this type of space actually decreased during the early twentieth century. The decreasing visibility occurred in part because of the attempt to concretize images of political modernization in the city. Women's lack of representation in these types of physical spaces suggest that urbanization may have rendered women less comfortable in the city at the juncture where gender politics met political modernization.

Streets once named after female saints now bore the names of male liberal heroes, intellectuals, or physicians, or commemorated an important historical event, or a place. (12) The changes reveal that women were excluded from definitions of public that centered on the entrepreneurial, philanthropic, intellectual, or the political; in other words, from the key categories of what we now consider the "public." Providing space for a conception of modernization centered in political liberalism and regional diversity accompanied fewer public spaces that celebrated mythical, allegorical, or sacred female figures. (13)

As a way of measuring this trend, we may consult the Guia practica de Madrid, published in 1907, which provided an extensive account of name changes that had occurred since 1875 in the ten districts of Madrid. (14) (Chart 1)

The loss of female or feminine street names totals twenty-six. At times the street name lost was male. Far more frequently, though, streets named after female religious figures, royal women, mythical women, or women of ill-repute were changed to those of important historical events, places, or public male figures. Only one street, named after the seventeenth-century author Maria de Zayas, listed in Las calles de Madrid: Noticias, tradiciones y curiosidades, bore the name of a historical woman of a type with those named after male professionals. (15)

Nor would women see themselves reflected in the increasing number of placards and monuments erected by Madrid's politicians. These also demonstrated the changing values which led to a memorialization of historical events and liberal heroes rather than the royalist and sacred which had provided some sphere for the representation of women. (16) A guidebook to the city published in 1897 listed fifteen monuments noteworthy for the out-of-town visitor. Only two of these memorialized queens and three included feminine allegorical figures. Thirteen of the fifteen were dedicated to men, and even monuments to the queens gave men an important supporting role. Cardenal Mendoza protected Isabel la Catolica on her right, while Gonzalo de Cordova, el Gran Capitan guarded her left. Other monuments celebrated kings, bankers, male aristocrats, the male martyrs of Dos de Mayo, five military men, four intellectuals, two naturalists, and the explorer Cristobal Colon. (17)

Religious buildings, though, continued to commemorate a proportionally significant quantity of women, merely heightening the already prevalent association--in the minds of both liberals and conservatives--of women with the private, the traditional, and the anti-modem. Women were now almost exclusively represented in built public space within the context of the religious. (18) This situation lent irony to liberal fears about women's religious sympathies and political conservatism. (19) Women did not disappear entirely but appeared disproportionately in certain types of spaces.

This was not, of course, the whole story. Images of the Paseo--the boulevard running through the center of Madrid--suggest how other urban spaces provided women with unprecedented opportunities and yet, at the same time, allowed for the fostering and maintenance of gender distinctions. Although tacitly public like any other street, the Paseo resembled, because of its uses, a commercialized space; like the tea room and the race track, it was open to women under certain conditions. (20) Although no admission was charged to walk on the Paseo, its use as a space for leisurely strolling and socializing in the mid-morning enhanced its exclusivity, rendering it an acceptable space for middle-class women. In part, contemporaries found the Paseo acceptable because it was a formalized space of regulated heterosexual courtship. (21) The readiness to conflate leisure with femininity along with the popularity of heterosexual courtship on the Paseo meant that women could walk this particular street.

Participation in sports presented another new opportunity for women, but again the use of space had to occur in such a way so as to preserve gender distinctions. An author who believed soccer inappropriate for women thus found him or herself able to approve of the first international women's soccer match because the English and French team captains greeted with a kiss and the teams donated the proceeds of the match to charity. The kiss, wrote the author, "increased the already favorable atmosphere," while the gift to charity could not be "more plausible, nor more in conformity with the sweet ingenuity [ingenita dulzara] of the feminine heart." (22) Thus, female soccer players used the space of the football field to reveal their innate differences from men. Who, after all, would want or expect male captains to begin a game with a kiss? Women could engage in new activities, like playing soccer, yet the fact that they engaged in this activity within the old rubric of heterosexuality contained the potentially cha llenging implications of women's sports by reinforcing that shared spaces had to generate difference.

A third instance: Space conceptualized through sexual differentiation meant that when a Spanish woman went to the hipodrome or racetrack in the 1910s her presence had to be interpreted through gendered interests. Even though she might place bets while at the track, observers claimed that she also, perhaps primarily, was there to see new fashions modeled and to flirt, while men primarily went to see and wager on the horses. (23) One's relation to space, the difference between how men and women behaved in a space created for identical uses, proved one's sex.

All but the most reactionary believed or were beginning to believe that middle-class women belonged in spaces where they had not been before. Nonetheless, the parameter of women's behaviors in these spaces was enforced in ways both overt and covert, with the latter being effective precisely because of its invisibility under the cover of normal and natural behavior. The strictures of body language provide an example of this. Ideally, women were to train their very bodies to be seen by others, a consciousness of the body and its movements that existed in private but became heightened in public. Etiquette experts counseled that in walking as well as sitting, a woman must remember always to hold herself upright, avoiding languid and masculine postures. (24) While strolling [paseando], she must remember to move her arms. (25) Vizcondesa Bestard de la Torre provided her readers with a model of womanly behavior when she described the exemplary young girl who

never went out on the streets alone, and even when she was accompanied by her mother, was careful not to turn her head or look behind her even when she thought that a friend might be following her.... If she accidentally met some young girlfriends, who were already in the street, in some public place, she avoided laughing boisterously with them. (26)

For the male flaneur, walking down the street involved watching others; for the middle-class woman, it meant watching herself. She had to make sure that her body did as she told it to do and that nobody else noticed when her body transgressed its assigned spaces. (27) For the flaneur walking was an unselfconscious act, performed without regard for the opinion of others. This could not be duplicated by women, who must always conduct themselves self-consciously with regard to the opinion of others.

A woman who did not watch her body carefully was no longer protectively cloaked by social convention because she invited observation by others, the consequence of which ranged from disapproval to untold sexual danger. Writing about the threatening environment that women endured on the streets as well as at work, Emiliano Ramirez Angel noted those men who, "in the street, eat women with their eyes." (28) Although Maria Atocha Ossorio y Gallardo took umbrage at another author's premise that one could discern a woman's morality from the way she walked and the shoes she wore, she herself cautioned women to behave discreetly. She warned that it is "necessary to be careful when going into the street, because women who walk have many observers and not all of them look with good intentions; some look with innocence on the shoe, and others who with malevolent intention seek to uncover what the poor woman is and how she feels." (29) Despite Ossorio y Gallardo's awareness of and resentment toward the ways in which women were required and even intimidated into curtailing their behavior, she recommended discretion and accommodation as an end to safety and advised that women choose shoes based on others' ideas about discretion.

Danger certainly existed, yet newspaper reports, cartoons, and fictional stories exaggerated these dangers, however unintentionally, to operate in a manner that interpolated women as "subjects of fear," rendering the streets a place where women could not be relaxed or at ease. (30) Newspaper reports of automobile-pedestrian collisions clarify the way in which representations of fear could have a differential impact on the ways in which men and women might have perceived themselves in relation to the street. Although both ran the danger of being struck by automobiles, (31) the dangers to women were represented as much greater, with women portrayed as the targets of intentional injury and crime. The papers actually reported far fewer women hit by automobiles but heightened the sense of danger in those accounts. Brief, factual reports listed the male victim's name and that of the street on which the accident occurred. In contrast, the report of April 6, 1920 described how when dona Victoria Arnaiz Gutierrez cros sed Montera street, "a transient pushed her, making her fall to the ground. In that moment she was hit by an automobile.... The transient who caused the accident disappeared, and the victim was taken to Provincial hospital." (32) Despite statistical evidence to the contrary, then, newspaper accounts made it appear that women ran far more dramatic risks. (33)

The possibilities of middle-class femininity provided resources of a certain type to the woman who wanted to resist violence to her person or property. Although women could not appropriately defend themselves with physical violence or verbal aggression, they could defend themselves with clothing, however unlikely a weapon this might seem. The fashion correspondent of La mujer en su casa conceded that the new fashion of pockets on clothing might riot look fashionable, but she encouraged women to wear them as a reasonable response to the danger of robbery that women faced whenever they went out. Carrying a purse was inadvisable, she advised, because a woman could lose it or a thief could easily stick in his hand to rob it of its contents. (34)

Other representations, though, suggested that women were struggling more actively for the right to occupy space more freely, to become less the objects of scrutiny. In a "mute history" or cartoon from 1910 a woman upsets the male gaze by transforming the man watching her into an object of scrutiny. This woman is walking down the Paseo, frowning at a photographer who is trying to take her picture, when a laborer scoops up the photographer from behind with a wheelbarrow, at which the woman and laborer laugh uproariously. Rather than passively receiving the male gaze, the woman, with the laborer's help, subverts the gaze and makes the photographer the object of her scrutiny. The man who infringed on her enjoyment of public space becomes the oddity, the one who deserves to be looked upon with derision. (35) Such cartoons demonstrated women asserting their right to be on the streets alone and unmolested, without having their presence sexualized.

Women's attitudes towards feminism, the clothing they wore, and other beliefs and behaviors were subjected to scrutiny by Spanish modernizers who saw women as key to Europeanizing and westernizing Spain. On the issue of gender and space, many Spaniards who supported modernization advocated the provision of separate spaces for women in order to counter those that already existed for men. Instead of changing the spaces already dominated by men, women would have their own separate but equal spaces. Although some feminists and intellectuals wanted to incorporate women on an equal footing into already existing public spaces, (36) others looked to separate spaces as a way of reconstructing space and of envisioning changing spatial relations.

The advocacy of separate spaces originated in a desire to emulate what seemed to be occurring in "western" nations. Spanish commentators lamented that the variety and ubiquity of spaces available for women in putatively modernized nations were unavailable in Spain: America provided special train cars for women; England's department stores were incredibly sophisticated in offering services such as opulent writing and toilette rooms; and, Australians built separate rooms for women waiting for public transportation. (37) Angelo Mosse characterized the United States as a "Ladies' Paradise" because of the number and variety of spaces allotted to women. In hotels, he reported, women have special entryways and receiving rooms. "For ladies only," say the signs in large and small hotels. In trains, boats, trains, theaters, and all places of entertainment, women are given separate seats that are superior to those in which men sit. Mosse defended the practice as a tribute to women and a condition and cause of American w omen's greater confidence and independence rather than as a protective or paternalistic measure. (38)

As opposed to moralizers who longed to put women back into the homes they had supposedly deserted, modernizers argued that women lacked sufficient places to which they could go outside of the home. Contemporaries analyzed this situation as both sign and symptom of Spain's relative backwardness. Spain for example had no casinos (that is, clubs) for women in 1906 when Valflor compared the situation to that of English women who could chose among seven different casinos. Valflor argued that these women's clubs signified both a certain level of emancipation for women and a country's concomitant degree of modernization. "Casinos for women," she asserted, "are the most decisive step taken in our time on the road to the emancipation of women." (39) Fernando Araujo, a professor at the Instituto de Cardenal Cisneros, enumerated the reasons why women needed spaces reserved particularly for them. Many women, he explained, had reasons to be out in the afternoon, shopping, taking classes, or conducting business, and these women need a place to rest and refresh themselves, a safe place where men could not accost them while they waited for transportation. Respectable cafes, he continued, either barred women from entering alone or made provisions that still led both women and men to feel uncomfortable. Thus, Araujo concluded, women must have their own cafes. (40) The vision of how to redress women's exclusion, then, was not based on incorporation or equal access into male spaces but on the idea of a parallel and candidly gendered public space, one half of which would comprise a virtual "city of women."

Conclusion

Women's and men's relation to urban space in the early twentieth century was more complex than theories about exclusion imply. Instead, the performance of gender rested upon the principle of difference as enacted in concrete spaces. Although often space is thought of in terms of functionality rather than ideology, the practices that take place in everyday spaces can literally make visible differences based upon sex. Still, though, both the spaces considered in this essay and definitions of gender were in a process of metamorphosis. This metamorphosis made gender distinctions less obvious insofar as women accessed new spaces and new activities. A strictly enforced segregation of space by gender--through law, for example--would have made obvious the ideology that distinguished between men and women, private and public. Instead, men and women inhabited and used space according to less obvious but no less restricting principles of heterosexual courtship, sociability, and comfort such as those which led Professor Araujo to suggest that unisex cafes would be uncomfortable for both women and men.

One could go a step further to argue that the gendering of space attested to a fragmentation of civic culture on a symbolic level. (41) Whereas a lack of streets bearing women's names suggested their failure to meet male terms of success, notability, and citizenship, women did enjoy a definition of citizenship that was premised on a coincidence of modernization and consumer culture and practiced in urban spaces. The proliferation of sex-specific spaces like tea rooms arid department stores can be seen as an indication of a society trying to incorporate a broader range of citizens on the premise of different identities rather than equal entitlements. In addition to being a gender-based formulation of citizenship, this was a class-based one as well, for beggar women and working-class women did not frequent the commercialized spaces frequented by middleclass women.

Although women were marginalized, if not excluded, from traditional notions of citizenship and the spaces of its practice, these spaces increasingly co-existed with the ones frequented by an emergent "citizen-consumer." The impulse to incorporate the female citizen into the national project arose from new European conceptions about mass democracy, national economies, and the desire to utilize the resources of each and every person. Victoria de Grazia argues that only in the twentieth century did nations begin the process of "nationalizing" women, giving them an identity as citizens with a stake in the well-being of the nation. This citizenship for women was based in changing conceptions of gender difference that involved a struggle to define and utilize the female citizen-consumer. (42) Simplistically, nineteenth-century liberal rights and the rights of individuals were transformed for women into the right to consume and the choice to wear whatever one pleased. Consumerism itself was a politicized activity be cause it evolved into a key element in the identity of female citizenship.

Separate spaces presented a passable solution to the problematic of women and space precisely because it singled out women as special instead of neglecting or ignoring them. On the one hand, proposals for social segregation respected the desire to Europeanize and modernize precisely because they acknowledged instead of resisted or denied that women's relations to space were changing. Such proposals in fact welcomed change. They also acknowledged that middle-class women were in public alone, waiting for transportation, attending lectures, or desiring a drink of tea, and that they were in public rightfully and deserved the protection necessary to enjoy these rights. On the other hand, the solution of separate spaces respected distinctions based on gender and incorporated those distinctions into plans to urbanize and modernize. Women's activity in a certain range of public spaces, the setting aside of spaces solely for women (which had the consequence of preserving male habitats), and the fact that women were to act differently than men even when they shared identical spaces, meant that women inhabited a different public space, either literally or metaphorically, and sometimes both.

This returns us to a consideration of anomalous space. The vision of the gendered social relations that would take place in urban space both shaped and reflected a new identity for the (female) citizen-consumer that was neither traditionally public nor private. The spaces she occupied were conceptualized at the intersection of urbanization, modernization, and gender, so that when women sauntered down the Paseo, went out shopping, attended concerts, or appeared at academic lectures and public libraries, they modified but did not destroy rigid distinctions between private and public. The citizen-consumer role adapted to changing conceptions about the nation and about the role of women in the nation, mediating between old and new conceptions of gender and the state. Finally, although this vision of how social relations would occur in new spaces was premised upon parallel and co-existing public spaces, male and female, the vision transformed definitions of public space and of citizenship.

411 Pearl Street

Fort Collins, CO 80521

Chart 1

                           # of Street     # of Women's
District Name            Names of Changed   Names Lost

District 1, Centro              11               1
District 2, Hospicia             6               0
District 3, Chamberi            25               4
District 4, Buenavista          61              11
District 5, Congreso            31               0
District 6, Hosptial            15               0
District 7, Inclusa              7               0
District 8, Latina              16               2
District 9, Palacio             19               1
District 10 Universidad         48               7

TOTALS                         239              26

ENDNOTES

(1.) "Pero el simbolo [more than the workers who "trabajan y se ganan su vida como Los hombres], para nostros, no esta ahi. El simbolo de la distancia formidable que nos separa de nuestras mayores de hace apenas unos anos, esta, para nosotras, ese footing, en ese paseo matutino--paso elastico, cuerpo ritmico en la vestidura holgada--de las muchachas que en estos ya claros y tibios dias de comienzo de primavera hacen su salida por higiene; porque--!que Lejos el cuadro antes evocado!--han abierto tan grandes las ventanas de la triste esrancia de sus abuelos, que el peso de aquellos cortinones y de aquellas consolas, que parecian aplastar todos los impetus de la primavera y de la juventud, ha quedado a su vez aplastado par los raudales de sol, de aire y de luz; a tal punto, que nuestras eternas reclusas han saltado de un brinco a la calle que durante siglos y siglos no parecio que habia de ser de ellas." "Divagaciones Emancipadoras y Primaverales," La Moda Elegante, mayo 1923, p. 130.

(2.) Even in 1931 a feminist such as Ignacia Olavarria, who proudly supported women's political work, hesitated when it Led them to "work in the street." "Nuestro Momento: Hay Que Consumar La Obra Pro Mujer," Mujer: Revista ilustrada semanal dedicada exclusivamente a la mujer, 25 julio 1931, p. 1.

(3.) "Dr. Benevolo" stressed that women had to walk for health and hygiene and so should not be criticized for "going out." "La Higiene y La Belleza: El Paseo," La Mujer y La Casa, 7 julio 1906, s.p. Others reluctantly conceded that political work might offer another legitimate (i.e., non-sexual) reason for women to be on the streets. "Nuestra Momento: Hay Que Consumar La Obra Pro Mujer," Mujer: Revista ilustrada semanal dedicada exclusivamente a la mujer, 25 julio 1931, p. 1.

(4.) Recent works on the growth and concerns of the middle class include Boyd's "Historia Patria"; Christopher Ebert Schmidt-Nowara, "The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Capital: Abolitionism, Liberalism, and Counter-Hegemony in Spain, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, 1833-1886" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Michigan, 1995); E. Inman Fox, "Spain as Castile: The Invention of a National Culture," Working Paper #4 of Spanish Studies Round Table, Univ. of Illinois, Chicago, Jan. 29, 1993. Each of these authors mentions, in passing, the relation of these debates to concerns about women's role in society.

(5.) Prior to the turn of the century, the debate on the social role of women had occurred largely in intellectual journals such as the Boletin de la Institucion Libre de Ensenanza, La Lectura, Nuestro Timepa, and La Espana Moderna and had focused more on economic and civil rights, as well as the right to gainful employment. After the turn of the century, though, the debate in these journals became more focused on culture--that is, the "customs" of women. Simultaneously, the debate moved into generalist publications such as the mass-circulation Blanco y Negro as well as into what Mercedes Roig has called the "feminine press" in A traves de La Prensa. La Mujer en la Hisroria: Franda, Italia, Espana, Siglos XVIII-XX (Madrid, 1989), P. 195.

(6.) Griselda Pollock, "Modernity and the spaces of femininity," chapter 3, Vision and Difference: Femininity, feminism and histories of art (New York, 1988), pp. 90; Janet Wolff, "The Invisible Flaneuse: Women and the Literature of Modernity," Theory, Culture & Society 2 (1985), p. 45; Elizabeth Wilson, "The Invisible Flaneur," in Postmodern Cities and Spaces, eds. Sophie Watson and Katherine Gibson (Oxford, 1995): 59-79.

(7.) For changes in the rebuilding of Madrid, see Brigette Mangien, "Cultura Urbana," in 1900 en Espana, pp. 107-129, ed. Serge Salaun and Carlos Serrano (Madrid, 1991). The desire to rebuild Madrid in accordance with other modern cities like Paris gave planners the opportunity to concretize changing attitudes about women's place in a modem nation. Modernizing Madrid included adding, naming, and renaming streets, widening and expanding streets like the Castellana to accommodate automobiles, and building monuments.

(8.) John Fiske takes the beach as his primary illustration of anomalous space in his book, Reading the Popular (New York, 1989), pp. 43-76. The beach, he argues, provides a space situated at the boundary of culture and nature, a third space where individuals can negotiate between culture and nature. People can go to the park to escape urban culture and experience nature without fully forsaking the former.

(9.) Bridget Aldaraca suggests that the link between a particular physical space and the social behaviors enacted therein is unnecessary. This link only seems necessary because of the ways in which the assumption and enforcement of heterosexuality and its accompanying roles dominated the interpretation of space. She writes that, "The lack of specificity in describing the social space allocated to women results in part from the fact that what is being described is the 'space' within the institution of the family. It is a metaphorical space which describes the role of women within a particular set of social relations rather than the physical occupation of the house." Aldaraca, "El angel del hogar," p. 65.

(10.) Marshall Berman discusses changing relations to space as one aspect of modernity. See especially his chapter on Sr. Petersburg in All That Is Solid Melts Into Air: The Experience of Modernity (Harmondsworth, 1982).

(11.) Arturo Soria, the designer of the Ciudad Lineal, was a republican and a regenerationist who imagined the project as a self-contained paradise of single-family dwellings and an antidote to what he considered to be the social inequalities of the city. Ciudad Lineal was meant to embody a new organization of space that would in turn entail a new life and way of thinking for its inhabitants. This new way of thinking included experiments in vegetarianism, transportation, and special accommodations for the female residents of the development. Elizabeth Wilson traces both the metaphorical and literal relations between women and the suburbs in The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, the Control of Disorder, and Women (Berkeley, 1991), pp. 45-46, pp. 101-104. For more information on Ciudad Lineal, see Alicia Dfez de Baldeon Garcia, La construccion de let Ciudad Lineal de Madrid (Madrid, Facultad de Geografia e Hisroria), 1993; and chap. 5 of my dissertation, "The Sex of Citizenship: Modernizing Spain on the Margins o f Europe, 1890-1931, (Ph.D. diss., University of California, San Diego, 1999).

(12.) For example, the Alinanaque y Guia matritense para 1905, a guide similar to a phone book, noted that since the publication of the guide the streets of Arco de Santa Maria and Urosas had been changed to that of Augusto Figueroa and Luis V6lez de Guevara, respectively." Han cambiado de nombre durante la impresion de este CALLEJERO las calles del Arco de Santa Maria y Urosas, por las de Augusro Figueroa y Lu is Velez de Guevara, respectivamente; y el paseo de Areneros se llama ahora calle de Alberto Aguilera." (Imprenta y Encuadernacion De Estaquio Raso [decimocuatro de Publicacion], 1905), pp. 226-227.

(13.) Ironically, in light of liberal fears about women's religious conservatism, women could still find themselves depicted in religious buildings. By default, those in charge of building, planning, and city government who neglected to present women in secular, public city spaces strengthened the perceived tie between women and religion. Given the decreasing commemoration of religious figures, the link between women and religion appeared even stronger because females formed a high percentage of the remaining religious figures.

(14.) D. Alvaro Gonzalez e Tribas, Guia Practica De Madrid: Con Arreglo a La Nueva Division Administrativo y Judicial. Contiene una resena de todos los Establecimientos oficiales y publicos, lineas de tranvias, solares, fuentes y monumentos publicos y el unico piano con todo el termino municipal (Madrid, Marques de Santa Ana, 11. segunda edicion, 1907).

(15.) D. Hilario Penasco de la Puente and D. Carlos Cambronero, Las calles de Madrid: Noticias, tradiciones y curiosidades (Madrid, 1899), pp.316.

(16.) For a more full discussion of public monuments, see chap. Sin "The Sex of Citizenship."

(17.) Bravery and patriotism were masculine allegorical figures. All of this information is taken from D. Vicente Castro Les, Noticiero-Guia de Madrid (Arreglado por un reporter), Administraci6n Huertas, 58, tercero derecha, Madrid, 1897, pp. 41-45.

(18.) This type of architecture, of course, attracted its own scorn as evidenced in the jest about the cathedral of Santa Barbara and its founder, Queen Maria Barbara de Braganza: "Barbaro gasto--Barbaro gesto--Barbaro gusto (Barbarous waste, barbarous deed, barbarous taste.)"

(19.) Gerard Alexander debunks the stereotypes and myths surrounding women's political behavior during the Second Republic (1931-1936) in his article, "Women and Men at the Ballot Box: Voting in Spain's Two Democracies," pp. 349-74, in Constructing Spanish Womanhood: Female Identity in Modem Spain, eds. Victoria Loree Enders and Pamela Beth Radcliff (Albany, NY, 1999).

(20.) Although she talked primarily in terms of health, Vizcondesa de Barrantes drew a dramatic moral contrast between streets and the Paseo de la calle de Rosales. Girls "dan vueltas y mas vueltas en calles estrechas, a riesgo de ser atropelladas por un coche, molestando los transeuntes, a los comerciantes, a los enfermos, cuyos malos son a veces contagiosos y emponzonan el aire que se respira, alga mas peligroso que los pobres moscas del Retiro, que infundieron ranto pavor; y el paseo de la called de Rosales, por su elevacion y su situacion es indudablemente el mas sano de Madrid." Plan neuvo de educacion completa para una senorita al salir del colegio, 2nd ed. (1898), pp. 45-46. She believed that girls preferred unhealthy streets because they could illicitly interact with boys there. This contrasts with the decorous courtship of the Paseo.

(21.) Heterosexual courtship on the Paseo was a popular topic. For example, Xaudro, "Primavera: El Mes de los Lilas," Blanco y Negro, 26 mayo 1900.

(22.) "Los deportes y el feminismo," Ibid., agosto 1925, p. 261.

(23.) Monre-Cristo tried to convince readers that women attended the races in order to admire the horses and place bets, while lauding the recent practice, imported from France, of modeling fashions at the races. As in France, the great clothing designers would send their models to mingle in the crowds at the races, and this, proposed Monte-Cristo, would get women to attend the races and revive the decayed sport of horse racing in Spain. "Las Damas En Las Carreras," Ibid., noviembre 1917, pp. 496-497. "Una canquista en el Hipodromo" provides a photograph of a man and woman talking and laughing together at the track. The photograph suggests that the space is conceived of or understood in relation to heterosexual conquest. Gran Vida: Revista Ilustrada De Sports: Organo oficial de la Sociedad Hipica Espanola, 1917, p. 161. "El eterno femenino en las coreros," Ibid., noviembre 1917, p. 483, suggested that women used space primarily as a background for their beauty and a showcase for heterosexual conquest.

(24.) Women should avoid "posturas languidas y las posiciones hombrunas, que tanto afean a la mujer." Vizcondesa Bestard de la Torre, La elegencia en el trato social: Reglas de etiqueta y cortesia en todos los actos de la vida, 3rd ed. (Madrid, 1913), p. 53.

(25.) Carmen de Burgos [Colombine], Salud y belleza: Secretos de higiene y tocador (Valencia), p. 132.

(26.) "Nunca sale sola a la calle, y aun yendo acompanada de su madre, se guarda mucho de volver Ia cabeza, y no mira hacia atras aun cuando sepa que las sigue un amigo.... A no tratarse de un amigo antiguo y de avanzada edad, no permite que en la calle le dirija la palabra ningun caballero. Si encuentra por casualidad algunas jovenes amigas, ya en la calle, ya en algun sitio publico, evita el reirse estrepitosamente con ellas," Bestard de la Torre, La elegencia en el trato social: Reglas de etiqueta y cortesia en todos los actos de la vida, 3rd ed. (Madrid, 1913), p. 32.

(27.) Spitzack analyzes this as women being divided against themselves. A woman cannot trust her own body and so must continually regulate herself. She is made the "guardian of her own actions," Confessing Excess: Women and the Politics of Body Reduction (Albany, 1990), p.33. Again, Vizcondesa Bestard de la Torre provide a good example of this when she told women that "por la calle se puede ir deprisa, si, pero sin trotar--como se dice vulgarmente;--las senoras, sobre todo, deben poner en este detalle excesivo cuidado," La elegencia en el trato social, p. 92.

(28.) He suggested that women go back to the home, not that men stop acting aggressively toward women, "Espanolas de siempre: La Senorita Que Lucha; Otra Senorita Que No Se Compadece De Los Luchadores," La Moda Elegante, octubre 1925, p. 303; "Dime Como Andas," La Mujer y La Casa, 28 enero 1907, s.p.

(29.) "Dime Como Andas," La Mujer y La Casa, 28 enero 1907, s.p.

(30.) Sharon Marcus has written a thought-provoking essay on rape in which she argues that the current discourse about rape "scripts" women as feminine victims. It is a complex argument, in no way resembling the recent spate of books that declare rape doesn't happen or that women are responsible for rape. Marcus discusses how women become "subjects of fear," writing that "Even though women in fact are neither the sole objects of sexual violence nor the most likely target of violent crimes, women constitute the majority of fearful subjects; even in situations where men are empirically more likely to suffer from violent crimes, they express less fear than women do, and tend to displace this fear onto a concern for their mothers, sisters, wives, and daughtets which usually takes the form of restricting their mobility by means of warning these women not to go out alone at night." Marcus, "Fighting Bodies, Fighting Words: A Theory and Politics of Rape Prevention," in Feminists Theorize the Political, eds. Judith B utler and Joan W. Scott (New York, 1992), p. 394.

(31.) The newspaper ABC reported anywhere from one to four such incidents daily.

(32.) "Convocatorias. Noticias y Sucesos. De Interes General," ABC: Cronica Universal Ilustrada. p. 27.

(33.) Male beggars and animals presented other dangers. "Reflexiones," Blanco y Negro: Revista llustrada, 10 february, 1900, s.p.; "Una Margarita," cover of Blanco y Negro, 17 marzo 1900.

(34.) "Carta de una Parisiense: Caprichos and elegencias," marzo 1902, P. 86.

(35.) "Una Instananea (Historia muda, por Medina Vera)," Blanco y Negro, 21 mayo 1910, s.p.

(36.) As the expanding city and government built new institutions, like the City University, some women demanded inclusion. The Vizconde de Casa Aguilar assured women that the university Mundo Femenino would provide separate bathrooms for women and, eventually, separate residences, "Una carta halagadora,", octubre 1929, p. 2.

(37.) Lady Beigravia, for instance, wrote a series of articles for La Moda Elegante based on her travels abroad, describing London as a "city of women" because it had refined shopping to such a degree. "Desde Mi Celda: Cartas de Todas Partes" (Londres, mayo 1910)," 22 mayo 1910, pp. 223-225.

(38.) "La Educacion de la Mujer en los Estados Unidos" (part II, conclusion), 30 abril 1902, p. 101.

(39.) "Costumbres Inglesas: Casinos de senoras," La Mujer Ilustrada, agosto 1906, pp. 8-9. The interior of La Residencia de Senoritas garnered sufficient interest to appear repeatedly in newspapers. See, Mann (photographer), "Madrid: En La Residencia de Senoritas," ABC, 1 abril 1930, p. 9. "Noticias e Informaciones Diversas," ABC, 4 abril 1930, p. 25.

(40.) "Revista de Revistas: Feminismo: Casinos femeninos (clubwomen)," La Espana Moderna, julio 1903, pp. 168-170.

(41.) On the idea of political fragmentation in Spain during the Restoration, see Pamela Radcliff's unpublished study of Spanish republicans, "Liberalism and Mass Politics"; and, David Ortiz, "Passive Citizens or Citizen Activists? The Press and Education in Regency Spain, 1885-1902," presented at the Southwestern Consortium in Spanish History, University of California, San Diego, Sept. 28, 1996.

(42.) The nationalization of citizens through leisure and consumerism has been a theme of Victoria de Grazia's work. Her most recent articulation of this argument is in The Sex of Things. See esp. de Grazia's introduction to section III, "Empowering Women as Citizen-Consumers," pp. 275-86, and her chapter, "Nationalizing Women: The Competition Between Fascist and Commercial Cultural Models in Mussolini's Italy," pp. 337-58. The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective, ed. Victoria de Grazia with Ellen Furlough (Berkeley, 1996).